Skip to main content

Full text of "The Tippecanoe campaign of 1840"

See other formats


iv 


THE  GREAT  REVOLUTION  OF 


REMINISCENCES  OF  THE 

>, 


LOG  CABIN  ^  HARD  CIDER 


CAMPAIGN 


A.    B.    NORTON. 


"Truth  is  strange; 
Stranger  than  fiction. 


f  ff" 


A.   B.   NORTON    &   CO. 

•y1'  MOUNT  YERNON,  O.,  AND  DALLAS,  TEXAS. 
« 


*  c       • ; 
»« 


1888. 


- 

kV     MAR 
17 


8 


Copyright,  1888, 

BY  A.  B.  N:ORTON, 

/4/Z  Rights  Reserved. 


WWMT  Pit.  4  Lithe.  0^ 

AKRON,   O. 


DEDICATION. 


THE  TlPPECANOE  VETERANS  AND  THEIR  DESCENDANTS, 
THESE  REMINISCENCES  OF  THE   GREAT  REVOLUTION, 
THE  LOG  CABIN  AND  HARD  CIDER  CAMPAIGN 
OF  1840,  ARE  DEDICATED  BY  THE  AUTHOR. 


PREFACE. 


The  most  remarkable  political  contest  ever  known 
was  that  of  1840,  when  Gen.  William  Henry  Har- 
rison was  triumphantly  elected  t@  the  Presidency  of 
the  United  States  over  Martin  Van  Buren,  the  then 
incumbent.  It  was  remarkable  as  the  first  campaign 
in  which  the  women  generally  engaged,  and,  by 
their  smiles  and  songs  and  encouragement,  promoted 
the  election.  It  was  remarkable  as  the  first  campaign 
in  which  the  lines  were  closely  drawn  between  the 
people  and  the  office-holders.  It  was  remarkable  as 
the  first  campaign  in  which  the  candidate  was  em- 
phatically one  of  the  people — a  poor  and  honorable 
farmer.  It  was  remarkable  as  the  campaign  in  which 
the  most  slander,  vituperation  and  abuse  were  used. 
It  was  remarkable  from  the  fact  that  the  great  mass  of 
the  people  rallied  to  the  defense  of  the  candidate  they 
assailed.  It  was  remarkable  as  being  an  uprising 
of  the  people  to  right  themselves  and  redress  the 
wrongs  that  had  been  done  them,  and  to  remove  the 
imputations  that  had  been  placed  upon  them.  Under 
the  name  of  Democracy  great  outrages  had  been 
practiced  by  those  claiming  to  be  leaders.  For  about 
sixteen  years  power  may  be  said  to  have  been  in 
the  hand's  of  one  person.  General  Jackson,  after  hav- 
ing served  two  terms,  designated  his  successor,  whose 
boast  was,  that  he  "  walked  in  the  footsteps  of  his 
illustrious  predecessor."  General  Jackson  had  been 
elected  as  a  one-term  candidate.  In  his  message  to 
Congress  in  1829  he  said,  "  It  would  seem  advisable  to 
limit  the  services  of  the  Chief  Magistrate  to  a  single 
term  of  either  four  or  six  years"  In  his  message  to 
Congress  in  1830  he  reiterated  and  more  strongly  ex- 
pressed this  opinion  in  these  words: 

"  It  was  a  leading  object  with  the  framers  of  the 
Constitution  to  keep  as  separate  as  possible  the 


8  Reminiscences  of  the 

action  of  the  legislative  and  executive  branches 
of  the  Government.  To  secure  this  object  nothing 
is  more  essential  than  to  preserve  the  former  from  the 
temptations  of  private  interest,  and,  therefore,  so  to 
direct  the  patronage  of  the  latter  as  not  to  permit  such 
temptations  to  be  offered.  Experience  abundantly 
demonstrates  that  every  precaution  in  this  respect 
is  a  valuable  safeguard  of  liberty,  and  one  which  my 
reflections  upon  the  tendencies  of  our  system  incline 
me  to  think  should  be  still  made  stronger.  It  was 
for  this  reason  that,  in  connection  with  an  amend- 
ment of  the  Constitution,  removing  all  intermediate 
agency  in  the  choice  of  the  President,  I  recommend 
some  restrictions  upon  the  re-eligibility  of  that  officer, 
and  upon  the  tenure  of  offices  generally.  The  reason 
still  exists;  and  /  renew  the  recommendation*  with 
an  increased  confidence  that  its  adoption  will  strength- 
en those  checks  by  which  the  Constitution  designed 
to  secure  the  independence  of  each  department  of  the 
Government,  and  promote  the  healthful  and  equitable 
administration  of  all  the  trusts  which  it  has  created. 

"  The  agent  most  likely  to  contravene  this  design  of 
the  Constitution  is  the  CHIEF  MAGISTRATE.  In  order 
particularly  that  his  appointment  may  as  far  as  possible 
be  placed  beyond  the  reach  of  improper  influences  ; 
in  order  that  he  may  approach  the  solemn  responsi- 
bilities of  the  highest  office  in  the  gift  of  a  free  people, 
uncommitted  to  any  other  course  than  the  strict  line  of 
constitutional  duty,  and  that  the  securities  for  this  inde- 
pendence may  be  rendered  as  strong  as  the  nature  of 
power,  and  the  weakness  of  its  possessor,  will  admit, 
/  cannot  too  earnestly  invite  your  attention  to  the 
propriety  of  promoting  such  an  amendment  of  the 
Constitution  as  will  render  him  ineligible  after  one 
term,  of  service" 

Right  in  the  face  of  these  declarations  he  acted,  and 
he  trampled  upon  his  own  sentiments;  and  after 
having  set  at  naught  his  own  teachings  and  violated 
his  own  promises,  he  forced  upon  the  country  as  his 
successor  "The  Little  Magician"  De  Witt  Clinton, 
speaking  of  the  "  political  Grimalkin,"  Martin  Van 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  9 

Buren,  said,  "  He  was  not  of  the  race  of  the  lion  or 
the  tiger;  he  belonged  to  the  lower  order,  theyb*  and 
the  weasel,  and  it  would  be  in  vain  to  expect  that  he 
could  command  the  respect  or  acquire  the  confidence  of 
those  who  had  so  little  admiration  of  the  qualities  by 
which  he  was  distinguished."  He  was  known  as  the 
most  cunning  political  trickster  in  our  history.  The 
brave  Tennesseean,  Davy  Crockett,  in  his  originality, 
correctly  described  him,  when  he  said,  "  He  could  take 
a  piece  of  meat  on  one  side  of  his  mouth,  a  piece 
of  bread  on  the  other,  and  cabbage  in  the  middle, 
and  chew  and  swallow  each  in  its  severalty,  never 
mixing  them  together."  He  was  skilled  in  sleight-of- 
hand  as  well  as  mouth  tricks,  and  was  regarded  as  full 
of  deceit.  His  administration  of  the  Government  was 
oppressive  and  odious,  and  the  recommendation  of 
a  standing  army  of  200,000  men,  the  employment  of 
bloodhounds  as  allies,  the  sub-treasury  scheme,  low 
wages  and  free  trade,  and  the  profligacy  and  extrava- 
gance at  the  White  House,  together  with  the  horde  of 
defaulters,  and  the  insolence  of  the  office-holders, 
aroused  popular  indignation  throughout  the  country. 
Even  fair-minded  and  plain  members  of  his  own 
party  could  not  but  feel  aware  of  his  unworthiness.  As 
an  illustration  it  may  be  mentioned  that  the  fourth- 
of-July  celebration  of  1840,  at  Vincennes,  Indiana, 
brought  together  a  large  crowd.  Abner  T.  Ellis,  Esq., 
read  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  Mr.  Can- 
non delivered  an  oration.  A  Van  Buren  man  was 
asked,  ''How  do  you  like  the  proceedings?"  "Why," 
said  he,  "  I  liked  Cannon's  speech  prime,  but  I  think 
Ellis's  bore  rather  too  hard  on  Van  Buren,  when  you 
know  it  was  agreed  if  we  Democrats  would  join  in 
the  celebration  nothing  was  to  be  said  about  parties." 
The  Democrat  regarded  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence, the  great  charter  of  our  liberties,  the  most 
indignant  rebuke  that  was  ever  penned  of  tyranny  and 
oppression,  as  a  speech  against  Van  Buren! 

"  Words  are  things  ;  and  a  small  drop  of  ink, 
Falling  like  dew  upon  a  thought,  produces 
That  which  makes  thousands,  perhaps  millions,  think." 


io  Reminiscences  of  the 

When  Gen.  William  Henry  Harrison  was  nominated 
by  the  Whig  national  convention  as  a  candidate  for 
the  Presidency  at  the  election  of  1840,  the  adminis- 
tration writers  and  organs  commenced  ridiculing  the 
nominee  and  making  light  of  his  ability  and  qualifica- 
tions. The  office-holding  gentry  and  the  codfish  aris- 
tocracy turned  up  their  noses  and  sneered  contemptu- 
ously at  his  poverty.  In  the  columns  of  their  leading 
paper  in  the  East  these  words  of  disparagement 
appeared :  "  Give  him  a  barrel  of  hard  cider  and  settle 
a  -pension  of  two  thousand  a  year  upon  him,  and  our 
word  for  it,  he  -will  sit  the  remainder  of  his  days 
content  in  a  log  cabin?"*  This  slur  upon  the  brave  old 
soldier,  who  had  served  his  country  faithfully  and  long 
on  the  battle-field,  routing  the  British  and  Indian  foes, 
and  endured  the  perils  and  toils  of  a  pioneer  life,  and 
had  always  shared  his  substance  with  the  poor  and 
needy,  filled  the  hearts  of  the  hardy  frontiersmen  and 
of  the  laboring  men  in  the  West  and  South,  who  lived 
in  humble  log  cabins,  with  indignation.  The  dwellers 
in  log  cabins  in  the  valleys  and  on  the  mountain  tops, 
who  lived  in  plainness  and  simplicity,  took  the  epithets 
of  derision  applied  by  his  enemies  as  personal  to 
themselves,  and  gloried  in  their  log-cabin  candidate. 
Honest  men  felt  a  just  pride  in  the  plain  old  farmer  of 
North  Bend,  and  their  families  made  the  whole  country 
reverberate  with  the  song: 

"  They  say  that  he  lived  in  a  cabin 

And   lived  on  old  hard  cider,  too; 
Well,  what  if  he  did?     I'm  certain 
He's  the  hero  of  Tippecanoe — 

He's  the  hero  of  Tippecanoe!" 

It  became  a  log-cabin  campaign,  and  demonstrated 
the  power  of  the  people  who  lived  in  log  cabins  when 
once  aroused  to  action.  Wanting  a  just  and  honest 
administration  of  the  Government,  and  knowing  Gen. 
William  Henry  Harrison  to  be  "honest,  capable,  and 
faithful  to  the  Constitution,"  they  rallied  around  him 
and  elected  him  as  their  President. 

The  log  cabin  was  everywhere  to  be  seen,  and  log- 
cabin  songs  were  sung  by  old  and  young;  log  cabins 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  1 1 

were  built  for  places  of  meeting  and  crowds  perambu- 
lated the  country  in  log  cabins  on  wheels. 

Daniel  Webster,  in  his  great  speech  at  Saratoga, 
Xew  York,  made  the  following  patriotic  allusion  to 
his  early  life  and  to  the  manner  in  which  log  cabins  had 
been  assailed  by  the  vile  partisans  of  Martin  Van 
Buren:  "  I  agree  that  to  live  in  a  log  cabin  is  no  recom- 
mendation of  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  neither 
is  it  any  disqualification.  It  is,  however,  to  be  as- 
sumed that  a  man  who,  by  his  capacity  and  industry, 
has  raised  himself  from  a  log  cabin  to  eminent  station 
in  the  country,  is  of  more  than  ordinary  merit.  I,  sir, 
have  a  feeling  for  log  cabins  and  their  inhabitants.  I 
was  not  myself  born  in  one,  but  my  elder  brothers  and 
sisters  were— in  the  cabin  in  which,  at  the  close  of  the 
Revolutionary  war,  in  the  perils  and  sufferings  of 
which  he  bore  his  part,  my  father  erected  on  the  ex- 
treme frontiers  of  New  Hampshire,  where,  beyond 
the  smoke  which  curled  from  its  chimney,  not  another 
stood  between  it  and  the  walls  of  Quebec.  In  this 
humble  cabin,  amid  the  snow-drifts  of  New  England, 
that  father  strove,  by  honest  labor,  to  acquire  the 
means  of  giving  to  his  children  a  better  education,  and 
elevating  them  to  a  higher  condition  than  his  own. 
That  cabin  I  honor,  for  the  sake  of  the  venerable  man 
who  dwelt  in  it.  [Here  Mr.  Webster's  voice  became 
inarticulate  from  emotion.]  That  cabin  I  annually 
visit,  and  thither  I  carry  my  children,  that  they  may 
learn  to  honor  and  to  emulate  the  stern  and  simple 
virtues  that  there  found  their  abode;  and  when  I  or 
they  forget  that  cabin  and  wrhat  it  teaches  and  recalls, 
may  my  name  and  their  names  perish  from  among 
men  forever." 

Harrison  and  Van  Buren  were  the  antipodes  to  each 
other  in  everything.  Van  Buren  had  been  brought  up 
in  affluence  and  had  lived  in  luxury,  and  had  spent 
his  days,  as  a  lawyer  and  politician,  in  the  fashionable 
circle,  while  Harrison  had  been  from  youth  on  the 
frontiers,  a  soldier  enduring  hardship  and  privation 
and  baring  his  breast  to  the  savage  foe,  a  barrier  to 
their  inroads  upon  the  settlements,  and  when  the  war 


12  Reminiscences  of  the 

ended  he  settled  down  as  a  plain  farmer  in  what  was 
then  the  "wild  west."  He  had  met  the  enemy  often 
and  never  once  had  been  vanquished.  His  heart  was 
full  of  generosity  and  love  for  his  comrades,  and  when 
taking  leave  of  his  soldiers  he  told  them,  "  if  they 
ever  came  that  way  they  would  always  find  a  plate 
and  a  knife  and  fork  at  his  table;  "  and  I  assure  you," 
he  added,  "you  will  never  find  the  string  to  the  latch 
of  my  door  pulled  in."  His  name  was  **  familiar  as 
a  household  word"  throughout  the  great  Western 
country  that  he  had  rescued  from  the  British  and  In- 
dians; and  the  stories  of  his  patriotism  in  war  and 
generosity  and  kindness  in  peace  had  made  the  plain 
people  everywhere  love  him.  Hence  it  is  not  to  be 
wondered  that  there  was  magic  in  the  name  of  Harri- 
son throughout  the  Union,  and  the  people,  'with  a 
fervency  and  zeal  unusual  in  politics,  rally  to  the 
standard  of  a  Harrison.  The  name  of  the  sturdy 
Republican,  Gen.  Thomas  Harrison,  who  had  signed 
the  death  warrant  of  the  tyrant  Charles  I,  the  second 
of  the  Stuart  kings  of  England,  and  that  in  an  after 
revulsion  he  was  himself  subsequently  hanged,  drawn 
and  quartered  at  Charing  Cross,  and  his  descendants 
emigrated  to  America  and  settled  in  Surry,  Va.,  and 
one  of  them  became  the  stanch  Whig  of  the  Revolu- 
tion— Ben.  Harrison — whose  name  stands  among  the 
fifty-six  signers  of  the  immortal  Declaration  of  our  In- 
dependence, and  who  was  one  of  the  most  active  in 
bringing  about  that  great  event.  In  fact,  no  man  of 
the  "times  that  tried  men's  souls"  possessed  more 
nerve  and  intrepidity,  and  he  was  an  acknowledged 
leader  of  the  greatest  men.  At  the  session  of  the  Con- 
gress of  the  Colonies  at  Philadelphia,  in  May,  1775, 
when  John  Hancock  had  been  elected  President  in 
place  of  Peyton  Randolph,  who  had  to  return  to  Vir- 
ginia to  preside  over  the  house  of  burgesses,  and  Mr. 
Hancock,  modest  and  diffident,  hesitating,  Benjamin 
Harrison  seized  hold  of  and  picked  him  up  and  carried 
him  in  his  strong  arms  and  placed  him  in  the  executive 
chair,  then  turned  around  to  the  members  and  boldly 
said,  "  We  will  show  mother  Britain  how  little  we 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  13 

care  for  her  by  making  a  Massachusetts  man  our  Pres- 
ident, whom  she  has  excluded  from  pardon  by  a  public 
proclamation!" 

He  was  a  man  of  more  than  ordinary  height,  stout 
and  muscular,  and  very  heavy,  and  prided  himself 
upon  the  position  he  held  as  chairman  of  the  board  of 
war  having  charge  of  the  dispatches  of  General  Wash- 
ington and  the  regulation  of  trade  and  commercial 
affairs;  and  it  was  he  who,  on  the  loth  of  June,  1776, 
brought  up  the  resolution  which  declared  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  colonies,  and  on  the  4th  of  July  he 
reported  that  sacred  instrument  as  having  received 
the  approbation  of  Congress,  and  with  the  other  dele- 
gates of  Virginia  signed  the  same  and,  it  is  said,  turned 
around  to  Mr.  Gerry,  a  Massachusetts  delegate,  who 
was  very  spare  and  slender,  and,  as  he  raised  his  hand 
from  the  paper,  exclaimed,  "When  the  hanging  scene 
comes  to  be  exhibited  I  shall  have  all  the  advantage 
over  you.  It  will  be  over  with  me  in  a  minute;  but 
you  will  be  kicking  in  the  air  half  an  hour  after  I  am 
gone." 

Of  this  bold  and  resolute  spirit  we  have  found  in 
our  travels  in  Virginia  many  anecdotes,  all  character- 
istic of  independence  ;  and  the  high  estimate  placed 
upon  his  services  and  usefulness  and  ability  is  second 
only  to  Washington.  The  many  positions  he  filled 
evidences  this  fact. 

The  moderate  party,  at  the  head  of  which  was 
Mr.  Dickenson,  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  vote  for  an- 
other petition  to  the  King  from  the  Congress  of  1775. 
"  On  the  success  of  this  vote,  Mr.  D."  says  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son, "was  so  much  pleased  that  he  expressed  his  satis- 
faction by  saying:  'There  is  but  one  word,  Mr.  Presi- 
dent, in  the  paper  which  I  disapprove,  and  that 
word  is  Congress?  "  Mr.  Harrison  immediately  rose 
and  said:  "There  is  but  one  word  in  the  paper,  Mr. 
President,  which  I  approve,  and  that  word  is  Con- 
gress" 

This  is  the  Harrison  who,  in  the  service  of  the 
country,  "-sent  forward  as  a  private  soldier"  into  the 
western  wilderness  to  fight  the  British  and  Indians, 


14  Reminiscences  of  the 

his  son,  with  a  letter  dated  October  10,  1793,  addressed 
to  Major-General  Charles  Scott.  In  this  he  states 
that,  ''Having  received  an  appointment  under  General 
Wayne,  I  had  intended  accompanying  him  in  his  ex- 
pedition against  the  Northwestern  Indians,  but  I  am 
unable  to  do  so  from  having  three  of  my  ribs  broken 
near  the  backbone;  also  loosened  from  my  breast,  and 
one  broke  near  the  middle.  As  there  is  not  the 
smallest  probability  of  my  being  serviceable  on  an 
active  campaign,  and  moving  would  put  me  in  great 
danger,  it  is  prudent  to  stay  at  home."  "Unwilling 
that  an  opportunity  for  the  Harrison  family  to  render 
some  service  to  the  country  should  pass,  I  determined 
to  send  my  son.  And  now  before  I  take  my  leave, 
permit  me  to  tell  you  my  son,  a  youth  of  nineteen 
years  of  age,  I  have  sent  forward  in  the  character  of 
a  private  soldier  under  Captain  Rollins.  His  youth  and 
inexperience,  I  make  no  doubt,  will  stand  in  need  of 
your  friendship;  therefore,  I  pray  you.  teach  him  the 
duties  of  his  station,  and  if  any  accident  should  hap- 
pen him,  pay  some  attention  to  him." 

What  a  manly  letter.  How  characteristic.  There's 
no  holding  back  and  no  begging  for  a  position  of 
light  work  for  a  youth  of  light  weight  as  the  paternal 
mind  often  suggests.  But  its  very  ruggedness  im- 
presses of  nobility.  "Teach  him  the  duties  of  his 
station."  The  boy  goes  in  with  "his  youth  and  inex- 
perience," and  by  good  work  and  square  work  wins 
promotion  from  a  private  soldier  to  a  major-general. 

The  name  immortalized  in  prose  and  verse — in  tra- 
dition and  history — the  people  could  not  but  shout  and 
sing  for  Harrison,  who  so  fitly  represented  them- 
selves. He  accepted  of  their  nomination  and  was  will- 
ing to  serve  them  to  the  best  of  his  ability.  At  their 
call  he  sprang  from  retiracy  and  the  log  cabin  into  a 
full-fledged  leader,  only  that  he  might  bring  back  the 
Government  to  its  pristine  purity,  when  the  people 
were  recognized  as  the  sovereigns.  He  was  ready  as 
their  representative  to  act  for  one  term  and  one  term 
only,  and  if  elected  to  let  their  chosen  representatives 
make  the  laws  and  he  would  execute  their  wishes.  He 


Political   Campaign  of  IS 40.  15 

was  opposed  to  the  willful  and  flagitious  use  of  the 
veto  to  thwart  the  will  of  the  people.  He  did  not  be- 
lieve that  all  the  wisdom  of  the  world  was  contained 
in  the  head  of  one  small  person  that  might  fill  the  Ex- 
ecutive chair.  He  was  for  building  up  American  in- 
stitutions and  American  interests,  and  while  welcom- 
ing all  honest  immigrants,  he  desired  to  have  them  at 
once  assimilate,  become  citizens,  and  own  their  own 
homes,  and  he  would  throw  the  broad  aegis  of  the  Con- 
stitution and  the  protection  of  the  flag  over  all  and 
make  us  an  independent  people. 

The  writer  of  these  rough  notes  was, 

"  One  of  the  boys  who,  in  'forty,  was  true 
To  the  gallant  old  hero  of  Tippecanoe;" 

and  while  an  invalid,  driven  from  his  home  in  Texas 
by  poison  oak,  to  the  banks  of  the  Kokosing,  has  in- 
dulged in  compiling  these  reminiscences,  believing 
that  they  may  be  of  interest  to  those  who  are  at  the 
verge  or  have  passed  their  three-score  and  ten,  and 
"  perchance  it  will  delight  even  them  to  have  remem- 
bered it,"  as  well  as  be  of  benefit  to  those  still  younger, 
who  are  now  in  the  contest  of  young  Tippecanoe,  liv- 
ing over  to  some  extent  that  of  the  old  Tip  of  1840. 
There  can  never  again  be  a  campaign  of  such  enthu- 
siasm and  hurra  as  that  of  '40.  The  days  of  plain, 
honest  simplicity,  when  the  necessity  existed  for  rigid 
economy,  have  passed  and  gone.  The  days  of  shin- 
plasters  and  wild-cat  paper  money,  when  a  silver  dollar 
was  as  large  as  a  wagon-wheel,  and  harder  to  get — 
the  days  of  substantial  a  home-spun  and  hodden- 
gray'' — of  wool  hats  and  linsey-woolsey — of  innocence 
and  integrity,  of  virtue  and  morality,  of  frugality  and 
fidelity,  and  equality — when  there  were  no  million- 
aires and  no  Standard  Oil  or  other  combines  or  trusts, 
and  when  monopolies  were  unknown; 
"When  none  were  for  a  party, 

And  all  were  for  the  State; 

When  the  rich  helped  the  poor. 

And  the  poor  helped  the  great." 

The  times  that  created  men  like  William  Henry  Har- 
rison are  gone  and  will  not  come  again  to  this  people. 


1 6  Reminiscences  of  the 

We  have  grouped  together  many  of  the  incidents  as 
to  meetings  in  various  States,  as  to  speakers  and  songs, 
and  have  aimed  to  put  in  form  for  presentation  the 
speeches  of  some  of  the  most  prominent  campaigners 
— the  thrilling  eloquence  of  Clay  and  Webster,  and 
Prentiss  and  Rives,  and  Preston  and  Corwin,  and  other 
of  the  advocates  of  Harrison,  Tyler  and  Reform,  can- 
not be  transferred  to  paper;  but  yet,  the  few  ad- 
dresses given  will  convey  some  idea  of  their  character. 
As  to  their  effect  it  cannot  be  portrayed  to  those  who 
did  not  hear  them  and  witness  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
masses. 

The  young  men  of  the  country  can  learn  wisdom 
from  the  speeches  given.  We  are  sure  that  many  will 
thank  us  for  embodying  in  this  work  addresses  that  can 
be  found  in  no  publication  in  any  of  the  libraries  of  the 
country.  They  are  like  "  brands  snatched  from  the 
burning."  There  were  no  stenographers  or  reporters 
a  half  century  ago,  as  now,  to  catch  down  words  as 
they  fell  from  the  inspired  speaker. 

General  Harrison's  speeches  are  worthy  of  preser- 
vation. His  letters  and  expressions  are  finished  pro- 
ductions— frank,  outspoken,  manly,  as  became  an  old 
soldier.  His  victory  was  complete.  His  term  was 
short.  A  nation  mourned  the  death  of  the  honest 
old  soldier  and  farmer  and  patriotic  citizen,  who  sin- 
cerely loved  the  United  States,  and  whose  last  words 
on  earth  were,  "I  wish  you  to  understand  the  true 
principles  of  the  Government.  I  wish  them  carried 
out" 

A.  B.  NORTON. 

Mt.   Vernon,  Ohio,  October  10,  1888. 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  17 

HARRISON    NOMINATED. 


PROCEEDINGS   OF  THE    WHIG    NATIONAL    CONVEN- 
TION, AT  HARRISBURG,  PENNA. 

FIRST    DAY. 

Wednesday,  Dec,  4,  1839. 

At  12  o'clock  the  convention  assembled  in  the 
Lutheran  Church,  and  was  called  to  order  by  Mr. 
Williamson  of  Pennsylvania,  who  nominated  Mr. 
Bates  of  Massachusetts,  as  chairman  pro  tern,  for  the 
purpose  of  organizing  the  convention. 

On  motion,  Mr.  Penrose  and  Mr.  Swift  of  Penn- 
sylvania, were  appointed  secretaries  pro  tern. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Lee,  of  Virginia,  the  list  of  dele- 
gates was  called  over  by  the  secretary. 

The  following  delegates  then  presented  their  cre- 
dentials and  took  their  seats. 

Maine:  Messrs.  E.  H.  Allen,  S.  R.  Lyman,  S.  Brad- 
ley, J.  Neal,  R.  H.  Vose,  Z.  Hyde,  G.  Pendleton. 

New  Hampshire:  Messrs.  Jas.  Wilson,  S.  McNeil, 
J.  Eastman,  G.  Stevens. 

Massachusetts:  Messrs.  J.  C.  Bates,  B.  Burnell,  P. 
Sprague,  B.  R.  Hough,  J.  H.  Duncan,  S.  Hoar,  C. 
Hudson,  A.  Lee,  H.  Shaw,  G.  Ashman,  W.  Lovering, 
J.  Howard,  H.  G.  O.  Colby,  N.  M.  Davis. 

Rhode   Island:  Messrs.  J.  F.  Simons,  W.  Anthony, 

B.  Diman,  G.  G.  King. 

Vermont:  Messrs.  W.  Henry,  S.  H.  Holley,  A.  B. 
W.  Tenny,  W.  P.  Briggs,  C.  Paine. 

Connecticut:  Messrs.  C.  Davies,  W.  H.  Boardman, 

C.  H.  Phelps,  C.  Hawloy,  Jos.  S.  Gladding,  E.  C.  Bacon, 
E.Jackson,  J.  S.  Peters. 

New  York:  Messrs.  Chandler  Starr,  Robt.  C.  Nichols, 
J.  A.  King,  B.  D.  Silliman,  Dudley  Seldon,  R.  .C. 
Wetmore,  J.  Hammond,  Robert  Smith,  James  A. 
Ha'milton,  P.  R.  Livingston,  H.  McFarland,  E.  Fay, 
E.Jenkins,  H.  Hamilton,  A.  Briggs,  S.  Van  Rennssa- 
laer,  J.  Knickerbocker,  B.  Blair,  H.  H.Ross,  S.Gil- 
bert, H.  P.  Voorhees,  D.  Petrie,  C.  P.  Kirkland,  A.  L. 


1 8  Reminiscences  of  the 

McCarty,  J.  Bradley,  J.  Russel,  V.  Whitney,  D. 
White,  J.  Dunn,  D.  D.  Spencer,  A.  P.  Granger,  J.  D. 
Ledyard,  G.  H.  Wood,  G.  V.  Sacket,  H.  W.  Taylor, 
Jno."  N.  Dox,  I.  Lacy,  P.  L.  Tracy,  C.  Tucker,  L.  F. 
Allen,  J.  Chatterton. 

New  Jersey:  Messrs.  Asa  Whitehead,  D.  S.  Gregory, 

E.  Marsh,  Jno.  D.  Hagar,  T.  A.  Hartwell,  C.   Moffit, 
R.  E.  Horner. 

Delaware:  Messrs.  Thos.  Stockton,  T.  M.  Rodney, 
R.  Mansfield,  P.  F.  Causey,  J.  Ferries,  E.  Spruance, 
T.  Wainwright,  W.  D.  Wapples,  D.  Hazzard. 

Pennsylvania:  Messrs.  J.  A.  Shulze,  Alex.  Quinton, 

F.  Fraley,  Jno    Swift,   B.  Badger,  W.  Darlington,  E. 
Darlington,  J.  Roberts.  E.  T.  McDowell,  J.  A.  Fisher, 
W.R.Morris,  C.  B.  Penrose,  Jno.  Williamson,  A.  O. 
Cahoon,  Jas.  Merrill,  S.  M.  Barclay,  C.  P.   Markle,  J. 
Gray,  C.  C.  Reed,T.  H.  Patterson,  "David  Leech,  Jno. 
Dickey,  J.   Lawrence. 

From  the  Fourth  Congressional  district,  composed 
of  the  counties  of  Delaware,  Chester  and  Lancaster, 
E.  C.  Reigart  appeared  and  claimed  his  seat,  T.  G. 
Henderson  also  appeared  and  claimed  the  same  seat. 

From  the  Twelfth  Congressional  district,  composed 
of  the  counties  of  Adams  and  Franklin,  James  Cal- 
houn  appeared  and  claimed  to  represent  said  district. 
George  Chambers  also  appeared  and  claimed  the 
said  seat. 

From  the  Seventeenth  Congressional  district,  com- 
posed of  the  counties  of  Susquehanna,  Bradford,  Pot- 
ter and  McKean,  Moses.  J.  Clark  appeared  and 
claimed  to  represent  said  district.  Edward  Overton 
also  appeared  and  claimed  to  represent  said  district. 

Whereupon,  Mr.  Roberts,  of  Pennsylvania,  moved 
that  a  committee  of  five  delegates  from  other  States 
than  Pennsylvania  be  appointed,  to  whom  the  cases  of 
the  contested  delegates  from  Pennsylvania  be  referred. 
Mr.  Williamson,  of  Pennsylvania,  moved  to  amend 
that  motion  bystriking  out  and  inserting  that  the  cases 
of  disputed  seats  in  the  delegation  from  Pennsylvania 
be  referred  to  said  delegation. 

Mr.  Sprague,  of  Massachusetts,    then    moved    that 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  19 

the  said  motion,  together  with  the  amendment,  be 
laid  on  the  table,  and  that  the  secretary  proceed  with 
the  call  of  the  States. 

Which  motion  prevailed,  and  the  secretary  pro- 
ceeded with  the  call. 

Maryland:  Messrs.  R.  Johnson,  J.  L.  Kerr,  J.  M. 
Goldsborough,  R.  W.  Bowie,  G.  Howard,  A.  Alex- 
ander, Jas.  Moore,  R.  J.  Bowie. 

Virginia:  Messrs.  B.  W.  Leigh,  J.  Barbour,  J.  W. 
Pegran,  W.  S.  Archer,  E.  Chambers,  Jno.  Tyler,  W. 
Newton,  J.  B.  Harvey,  I.  A.  Coles,  J.  Green,  Jno. 
Janney,  H.  Berry,  A.  Waterman,  B.  G.  Baldwin,  J. 
Edginton. 

North  Carolina  :  Messrs.  Jno.  Owen,  C.  R.  Kin- 
ney,  W.  W.  Cherry,  F.  J.  Hill,  W.  H.  Battle,  J.  B. 
Kelly,  H.  W.  Mille'r,  N.  M.  Roan,  I.  Burns,  T.  A. 
Allison,  B.  S.  Gaither,  W.  F.  Davidson. 

Kentucky:  Messrs.  Thos.  Metcalf,  L.  Combs,  M. 
Key,  W.  Preston,  J.  Shelby,  J.  Price,  D.  Banks,  F. 

A.  Andrews,  C.  M.  Clay. 

Ohio:  Messrs.  J.  Burnett,  N.  G.  Pendleton,  J.  John- 
ston, W.  A.  Rogers,  W.  S.  Murphy,  A.  Toland,J. 
M.  Creed,  I.  Belknap,  E.  Cutter,  B.  S*.  Cowen,  C.  T. 
Sherman,  C.  Prentiss,  T.  Bronson,  H.  Green,  J.  S.  Lacv, 

B.  Bentley: 

Indiana:    Messrs.  D.  McGuire,   J.  R.    Mendenhall, 

A.  Clarke,  J.  Perry,  E.  M.  Huntingdon. 
Louisiana:  G.  M.  Graham. 

Mississippi:  Messrs.  T.  C.  Tupper,  A.  S.  Perkins. 
Missouri:  Messrs.  W.  H.  Russel,  Logan  Hunton. 
Illinois:  Messrs.  G.  W.  Ralph,  W.  S.  Newberry,  W. 

B.  Warren. 

Alabama:  Messrs.  H.  W.  Hilliard,  W.  H.  Fleming, 
W.  S.  Smith. 

Michigan:  Messrs.  G.  C.  Bates,  T.J.Drake,  D.S.Bacon. 

Tennessee:  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  and  Arkansas, 
not  represented. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Sprague,  of  Massachusetts,  a 
committee  was  appointed,  consisting  of  one  member 
from  each  State,  to  nominate  officers  for  the  perma- 
nent organization  of  the  convention. 


2O  Reminiscences  of  the 

Mr.  Johnson,  of  Ohio,  moved  that  the  convention 
be  opened  with  prayer  each  morning,  by  the  clergy- 
men of  the  different  denominations,  in  the  city  of  Har- 
risburg.  Laid  on  the  table,  till  the  convention  be  per- 
manently organized. 

On  motion,  adjourned  till  10  o'clock  to-morrow  morn- 
ing. 

i  SECOND    DAY. 

Thursday,  Dec.  5. 

Pursuant  to  adjournment,  the  convention  met. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Sprecher,  officiating  clergyman  of 
the  Lutheran  Church,  offered  up  to  Almighty  God  a 
most  fervent  prayer  for  His  blessing  on  the  convention, 
our  country  and  the  world. 

The  following  additional    delegates   appeared: 

Ohio,  Dr.  Cyrus  Faulconer;  New  York,  Henry  H. 
Ross;  Virginia,  William  C.  Mosley,  Festus  Dickin- 
son; Mississippi,  Anderson  Miller;  North  Carolina,  J. 
C.  Washington. 

Col.  Dickey,  of  Pennsylvania,  announced  that  the 
Pennsylvania  delegation  had  agreed  that  all  the  claim- 
ants of  seats  from  this  State  ought  to  be  admitted,  and 
moved  that  the  journal  of  yesterday  be  corrected  ac- 
cordingly; which  was  agreed  to. 

Mr.  Sprague,  of  Massachusetts,  from  the  committee 
to  nominate  officers,  made  the  following  report,  which 
was  agreed  to: 

President:    Gov.  James   Barbour,  of  Virginia. 

Vice  Presidents:  Gov.  Jno.  S.  Peters,  of  Connecti- 
cut; Gov.  J.  A.  Shulze,  of  Pennsylvania;  Gov.  David 
Hazzard,  of  Delaware;  Gov.  George  Howard,  of  Mary- 
land; Gov.  Jno.  Tyler,  of  Virginia;  Gov.  Jno.  Owen, 
of  North  Carolina;  Gov.  Thomas  Metcalf,  of  Kentucky; 
P.  R.  Livingston,  of  New  York;  Jacob  Burnett,  of 
Ohio;  J.  C.  Bates,  of  Massachusetts;  Jas.  Wilson,  of 
New  Hampshire;  E.  M.  Huntington,  of  Indiana; 
E.  Marsh,  of  New  Jersey. 

Secretaries:  Charles  B.  Penrose,  of  Pennsylvania:  G. 
W.  Ralph,  of  Illinois;  S.  R.  Lyman,  of  Maine;  C. 
Paine,  of  Vermont. 

On    taking   the  chair,  Governor  Barbour  made   one 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  21 

of    the    most    eloquent    addresses    ever    listened    to. 

Mr.  Graham,  of  Louisiana,  said  that  a  letter  from 
t  le  State  of  Arkansas,  authorizing  and  requesting  the 
delegates  from  Louisiana  to  cast  the  vote  of  Arkansas 
for  candidates  for  President  and  Vice-Pi  esident  had 
been  received,  which  he  moved  should  be  read.  He 
said  he  was  glad  to  find  by  the  letter  that  the  State  of 
Arkansas  was  about  moving  forward  in  the  cause  of  the 
country,  and  breaking  from  the  shackles  of  Benton  & 
Co.,  by  whom  it  had  been  held  in  thraldrom. 

The  letter  was  from  the  chairman  of  the  State  Com- 
mittee, and  stated  that  the  delegates  elected  by  that 
State  were  in  favor  of  Mr.  Clay  for  President,  and 
Governor  Tyler,  of  Virginia,  for  Vice-President. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Roberts,  of  Ohio,  the  resolution 
offered  by  him  yesterday  instructing  the  president  of 
the  convention  to  procure  the  reverend  clergy  of  Har- 
risburg  to  open  the  convention  every  morning  with 
prayer,  was  taken  up  and  adopted. 

The  following  proposition  of  Mr.  Sprague,  as 
•amended  by  Mr.  Penrose,  was  unanimously  agreed  to: 

Ordered,  That  the  delegates  from  each  State  be  re- 
quested to  assemble  as  a  delegation,  and  appoint  a 
committee  not  exceeding  three  in  number,  to  receive 
the  views  and  opinions  of  such  delegation,  and  com- 
municate the  same  to  the  assembled  committees  of 
all  the  delegations,  to  be  by  them  respectively  re- 
ported to  their  principals;  and  that  thereupon  the 
delegates  from  each  State  be  requested  to  assemble  as 
a  delegation,  and  ballot  for  candidates  for  the  offices 
of  President  and  Vice-President,  and  having  done  so, 
to  commit  the  ballot  designating  the  votes  of  each  can- 
didate, and  by  whom  given,  to  its  committee;  and 
thereupon  all  the  committees  shall  assemble  and  com- 
pare the  several  ballots,  and  report  the  result  of  the 
same  to  their  several  delegations,  together  with  such 
facts  as  may  bear  upon  the  nomination;  and  such  dele- 
gation shall  forthwith  reassemble  and  ballot  again  for 
candidates  for  the  above  offices,  and  again  commit  the 
result  to  the  above  committees,  and  if  it  shall  appear 
that  a  majority  of  the  ballots  are  for  any  one  man  for 


22  Reminiscences  of  the 

candidate  for  President,  said  committee  shall  report 
the  result  to  the  convention  for  its  consideration;  but 
if  there  shall  be  no  such  majority,  then  the  delegation 
shall  repeat  the  balloting  until  such  a  majority  shall 
be  obtained,  and  then  report  the  same  to  the  conven- 
tion for  its  consideration. 

That  the  vote  of  a  majority  of  each  delegation  shall 
be  reported  as  the  vote  of  that  State,  and  each  State 
represented  here  shall  vote  its  full  electoral  vote  by 
such  delegation  in  the  committee. 

THIRD    DAY. 

Friday,  Dec.  6,  1839. 

Convention  met  pursuant  to  adjournment. 

A  letter  from  the  Whig  State  convention  of  Ver- 
mont, addressed  to  the  president  of  the  conven- 
tion, was  received  and  laid  on  the  table. 

Mr.  A.  P.  McReynolds,  of  Michigan,  and  Mr.  Pres- 
ton, of  Maryland,  appeared  as  delegates,  and  took  their 
seats  in  convention. 

Mr.  Cassius  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  offered  a  resolution 
that  the  ayes  and  noes  be  called,  and  the  delegates 
declare  viva  voce  their  choice  as  a  candidate  for  Pres- 
ident, and  that  where  a  delegation  is  not  full,  the 
delegates  present  cast  the  votes  of  the  absent  members. 

Mr.  C.  addressed  the  convention  in  favor  of  his 
motion.  He  said  he  wished  every  portion  of  the  peo- 
ple to  be  heard.  He  knew  not  that  his  own  favorite 
would  be  nominated — he  did  not  know  even  the  result 
of  the  balloting,  but  he  wished  a  full,  fair,  and  candid 
expression  of  opinion. 

Mr.  Davies,  of  Connecticut,  opposed  the  motion  of 
Mr.  Clay,  and  moved  that  it  be  laid  upon  the  table. 
Agreed  to. 

Mr.  Hornor,  of  New  Jersey,  offered  a  resolution  to 
procure  a  correct  list  of  the  delegates  and  their  post 
offices,  to  be  published  with  the   proceedings  of  the 
convention.     Agreed  to. 

Mr.  McFarland,  of  New  York,  laid  before  the  con- 
vention the  proceedings  of  a  meeting  in  Orange  county 
in  that  State. 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  23 

Mr.  Williamson  moved  that  a  committee  of  finance 
be  appointed:  Mr.  Lee,  of  Massachusetts,  to  be  ap- 
pointed chairman. 

On  motion  the  convention  adjourned  till  3  o'clock. 

SAME    DAY AFTERNOON. 

After  prayer  by  the  Rev.  William  Barnes,  of  the 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church. 

Mr.  Fisher,  of  Pennsylvania,  from  the  committee, 
made  report  relative  to  the  expenses  of  the  convention. 

, Adjourned  till  7  o'clock  this  evening. 

SAME    DAY — EVENING. 

Mr.  Williamson,  of  Pennsylvania,  moved  that  Thos. 
E.  Cochran,  Esq.,  be  admitted  to  a  seat  in  the  room  of 
Mr.  Morris,  of  Pennsylvania,  who  had  left  town. 
Agreed  to. 

^fytr.  Wetmore,  of  New  York,  offered  several  reso- 
lutions relative  to  the  assembling  of  a  national  con- 
vention of  young  men  to  respond  to  the  nomination 
of  this  convention. 

Mr.  Wetmore  stated  that  the  resolutions  proceeded 
from  a  highly  respectable  body  of  Whigs  in  New  York. 
He  did  not,  however,  press  the  resolutions  at  this  time. 

Some  discussion  now  took  place  on  a  motion  to  take 
a  recess  till  9  o'clock.  The  motion  prevailed. 

NINE  O'CLOCK  P.  M. 

Mr.  R.  Johnson,  of  Maryland,  said,  that  as  no  result 
had  been  arrived  at  in  balloting  by  delegations,  he 
would  move  that  the  committee  on  the  subject  be 
instructed  to  report  progress,  and  that  it  then  be  dis- 
charged, and  that  the  convention  then  proceed  to  vote 
for  candidates  for  President  and  Vice  President,  per 
capita. 

Mr.  Richard  Haughton  was  announced  as  a  dele- 
gate from  Massachusetts,  in  the  room  of  Mr.  Colby, 
who  had  gone  home. 

Mr.  Harvie,  of  Virginia,  moved  to  lay  the  resolution 
of  Mr.  R.  Johnson  on  the  table. 

Mr.  Harvie  said  the  committee  was  now  in  session 
and  could  not  report. 


24  Reminiscences  of  the  ' 

Mr.  Williamson,  of  Pennsylvania,  said  the  question 
was  not  debatable. 

The  question  was  then  put  on  the  motion  to  lay 
the  resolution  on  the  table;  prevailed. 

A  motion  was  made  that  the  convention  do  adjourn. 
Lost. 

Mr.  Harvie  then  said  he  understood  the  committee 
™as.in  the  house,  and  he  therefore  moved  that  the 
resolution  be  reconsidered. 

Mr.  McDowell,  of  Pennsylvania,  said  the  committee 
would  report  in  half  an  hour.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Harvie  said  he  hoped  that  gentlemen  would 
exercise  a  little  patience. 

Mr.  Taylor,  of  New  York,  said  he  thought  the  res- 
olution should  not  be  acted  on,  as  the  convention 
would  thereby  be  undoing  what  had  been-  done  for  the 
last  two  days. 

Mr.  R.  Johnson  said  he  feared  the  committee  would 
not  report  so  soon. 

Mr.  McDowell  said  the  committee  would  certainly 
report  in  half  an  hour. 

Mr.  R.  W.  Bowie,  of  Maryland,  said  the  committee 
had  adjourned,  and  no  such  order  had  been  taken. 

Mr.  McDowell  said  he  was  assured  by  what  might 
be  considered  the  majority,  that  the  committee  would 
be  able  to  report. 

Mr.  Hornor,  of  New  Jersey,  moved  that  the  conven- 
tion proceed  to  other  business  until  the  committee  be 
able  to  report. 

Mr.  Harvie  moved  an  adjournment.     Lost. 

Mr.  Taylor,  of  New  York,  moved  the  convention 
take  a  recess  for  half  an  hour,  which  was  afterwards 
altered  to  an  hour,  and  agreed  to. 

HALF-PAST    TEN    P.    M. 

As  soon  as  the  convention  was  called  to  order,  Gov- 
ernor Owen,  of  North  Carolina,  announced  that  the 
committee  had  had  the  subject-matter  under  considera- 
tion, and  had  instructed  the  chairman  to  report  progress 
and  ask  leave  to  sit  again;  and  that  the  following  was 
the  result  of  the  ballotings  for  President: 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  25 

Two  hundred  and  fifty-four  ballots  were  cast,  of 
which  Gen.  Winfield  Scott  had  16,  Hon.  Henry  Clay, 
90;  Gen.  William  Henry  Harrison,  148. 

One  hundred  and  forty-eight  ballots  being  a  majority 
of  the  whole  number,  Gen.  William  Henry  Harrison, 
of  Ohio,  was  duly  selected  as  the  candidate  for  the 
Presidency. 

The  report  was  received  and  the  committee  had 
leave  to  sit  again;  whereupon  the  convention  adjourned 
till  10  o'clock  to-morrow. 

FOURTH    DAY. 

Saturday,  Dec.  7,  1839 
Convention  met  persuant  to  adjournment. 
A  prayer  was  offered  by  the  Rev.  W.  R.  De  Witt, 
of  Harrisburg.  when  Mr.  Banks,  of  Kentucky,  rose 
and  said,  that  as  a  delegate  from  Kentucky  he  had 
come  here  to  acquiesce  in  the  decision  of  the  con- 
vention ;  he  bowed  before  its  determination,  and  he 
could  assure  the  convention  that  the  nomination  made 
last  evening  would  receive  the  hearty  support  of  his 
constituents — at  least  it  would  not  be  his  fault  if  it 
did  not.  The  situation  of  the  Kentucky  delegation 
had,  he  said,  been  one  of  peculiar  responsibility — 
they  had  their  first  choice,  but  they  came  here  to 
sustain  the  nomination  when  made,  and  on  their  part 
he  assured  the  convention  they  would  do  so.  Among 
his  constituents,  Mr.  Banks  said,  the  nomination  would 
be  received  as  it  deserved.  They  are  uncompromising 
in  their  determined  hostility  to  the  administration  of 
Martin  Van  Buren.  By  his  own  district  he  could 
assure  the  convention  Gen.  William  Henry  Harrison 
would  receive  as  large  a  vote  as  Mr.  Clay.  My  fellow- 
citizens,  said  Mr.  Banks,  prefer  Mr.  Clay,  but  they 
left  me  uninstructed,  which  I  regarded  as  a  liberal 
spirit;  and  the  cultivation  of  such  a  spirit  in  all  our 
relations  cannot  but  have  a  salutary  effect. 

The  Whigs  of  the  State  of  Kentucky,  said  Mr. 
Banks,  are  sincere  in  their  devotion  to  Henry  Clay — 
not  on  his  own  account  alone,  for  the  measure  of 
his  fame  is  already  full,  but  because  they  believe  him 


26  Reminiscences  of  the 

to  be  the  man  of  his  country.  But  Kentucky  will 
not  prove  unworthy  of  the  man  whose  fame  is  but 
another  name  for  her  glory.  She  loves  the  country 
more  than  she  loves  Clay;  and  her  delegates  have  met 
here  as  her  people  will  meet  at  the  ballot-boxes  on 
the  broad  platform  of  determined  hostility  to  Martin 
Van  Buren.  Side  by  side  with  their  brethren  from 
other  States  the  Whigs  of  Kentucky  will  contend  for 
the  reformation  of  those  abuses  which  now  threaten 
the  destruction  of  our  beloved  country,  and  strive  to 
make  her  what  present  rulers  will  not — prosperous 
and  happy. 

Mr.  Reverdy  Johnson,  of  Maryland,  said  that  Mary- 
land's choice  was  well  known — it  was  unnecessary 
now  to  mention  the  individual.  The  delegation  had 
upheld  that  choice  to  the  last.  But  satisfied,  on 
consultation  with  the  delegates  from  other  sections 
of  the  Union,  that  the  choice  of  Maryland  would  not 
be  the  choice  of  this  convention,  and  that  in  opinion 
of  a  majority  of  the  delegates  there  was  another  name 
that  could  carry  dismay  into  the  ranks  of  the  enemy — 
he  proposed,  on  the  part  of  the  delegation  from  Mary- 
land, to  offer  a  resolution  that  the  result  of  the 
ballotings  be  unanimously  confirmed,  and  that  Gen. 
William  Henry  Harrison  be  presented  to  the  American 
people  with  the  sanction  of  this  convention. 

Under  this  banner,  said  Mr.  J.,  we  can,  we  must 
and  we  will  triumph;  and  in  order  to  afford  time 
for  the  report  of  the  committee  as  to  the  candi- 
date for  the  Vice-Presidency,  he  proposed  that  the 
convention  take  a  recess  for  half  an  hour,  and  he  felt 
satisfied  that  a  name  would  be  presented  in  connec- 
tion  with  that  office  on  which  the  friends  of  Harrison 
and  Scott  could  unite  with  the  same  unanimity  that 
prevails  among  the  friends  of  Clay  and  Scott  in  re- 
gard to  the  nomination  of  Harrison.  [Immense 
applause.] 

Mr.  Cherry,  of  North  Carolina,  said  that  the  State 
he  represented  had  remained  comparatively  quiet  in 
the  selection  of  the  nominee.  She  had  her  first  choice 
as  well  as  other  States,  but  she  had  too  long  fought 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  27 

against  the  spoilers  not  to  know  her  duty,  and  she 
would  stand  by  her  sister  States  in  the  present  con- 
test, by  giving  Gen.  William  Henry  Harrison  a  de- 
termined support,  and  when  the  election  returns  come 
in,  said  Mr.  Cherry,  they  will  show  that  '•'•Old  Rip  is 
wide  awake  again!" 

Mr.  Preston,  of  Kentucky,  said  the  convention  had 
already  been  correctly  assured  that  the  delegation  from 
his  State  came  here  for  conciliation  and  compromise  — 
harmony  and  concession — and  he  was  certain  that  the 
resolution  he  was  about  to  propose  was  one  that  would 
meet  the  approbation  of  the  convention.  It  might 
naturally  be  thought,  said  Mr.  Preston,  that  Kentucky 
stands  here  in  the  attitude  of  one  disappointed  of  her 
favorite  choice.  Her  people  it  was  true  had  their  pref- 
erence; but  they  were  Whigs  and  would  sustain  their 
country;  and  to  prove  that  their  first  choice  will  sustain 
them  in  that  course,  said  Mr.  Preston,  I  will  state  that 
there  is  now  a  letter  in  this  convention  from  the  Hon. 
H.  Clay,  that  if  read  will  display  the  spirit  that  ani- 
mates him  in  regard  to  General  Harrison.  He  moved 
that  Mr.  Combs,  of  Kentucky,  in  whose  possession 
the  letter  was,  be  requested  to  read  it. 

Mr.  Combs  said  that  his  colleagues  had  truly  rep- 
resented their  State.  If,  said  he,  the  heart  of  Kentucky 
is  bruised, it  is  not  broken;  Kentucky  was  born  a  Whig 
State,  she  has  lived  a  Whig  State,  and  I  hope  to  God 
she  may  die  a  Whig  State!  The  life  of  her  son, 
Henry  Clay,  said  Mr.  C.,  is  his  eulogium,  and  the  his- 
torian must  do  him  justice. 

Mr.  Combs  then  read  a  letter  from  Mr.  Clay,  urging 
upon  the  delegates  from  Kentucky  the  importance  of 
union  among  the  elements  of  opposition  to  Van 
Burenism,  urging  them  to  disregard  his  own  position; 
and  paying  a  merited  compliment  to  General  Harrison, 
whom  he  styled  the  "distinguished  citizen  of  Ohio." 

On  motion,  the  letter  was  ordered  to  be  entered  on 
the  journals. 

Governor  Barbour,  of  Virginia,  president  of  the  con- 
vention, said  he  rejoiced  the  letter  from  Mr.  Clay  had 
been  read.  For  his  own  part,  after  the  report  of  the 


28  Reminiscences  of  the 

committee  last  evening,  from  rumors  which  he  heard 
he  had  been  inclined  to  think  that  other  action  might 
be  taken.  As  regards  the  disinterested  subject  of  the 
proposed  action,  said  Governor  Barbour,  distinguished 
by  the  great  crisis  when  the  Union  seemed  to  be  threat- 
ened. I  would  say  a  word  or  two,  with  your  permis- 
sion. When  danger  portended  it  was  his  patrotism 
and  superior  genius  that  weathered  the  storm.  I 
need  not  eulogize  Mr.  Clay.  He  will  occupy  through 
all  time  one  of  the  fairest  pages  of  our  country's  his- 
tory. When  danger  has  threatened,  Henry  Clay  has 
always  been  die  foremost  to  avert  it,  and  his  patriotism 
and  firmness  on  all  occasions,  will  embalm  his  memory 
in  the  hearts  of  the  American  people.  But  beyond 
the  consideration  with  which  I,  as  a  citizen  of  the  Re- 
public, regard  Mr.  Clay,  said  Governor  Barbour,  there 
are  other  reasons  for  my  ardent  attachment  to  him. 
I  have  known  him  from  my  infancy,  and  in  the  inter- 
course under  the  guard  of  honorable  confidence  and 
private  friendship,  on  no  occasion  have  I  ever  heard 
a  sentiment  from  Henry  Clay  which  was  not  that  of  an 
ardent  patriot  and  devoted  friend  of  his  country. 
There  is  no  selfishness  about  him — no  petty  scheming 
for  his  own  advancement.  And  had  it  been  your 
pleasure,  gentlemen,  to  nominate  him  to  the  Presidency, 
his  election  would  have  opened  a  new  epoch  in  the 
history  of  our  country.  He  would  not  have  been  the 
little,  dirty,  petty  tool  of  a  party;  but  would  have 
cleansed  the  Augean  stable,  and  made  us  a  happy 
people. 

But  notwithstanding  my  feelings  for  Mr.  Clay, 
said  Governor  Barbour,  and  the  hope  I  entertained 
that  he  would  receive  your  nomination,  I  have  come 
to  the  conclusion  that  so  far  as  my  vote  and  influence 
go,  they  shall  sustain  the  harmony  of  this  convention, 
and  I  shall  therefore  vote  for  the  unanimous  nomina- 
tion of  Gen.  William  Henry  Harrison. 

Mr.  B.  W.  Leigh,  of  Virginia,  said  that  he  con- 
curred in  the  sentiments  of  his  colleague,  [Governor 
Barbour]  and  would  join  him  in  his  vote  for  the  unani- 
mous entry  of  the  nomination  on  the  journal.  The 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  29 

letter  of  Mr.  Clay  was  an  evidence  that  in  his  heart 
disinterested  patriotism  was  superior  to  all  other  feel- 
ings. He  [Mr.  L.]  could  nut  think  that  the  ambition 
of  such  a  man  as  Henry  Clay  could  be  gratified  by 
being  made  President.  He  has  already  secured  a 
fame  that  will  live  as  long  as  pure  government — a 
renown  that  will  survive  the  marble  monument  that 
will  cover  his  grave — and  a  renown  more  valuable  in 
his  [Mr.  L.'s  opinion]  than  any  station,  however  high 
and  exalted  it  may  be. 

Mr.  Leigh  said  that  one  of  the  purposes  for  which 
the  convention  had  met  had  been  accomplished,  and 
he  for  one  would  give  his  heart  and  hand  to  crown  its 
labors  with  success. 

Mr.  Leigh  also  said  that  he  too  had  had  correspond- 
ence— correspondence  with  his  intimate,  old,  personal 
friend.  Gen.  Winfield  Scott,  and  he  could  assure  the 
convention  that  he  too  would  sanction  their  proceed- 
ing with  his  vote  and  influence. 

Mr.  J.  A.  King,  of  New  York,  said  that  as  a  repre- 
sentative of  New  York,  he  regretted  that  the  choice 
of  his  State  had  not  prevailed  in  the  nomination;  but, 
said  Mr.  King,  we  have  surrendered  him  with  manly 
firmness  because  we  knew  that  the  choice  could  not 
but  fall  upon  an  individual  worthy  of  the  support  of 
American  freemen.  Our  votes  have  been  cast  in  the 
conviction  that  the  candidate  of  this  convention  will 
ultimately  carry.  We  have  presented  to  the  people  a 
name  unsullied  by  any  spot  of  civil  or  military  de- 
linquency. We  have  given  this  distinguished  indi- 
vidual our  unhesitating  support.  We  did  not  prefer 
General  Scott  because  we  believed  him  to  be  of  sounder 
principles  than  him  to  whom  we  have  thrown  our 
votes,  but  for  local  reasons.  The  choice  of  the  con- 
vention shall  receive  equal  honor  at  our  hands. 

Mr.  King  said  he  would  not  detain  the  convention 
by  a  speech,  but  would  merely  remark  that  in  the  field 
General  Harrison  has  displayed  equal  valor  with  Gen- 
eral Scott — and  he  was  certain  the  latter  would  re- 
spond to  the  convention,  "God  prosper  your  decision 
— God  bless  you  all!" 


30  Reminiscences  of  the 

Mr.  Dudley  Selden,  of  New  York,  said  he  was  one 
of  the  minority  who  formed  one-third  of  the  dele- 
gation from  that  State,  and  went  with  the  repr,esenta- 
tives  of  Kentucky  and  Virginia  in  the  selection  of  a 
candidate.  They  had  pursued  that  object  till  success 
became  hopeless;  but  whatever  may  have  been  our 
preferences,  said  Mr.  Selden,  we  concur  heartily  in 
carrying  out  the  decision  of  the  convention. 

Mr.  Jonathan  Roberts,  of  Pennsylvania,  addressed 
the  convention  in  favor  of  the  nomination.  He  said 
he  had  been  in  favor  of  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Clay; 
but  being  out-voted  would  not  only  acquiesce,  but 
would  unite  heartily  in  the  support  of  Gen.  William 
Henry  Harrison,  and  would  do  all  in  his  power  to 
further  his  election. 

Mr.  R.  Johnson,  of  Maryland,  then  offered  the  fol- 
lowing resolution: 

•  Resolved,  That  this  convention  unanimously  recom- 
mend to  the  people  of  the  United  States  Gen.  William 
Henry  Harrison,  of  Ohio,  as  a  candidate  for  Presi- 
dent, and  John  Tyler,  of  Virginia,  as  a  candidate  for 
Vice-President. 

Before  the  question  was  taken,  Governor  Owen,  of 
North  Carolina,  said  the  balloting  committee  were 
ready  to  report  on  the  subject  of  the  Vice-Presidency; 
that  231  votes  had  been  cast  for  Vice-President — 
the  vote  of  Virginia  not  having  been  cast,  and  that 
the  231  votes  had  all  been  cast  for  John  Tyler,  of  Vir- 
ginia, who  was  accordingly  reported  by  the  committee 
as  the  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency. 

Mr.  B.  W.  Leigh,  of  Virginia,  then  stated  that  the 
vote  of  Virginia  had  not  been  cast,  because  it  was  un- 
derstood that  Mr.  Tyler,  one  of  the  delegation,  would 
in  all  probability  receive  the  nomination,  and  delicacy 
therefore  forbade  their  participation. 

Colonel  Swift,  of  Pennsylvania,  briefly  expressed 
his  original  preference  for  the  distinguished  states- 
man of  Kentucky,  Henry  Clay,  and  concluded  by  de- 
claring his  determination  to  yield  his  preference,  and 
heartily  and  cordially  to  give  his  support  to  the  nom- 
ination of  the  convention,  and  return  to  his  constit- 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  31 

uents    and    recommend    to    them    to   do    so    likewise. 

Mr.  Sprague,  of  Massachusetts,  next  rose,  and  con- 
gratulated the  convention  on  the  happy  result  which 
was  about  to  crown  its  labors.  He  referred  to  the 
fact  that  the  delegates  came  much  divided  in  opin- 
ion, and  to  the  hopes  entertained  by  our  enemies 
that  they  would  be  divided  in  the  selection  of  a  can- 
didate. Happily  they  have  been  disappointed.  He 
alluded  to  the  character  and  worth  of  Mr.  Clay,  his 
distinguished  services  to  the  country,  and  his  high 
admiration  of  him.  Massachusetts,  he  said,  also  had 
her  favorite  son;  but  she  had  yielded  up  her  prefer- 
ences— and  yielded  them  early — for  the  sake  of  con- 
ciliation and  success.  She  had  made  this  sacrifice 
freely — cordially — and  she  would  now  rally  under  the 
banner  of  William  Henry  Harrison  with  the  same  zeal, 
and  the  same  certainty  of  success  as  with  her  own 
favorite  son. 

Mr.  Chambers,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  not  only  will- 
ing to  support  the  resolution  of  the  gentleman  from 
Maryland,  but  to  do  so  cordially  and  with  ah  his  heart. 
He  was  ready  to  rally  under  the  banner  of  William 
Henry  Harrison,  and  support  that  banner  with  all  the 
influence  that  God  and  nature  had  given  him. 

Mr.  Simmons,  of  Rhode  Island,  said  in  behalf  of 
himself  and  his  delegation,  that  though  last  to  yield 
their  preferences,  they  would  be  among  the  first  to 
respond  to  the  nomination. 

Mr.  Vose,  of  Maine,  warmly  responded  to  the  nom- 
ination. 

Judge  Burnett,  of  Ohio,  next  addressed  the  con- 
vention at  some  length.  After  a  brief  eulogy  of  Mr. 
Clay,  he  referred  to  the  early  history  of  General  Har- 
rison, and  his  intimate  acquaintance  with  him,  and  tes- 
tified to  the  high  estimation  in  which  he  was  held  by 
all  who  knew  him.  He  concluded  by  recommending 
the  unfurling  the  Union  flag,  with  the  motto  of  Mr. 
Wise  of  Virginia,  "Union  for  the  sake  of  the  Union. r' 

Do  this,  said  he,  and  all  will  be  well. 

Mr.  Livingston,  of  New  York,  rose  next.     He 
menced  his  remarks  by  asking-  the  question,  Wheitfc  "aiir*  't 

*     I 


32  Reminiscences  of  the 

I?  What  has  brought  me  here?  and  answered  with 
the  emphatic  response,  Love  of  country! — a  wish  to 
see  the  powers  that  be  effectually  prostrated  and  the 
country  redeemed  from  the  hands  of  the  spoilers.  He 
alluded  to  his  old  age  and  feebleness,  stating  that  even 
then  he  was  scarcely  able  to  proceed;  he  said  he  had 
been  a  Democrat  all  his  life,  had  never  been  out  of  the 
harness.  He  ever  had  and  ever  would  adhere  to 
the  principle  that  the  majority  govern.  When  that 
principle  was  lost  sight  of  there  must  be  an  end  of  the 
Republic. 

Mr.  Livingston  briefly  eulogized  the  character  of  Mr. 
Clay.  The  world,  he  said,  would  do  him  justice.  His 
fame  would  be  admired  by  after  generations.  Next 
he  adverted  to  the  character  of  General  Harrison.  He 
said  he  liked  his  character.  He  knew  him  well,  and 
nothing  had  been  said  in  his  praise  that  was  not 
strictly  true.  Ohio,  he  said,  would  go  for  him  by  ac- 
clamation, and  he  was  persuaded  from  what  he  had 
learned  that  the  Keystone  would  yet  be  the  arch  of 
the  Union.  He  then  drew  a  vivid  picture  of  Martin 
Van  Buren,  and  referred  to  the  downward  tendency  of 
the  country  under  his  administration,  which,  he  said, 
had  put  the  Republic  radically  wrong;  but  he  had 
every  confidence  that  we  would  soon  get  radically 
right.  When  he  had  realized  this  belief  he  would  de- 
scend to  the  tomb  happy  and  contented. 

Governor  Metcalf,  of  Kentucky,  was  particularly 
happy  in  his  remarks.  Kentucky's  favorite  son,  he 
said,  had  lost  the  nomination,  but  had  he  himself  been 
here  he  would  have  done  precisely  what  the  delegation 
from  that  State  are  prepared  to  do — enter  heartily  into 
the  support  of  the  nomination.  Success  is  and  ever 
has  been  his  first  object.  The  man  who  can  best  secure 
that  success  to  the  party  is  the  man  he  would  rally 
under — so  will  his  friends.  As  regarded  himself,  he 
did  not  sacrifice  so  much  as  did  many  other  of  the 
friends  of  Mr.  Clay;  he  moved  only  from  the  side  of 
one  noble  friend  to  take  his  stand  firmly  by  the  side 
of  another  and  no  less  noble  friend.  The  country 
had  not  done  General  Harrison  justice.  He  has  done 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  33 

more  for  his  country  and  received  less  for  his  services 
than  any  man  living.  He  possessed  both  civil  and 
military  capacities  of  the  first  order,  which  should  en- 
title him  to  the  admiration  of  the  people.  Governor 
Metcalf  said  he  came  here  in  favor  of  Kentucky's  favor- 
ite son,  believing  him  to  be  the  candidate  most  likely 
to  succeed.  Since  he  had  been  here  he  had  inter- 
changed sentiments  with  the  delegates  from  the  various 
States  and  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  he  was 
mistaken.  He  was  now  prepared  to  go  for  the  strong- 
est man  and  overturn  the  powerful  despotism  under 
which  we  were  now  suffering.  Let  not  the  song,  of 
Democracy  cheat  the  people.  He  had  ever  been  a 
Democrat — not  one  of  the  Democrats  of  the  present 
day — he  was  an  old-fashioned  Democrat.  He  verily 
believed  that  the  name  of  Democracy  had  cheated  half 
the  people  out  of  their  senses.  He  here  drew  a  vivid 
picture  of  the  corruption  of  the  present  powers  that 
be  and  the  enormities  committed  under  the  name  of 
Democracy.  He  regarded  it  as  his  duty,  he  said,  to 
warn  the  people  against  such  Democracy.  He  hoped, 
he  said,  in  conclusion,  for  triumph.  The  ''Hunters 
of  Kentucky"  will  be  found  true  to  the  great  Whig 
party  of  the  Union. 

Mr.  Boardman,  of  Connecticut,  earnestly  supported 
the  nomination. 

General  Wilson,  of  New  Hampshire,  was  very 
happy  in  his  remarks.  He  expressed  the  belief  that 
his  State,  though  her  prospects  had  been  dark  and 
gloomy,  would  respond  to  the  nomination  of  Harrison 
and  Tyler  in  a  spirit  of  enthusiasm  which  would 
enable  her  to  triumph  over  the  present  corrupt  party 
in  power.  He  related  several  anecdotes,  and  applied 
them  very  happily. 

Mr.  Hilliard,  of  Alabama,  said  that  he  rejoiced  to 
hear  the  voice  of  congratulation  sounding  all  around 
him,  and  that  he  entertained  the  same  patriotic  feelings 
as  the  gentleman  who  had  preceded  him.  His  own 
preferences,  he  said,  had  been  ardent  for  Clay,  but  he 
would  stand  or  fall  with  the  nominee  of  this  conven- 
tion. He  was  resolved  to  sacrifice  and  risk  everything 


34  Reminiscences  of  the 

for  the  good  of  the  cause;  and  he  felt  assured  that  the 
delegates  would  all  go  home  with  an  account  of  their 
proceedings  that  will  impart  a  corresponding  enthu- 
siasm in  the  bosoms  of  their  constituents. 

Mr.  Merrill,  of  Pennsylvania,  supported  the  resolu- 
tion in  a  few  excellent  remarks.  , 

Mr.  Tupper,  of  Mississippi,  said  that  the  Mississippi 
delegation  had  cast  the  vote  of  that  State  for  Henry 
Clay,  and  perhaps  the  Whigs  of  the  State  will  be 
disappointed  in  the  result  of  our  deliberations;  but  they 
will  go  for  the  nominee  of  this  convention,  and  the 
land  of  Poindexter  and  Prentiss,  as  she  has  done 
before,  will  do  her  duty  still;  and  from  the  harmony 
of  this  convention,  and  the  enthusiasm  manifested  by 
the  members,  he  felt  satisfied  she  can  be  rescued  from 
the  spoilers  under  the  banner  of  the  hero  of  Tippe- 
canoe. 

Mr.  Whitehead,  of  New  Jersey,  said  he  too  had 
had  his  first  choice.  He  had  been  overruled  by  the 
majority,  but  he  did  not  complain,  and  would  cheer- 
fully abide  by  the  decision  of  the  convention.  The 
nominee  had  once  before  received  the  vote  of  New 
Jersey,  and  was  assured  he  would  do  so  again. 

Mr.  Russel,  of  Missouri,  commenced  his  remarks 
by  stating  that  he  came  from  the  State  of  the  great 
expunger.  Dark  clouds  had  long  lowered  over  that 
State,  but  light  is  now  breaking  through  them.  There 
are  still  some  green  spots  on  which  the  eye  loves  to 
rest.  His  first  choice  had  not  been  selected,  but  we 
leave  him  in  the  hands  of  his  country,  with  the 
wreath  of  fame  covering  his  brow. 

The  Whigs  of  Missouri,  said  Mr.  Russel,  will  sup- 
port the  nominee  of  this  convention,  General  Harri- 
son, and  if  their  decision  should  fail  in  the  latter,  they 
will  hope  to  be  rejoiced  by  the  shout  of  victory  from 
their  sister  States. 

There  are  considerations  in  Missouri  that  make  the 
name  of  General  Harrison  a  tower  of  strength.  He  is 
rich  in  the  affections  of  his  countrymen,  and  the 
Whigs  of  Missouri  will  do  their  best — will  die  in  the 
last  ditch. 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  35 

Mr.  Graham,  of  Louisiana,  said  that  he  and  the 
Whigs  of  the  State  he  represented  had  their  first 
choice.  But  their  prayer  will  be  offered  up  for  the 
success  of  the  ticket. 

A  gentleman  from  Vermont,  whose  name  the  re- 
porter could  not  learn,  addressed  the  convention.  He 
said  the  Whigs  of  that  State  will  never  surrender  till 
the  gates  of  the  White  House  at  Washington  are  de.- 
manded  and  secured  in  the  name  of  the  people  of  this 
great  Republic. 

Mr.  Newton,  of  Virginia,  said  that  the  State  which 
had  the  honor  to  be  the  birth-place  of  the  first  savior 
of  his  country,  will  prove  to  be  the  birth-place  of  the 
second  savior  of  his  country.  He  said  the  character 
of  General  Harrison  is  now  much  misunderstood,  and 
when  better  understood  will  be  better  appreciated. 

Mr.  Bates,  of  Michigan,  said  he  liked  the  eccentric 
Crockett's  motto,  "•  Be  sure  you're  right,  then  go 
ahead!"  With  General  Harrison,  said  Mr.  Bates,  we 
are  right,  and  I  assure  the  convention  we  will  "go 
ahead." 

Judge  Huntingdon,  of  Indiana,  said  that  that  State 
has  been  Whig — and  is  Whig  to  the  core.  He  was 
sure  she  would  give  General  Harrison  a  large  majority 
in  1840.  He  himself  resided  at  Fort  Harrison,  and  he 
knew  there  was  no  man  there  who  supported  the 
General  in  1836,  when  the  State  gave  him  eight  thou- 
sand majority,  who  would  not  do  so  again. 

The  Judge  referred  to  the  course  of  General  Har- 
rison in  Congress  in  reference  to  the  public  lands  and 
the  early  settlers,  who,  instead  of  an  enemy,  as  they 
feared,  found  him  their  best  friend.  He  also  referred 
to  the  declaration  of  Col.  R.  M.  Johnson  that  General 
Harrison  had  fought  more  battles  than  any  man  in  the 
country  and  "never  lost  a  battle." 

The  Judge  said  he  was  sure  he  never  will  lose  a 
battle,  and  that  his  nomination  will  be  received  in  the 
West  with  a  burst  of  enthusiasm  never  before  known 
in  the  country. 

The  question  was  then  taken  on  the  resolution  of 
Mr.  Johnson,  when  it  was  unanimously  adopted. 


36  Reminiscences  of  the 

A  resolution  was  then  offered  and  adopted  con- 
gratulating the  constituents  of  the  convention  on 
the  result  of  its  deliberations,  and  recommending  the 
same  harmony  and  enthusiasm  among  them  that 
have  characterized  the  proceedings  of  the  delegates. 

Mr.  Preston,  of  Kentucky,  offered  a  resolution  rela- 
tive to  the  adoption  of  an  address  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States. 

Mr.  B.  W.  Leigh  opposed  the  motion,  believing  no 
address  necessary.  He  said  he  should  be  in  favor 
of  leaving  the  nomination  to  its  own  weight.  He 
was  not  for  acting  on  the  defensive,  but  on  the  offen- 
sive. He  was  for  carrying  the  war  into  Africa;  for 
arraigning  the  spoilers  before  the  bar  of  the  Amer- 
ican people  for  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors,  when 
they  will  receive  the  punishment  due  them,  and  the 
only  punishment  they  can  receive  under  our  institu- 
tions— dismissal  from  office  now  and  forever. 

Mr.  Pendleton,  of  Ohio,  made  some  remarks  which 
we  could  not  hear. 

Mr.  Burnell,  of  Massachusetts,  said  there  was  no 
need  of  an  address.  If  the  voice  of  the  West  rolling 
clown  from  the  mountains  and  along  the  valleys  of 
the  Atlantic,  be  not  better  than  all  the  addresses  that 
ever  wer,e  issued,  then  indeed  a  miracle  has  been 
wrought. 

Mr.  Preston's  resolution  was  withdrawn. 

Mr.  Pendleton,  of  Ohio,  stated  that  it  was  the  wish 
of  General  Harrison  only  to  serve  but  one  term,  if 
elected  to  the  Presidency. 

A  resolution  was  then  submitted  by  R.  Johnson,  of 
Maryland,  and  agreed  to,  recommending  the  friends 
of  correct  principles  in  the  different  States  to  hold 
conventions  on  the  22d  of  February  next,  or  such  day 
as  may  be  agreed  upon,  for  the  purpose  of  nominat- 
ing electoral  tickets  and  general  organization. 

On  motion  of  Governor  Ewen,  of  North  Carolina,  a 
committee  of  one  from  each  delegation  was  appointed 
to  inform  the  nominees  of  the  convention  of  their  nom- 
ination. 

Mr.  Horn  or,  of  New  Jersey,  said  that  in  conformity 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  37 

with  the  recommendation  of  the  State  convention  of 
that  State  he  offered  the  following: 

Resolved,  That  this  convention  recommend  to  the 
Whig  young  men  of  the  several  States  to  assemble  at 
Washington  City  on  the  first  Monday  of  May  next, 
for  the  purpose  of  advancing  the  cause  of  sound  prin- 
ciples. 

The  resolution  was  agreed  to  after  the  substitution 
of  Baltimore  for  Washington. 

A  resolution  was  passed  tendering  the  thanks  of  the 
convention  to  the  trustees  of  the  Lutheran  church,  and 
to  the  reverend  clergymen  who  attended  the  sessions. 

Also  a  resolution  tendering  the  thanks  of  the  con- 
vention to  the  officers. 

The  president  responded  to  the  resolution  in  some 
very  appropriate  remarks,  when  the  convention  ad- 
journed sine  die. 


ANECDOTE   OF   HARRISON. 

The  following  circumstance  was  mentioned  during 
the  session  of  the  Harrisburg  convention  by  Judge 
Burnet,  of  Ohio,  a  warm  personal  friend  of  General 
Harrison. 

Many  years  since,  while  the  great  tide  of  emigra- 
tion was  flowing  through  the  Western  States,  the 
hero  of  the  Thames  having,  for  a  while,  exchanged 
the  arduous  duties  of  a  statesman  and  general  for  the 
more  peaceful  pursuits  of  agriculture,  was,  on  a  hot 
summer  evening,  at  the  porch  of  his  humble  "log 
cabin,"  asked  for  shelter  and  a  meal  by  a  minister  of 
the  Gospel  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  persuasion. 
The  jaded  appearance  of  the  steed  and  the  soiled  gar- 
ments of  the  rider  proclaimed  the  fatigue  of  the  day, 
and  with  his  usual  courtesy  the  old  General  welcomed 
the  stranger.  After  a  plain  and  substantial  supper 
the  guest  joined  with  his  host  in  social  conversation, 
and  the  latter,  laying  aside  the  character  of  the  sol- 


38  Reminiscences  of  the 

dier  and  statesman,  willingly  listened  to  the  pious 
instruction  of  the  traveler.  They  retired  to  rest,  the 
good  old  soldier  thankful  to  a  munificent  Providence 
that  he  was  enabled  to  administer  to  the  wants  of  a 
fellow-creature  and  the  worthy  minister  of  Christ  in- 
voking the  blessing  of  heaven  upon  the  head  of  his 
kind  benefactor.  Morning  came  and  the  minister 
prepared  to  depart.  He  was  in  the  act  of  taking  leave 
when  he  was  informed  that  his  horse  had  died  dur- 
ing the  night.  This  loss,  however  severe,  considering 
that  he  had  yet  two  hundred  miles  to  travel,  did  not 
discourage  him  in  the  exercise  of  his  duty;  but  taking 
his  saddle-bags  on  his  arm  he  rose  to  depart  with 
thanks  for  the  kindness  of  his  entertainer.  The  old 
General  did  not  attempt  to  prevent  him,  though  he 
offered  his  condolence  upon  his  loss,  but  an  observ- 
ing eye  could  have  detected  a  smrle  of  inward  satis- 
faction which  the  conciousness  of  doing  good  alone 
produces.  The  guest  reached  the  door  and  to  his 
astonishment  found  one  of  the  General's  horses  ac- 
coutred with  his  own  saddle  and  bridle  in  waiting 
for  him.  He  returned  and  remonstrated,  stating  his 
inability  to  pay  for  it,  and  that  in  all  probability  he 
should  never  again  visit  that  section  of  the  country. 
But  the  General  was  inexorable  and  reminded  the  aston- 
ished divine  that  "  He  who  giveth  to  the  poor  lendeth 
to  the  Lord,"  sent  him  on  his  way,  his  heart  over- 
flowing with  gratitude  and  his  prayers  directed  to 
heaven  for  blessings  on  the  venerable  hero. 


HARRISON'S    LETTER. 

Reader,  compare  the  two  letters  which  we  place 
before  you,  and  if  a  Whig  you  will  be  proud  of  your 
candidate.  Indeed,  we  thank  General  Harrison,  from 
the  bottom  of  our  heart,  for  this,  his  best  letter.  It  is 
indeed  one  most  important  step  in  the  great  reform 
which  is  to  save  our  country — which  brings  us  back 
to  the  fandamental  principle  in  the  Constitution,  which 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  39 

would  establish  the  independence  and  purity  of  Con- 
gress.    It  is  indeed  a  reform. 

Albany,  Feb.  28,  1840. 

SIR:  On  behalf  of  the  Whig  members  of  the  legisla- 
ture, being  a  majority  of  both  the  senate  and  the 
house  of  assembly,  the  undersigned  have  the  honor 
to  transmit  to  you  the  inclosed  resolutions  prepared 
by  us  and  passed  with  perfect  unanimity  and  the  most 
enthusiastic  feeling,  by  those  members,  at  a  meeting 
held  on  Saturday  last,  being  the  anniversary  of  Wash- 
ington's birth-day. 

We  have  also  the  honor  to  transmit  to  you  a  paper 
containing  a  report  in  full  of  the  speeches  and  proceed- 
ings at  that  meeting. 

We  have  the  fullest  confidence,  that  in  the  views 
there  expressed  as  to  the  character  and  policy  of  the 
present  administration,  as  well  as  in  the  tributes  paid 
to  your  character  and  public  services,  and  to  those  of 
the  distinguished  citizen  associated  with  you  in  the 
Harrisburg  nomination,  we  have  given  utterance  not 
onlv  to  our  own  feelings  and  convictions,  but  to  those 
of  a  large  majority  of  the  people  of  this  State 

We  are,  with  high  respect,  your  friends  and  fellow - 
citizens,  G.  C.  VERPLANCK,  ^ 

MARTIN  LEE,  >  Of  the  senate. 

JOHN  MAYNARD,       ) 

C.  E.  CLARK,  ^ 
WM.  DUER, 

PETER  B.  PORTER,  }•  Of  the  assembly. 

D.  B.  ST.  JOHN, 
J.  HUBBARD, 

GEN.  WILLIAM  HENRY  HARRISON. 

North  Bend,  Ohio,  May  23,  1840. 

GENTLEMEN:  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  28th  February,  conveying 
the  proceedings  of  a  meeting  of  the  Whig  members 
of  the  legislature  convened  in  the  Capitol  of  the  State 
on  the  twenty-second  of  that  month. 

I  beg  you  to  believe,  gentlemen,  that  I  am  deeply 
impressed  with  the  honor  which  has  been  conferred 


4-O  Reminiscences  of  the 

upon  me  by  the  distinguished  body  whom  on  this 
occasion  you  represent.  The  great  object  _of  both 
mv  civil  and  military  life  has  been  to  serve  my  country 
to  the  utmost  of  my  abilities  and  to  obtain  its  appro- 
bation. The  hope  of  this  has  often  cheered  me  in  cir- 
cumstances of  great  difficulty  and  embarrassment. 

You  will  pardon  me,  I  trust,  if  in  this  letter  I  go 
somewhat  beyond  the  mere  purpose  of  acknowledging 
the  receipt  of  your  communication  and  use  the  occasion 
for  making  a  few  remarks  which  circumstances  seem 
to  require  from  me  in  respect  to  a  declaration  of 
opinions  or  pledges,  as  to  my  future  conduct,  required 
of  candidates  for  high  offices. 

My  public  life,  not  now  a  short  one,  is  before  the 
country.  My  opinions  on  important  subjects  have 
been  expressed  from  time  to  time  as  those  subjects 
have  arisen;  and  since  my  name  has  been  mentioned 
among  those  from  whom  a  selection  might  be  made 
for  the  office  of  President,  I  have  in  several  letters  to 
friends  fully  and  frankly  avowed  my  sentiments. 
Further  than  this  I  cannot  suppose  intelligent  persons 
could  desire  me  to  go.  The  people  of  this  country 
do  not  rely  on  professions,  promises  and  pledges. 
They  know  that  if  a  candidate  is  unprincipled  he  will 
not  scruple  to  give  any  pledge  that  may  be  required 
of  him,  and  as  little  will  he  hesitate  to  violate  it. 

I  have  already  made  public  the  principles  by  which 
I  should  be  governed  if  elected  President,  so  far  as  re- 
lates to  the  proper  executive  duties  of  that  office.  But 
almost  innumerable  applications  have  been  made  to  me 
for  my  opinions  relative  to  matters  of  legislation,  or 
even  to  the  proper  mode  of  conducting  business  in 
the  two  houses  of  Congress. 

My  published  letters  to  Mr.  Williams  and  Mr.  Den- 
ny will  show  that  I  do  not  consider  the  President 
a  constituent  branch  of  the  legislature;  yet  it  is  imposs- 
ible to  read  the  letters  that  have  been  addressed  to 
me  without  believing  that  many  of  the  writers  had 
adopted  the  opinion  that  the  Presidential  office  was  the 
proper  source  and  origin  of  all  the  legislation  of  the 
country;  an  opinion,  in  my  judgment,  at  war  with 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  41 

every  principle  of  the  Constitution,  and  of  deep  and 
dangerous  consequence.  The  prevalence  of  such  senti- 
ments, more  than  almost  anything  else,  would  tend 
to  consolidate  the  whole  substantial  power  of  the  Gov- 
ernment in  the  hands  of  a  single  man,  a  tendency 
which,  whether  in  or  out  of  office,  I  feel  it  my  most 
solemn  duty  to  resist. 

I  have  declined,  therefore,  to  give  any  further  pledge 
or  opinions  on  the  subjects  which  belong  to  the  future 
legislation  of  Congress;  because, 

1.  I  conceive,  for    the   reasons  given  in    my  letters 
to    Mr.    Williams     and     Mr.    Denny,     that     Congress 
should   be   left  as   much  as  possible  untrammeled    by 
Executive  influence   in    the    discharge  of  its  legislative 
functions;  and  that  a  better  guarantee  for  the  correct 
conduct  of  a  Chief  Magistrate    may  be  found  in   his 
character     the     course     of    his     former    life,    than    in 
pledges  and  opinions  given  during  the  pendency  of  a 
doubtful   contest;  and   that,  although   recognizing  the 
right  of  the  people  to  be  informed  of  the  leading  polit- 
ical  opinions  of  the  candidates  for  offices  of  trust,  yet 
as  it  regards  the   subjects  upon  which  the  legislature 
may  be  called  to  act,  the  pledges  and  opinions  should 
be    required,    if  required     at    all,    of  candidates    for 
Congress. 

2.  Because    the    habit   of  considering   a    single   in- 
dividual as  the  source  from  which  all  the  measures  of 
government  should  emanate,  is  degrading  to  a  republic, 
and  of  the    most  dangerous    tendency. 

3.  Because  upon  all  the  questions  in  regard  to  which, 
under  any  circumstances,  it    would    be    at  all  proper 
for  me  to  make  answers,  my  sentiments  have  already 
been  fully  and  clearly  given  to  the  public,  in  a  manner 
to  entitle    them  to    credence,    as    I    conceive  that  no 
honest  man  would  suffer  his  friends  to  publish  docu- 
ments in  his  name  which  were  not  genuine,  or  contain- 
ing opinions    which   he    was    not  then  willing  to  in- 
dorse.    Accept,  gentlemen,  the  assurance  of  my  high 
regard.  WILLIAM  HENRY  HARRISON. 

Messrs.    Verplanck.    Lee,    Maynard.    Duer,     Clark, 
Porter,  St.  John  and  Hubbard. 


42  Reminiscences  of  the 

In  reply  to  a  letter  similar  in  substance  to  that  of 
General  Harrison,  Governor  Tyler  thus  writes  : 


Williamsburg,  Va.,  March  2 
GENTLEMEN  :  I  owe  you  my  acknowledgments  for 
your  letter  communicating  to  me  the  proceedings  of 
the  Whig  members  of  the  legislature  of  New  York, 
and  the  paper  containing  the  addresses  made  at  their 
late  meeting.  I  have  read  them  with  deep  interest, 
not  because  of  my  present  political  relations  to  the 
country,  relations  which  you.  are  well  aware  are  not 
in  the  slightest  degree  of  my  own  seeking  ;  but 
because  whatever  proceeds  from  the  accredited  repre- 
sentatives of  a  majority  of  the  people  of  the  great 
State  of  New  York,  is  entitled  at  all  times,  and  more 
especially  at  the  present,  to  excite  the  highest  degree 
of  attention.  The  influence  and  power  which  she 
exerts  over  the  affairs  of  the  Union  devolve  upon 
her  a  responsibility  of  the  weightiest  character,  and 
when  she  announces  herself  on  the  side  of  the 
institutions  of  the  country,  the  friends  of  civil  liberty 
have  cause  to  feel  assured  that  all  is  safe.  Such  are 
the  feelings  which  your  late  proceedings  and  addresses 
are  calculated  to  inspire,  and  such,  I  am  sure,  will 
be  the  happy  result. 

For  the  complimentary  notice  which  has  been  taken 
of  myself  by  the  Whig  members  of  the  legislature,  I 
beg  to  be  permitted  to  express  my  thanks,  and  to 
tender  each  of  you,  gentlemen,  wishes  for  your  health, 
happiness  and  prosperity. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  yours,  etc., 

JOHN  TYLER. 

Committee  of  the  senate  :  Hon.  G.  C.  Verplanck, 
Hon.  Gen.  Martin  Lee,  Hon.  John  Maynard. 

Committee  of  the  assembly  :  Messrs.  C.  E.  Clark, 
W^m.  Duer,  Peter  B.  Porter,  D.  B.  St.  John,  and  J. 
Hubbard. 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  43 

POLLOCK'S  DEFENSE. 


THE  BRAVE  SOLDIER    DEFENDS    His    OLD    CHIEF. 

Among  the  malicious  inventions  against  General 
Harrison's  character  was  that  of  cowardice.  And, 
notwithstanding  that  in  early  youth  he  forsook  the 
luxurious  life  of  an  Atlantic  city  to  enlist  in  a  war 
against  the  British  and  Indians  among  the  primitive 
forests  and  prairies  of  the  West,  there  were  at  times 
men  so  vile  as  to  make  such  a  charge.  In  the  Ohio 
legislature,  after  two  Van  Buren  members  had  in- 
dulged in  this  accusation,  Mr.  Pollock,  thus  replied  to 
them: 

MR.  SPEAKER:  I  have  listened  to  the  debate  with 
much  patience.  I  have  heard  abuse  heaped  upon 
General  Harrison  by  men  who  are  comparatively 
young,  and  although  I  am  unaccustomed  to  speech- 
making,  I  hope  the  house  will  bear  with  me  for  a  few 
moments,  for  I  shall  not  trouble  it  long.  I  shall  only 
reply  to  some  particular  matters.  I  shall  not  deal  in 
generals;  we  have  too  many  of  them  already.  Sir,  I 
have  heard  members  of  this  house  charge  General 
Harrison  with  cowardice  whom  he  defended  and 
protected  from  the  war  knife  and  tomahawk  of  the 
Indian  when  they  were  sleeping  in  their  mother's 
arms. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  know  something  of  General  Har- 
rison; and  something  of  his  history;  and  something 
of  his  deeds.  I  know  individuals  who  were  with  him 
during  the  last  war;  who  were  with  him  in  the  battles 
of  the  Thames,  Fort  Meigs,  and  Fort  Stephenson. 
I  know,  sir,  that  cannon  balls,  and  chain  shot,  and 
bomb  shells,  flew  thick  around  him  in  these  battles. 
The  gentleman  from  Clermont  (Mr.  Buchanan)  said 
that  General  Harrison  was  not,  during  the  battle  of 
Fort  Meigs,  near  enough  to  have  the  scales  knocked 
off.  He  was  near  enough  to  have  scales  and  dirt 


44  Reminiscences  of  the 

knocked  on  him  by  cannon  balls.  [Who  saw  it? 
asked  some  member.]  I  saw  it,  sir!  I  was  in  the 
battle.  I  saw  a  cannon  ball  strike  within  two  feet 
of  General  Harrison  during  that  fight.  I  was  there. 
I  saw  bomb  shells  and  chain  shot  flying  all  around 
him.  I  speak  what  I  know,  and  what  my  eyes  have 
seen.  General  Harrison  is  not  a  coward;  and  those 
who  call  him  coward  know  nothing  of  him.  He  was 
a  brave,  prudent,  and  fearless  general.  He  took  the 
right  course  during  the  last  war;  he  acted  a  noble 
part,  and  his  country  has  honored  him  for  it.  Ask  the 
soldiers  who  fought  by  his  side;  whose  arms  were 
nerved  by  his  presence;  whose  hearts  were  cheered 
by  his  valor;  and  who  were  led  to  triumph  and  to 
victory  by  his  courage,  and  bravery,  and  skill,  if  Gen- 
eral Harrison  was  a  coward;  and  they,  sir,  will  tell 
you  no! 

Sir,  I  have  done;  I  only  wished  to  give  my  testi- 
mony in  favor  of  General  Harrison,  and  to  state  what  1 
have  seen,  in  opposition  to  the  statements  of  those  who 
are  ignorant  of  his  character,  and  who  know  nothing 
of  his  bravery  and  skill. 


OHIO  STATE  CONVENTION. 


THE  MONSTER  GATHERING  OF  THE  CLANS  OF  OHIO. 
THE  PEOPLE  PARADE  WITH  LOG  CABINS,  HARD 
CIDER  AND  COONS. 

"The  great  twenty-second  is  coming. 

And  the  Vanjacks  begin  to  look  blue, 
They  know  there's  no  chance  for  poor  Matty, 
If  we'll  stick  to  Old  Tippecanoe, 

If  we'll  stick  to  Old  Tippecanoe/' 

On  Friday,  the  2ist  of  February,  1840,  the  peo- 
ple of  Ohio  met  in  convention  in  the  open  air,  at  the 
corner  of  High  and  Broad  streets,  in  Columbus,  a*nd 
James  Wilson,  the  veteran  editor,  of  Jefferson  county, 
called  the  vast  concourse  to  order.  The  convention 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  4^ 

was  then  and  there  fully  organized  by  appointing  the 
following  persons  officers: 

President:    Gen.  Reasin   Beall,    of  Wayne    county. 

Vice-presidents:  first  district,  Charles  S.  Clarkson, 
of  Hamilton  county;  second  district,  William  Carr, 
of  Butler  county;  third  district,  Aurora  Spofford,  of 
Wood  county;  fourth  district,  Isaiah  Morris,  of  Clinton 
county;  fifth  district,  Thomas  L.  Shields,  of  Clermont 
county;  sixth  district,  John  C.  Bestow,  of  Meigs 
county;  seventh  district,  John  Crouse,  Sr.,  of  Ross 
county;  eighth  district,  Forest  Meeker,  of  Delaware 
county;  ninth  district,  George  Sanderson,  of  Fairfield 
county;  tenth  district,  Charles  Anthony,  of  Clark 
county;  eleventh  district,  Solomon  Bentley,  ofBelmont 
county;  twelfth  district,  David  Chambers,  of  Mus- 
kingum  county;  thirteenth  district,  Daniel  S.  Norton, 
of  Knox  county;  fourteenth  district,  Eleutheros  Cooke, 
of  Erie  county;  fifteenth  district,  Frederick  Wadsworth, 
of  Portage  county;  sixteenth  district,  Storm  Rosa,  of 
Geauga  county:  seventeenth  district,  Joseph  Mause, 
of  Columbiana  county;  eighteenth  district,  Solomon 
Markham,  of  Stark  county;  nineteenth  district,  Hugli 
Downing,  of  Jefferson  county. 

Secretaries:  Chauncey  Dewey,  of  Harrison;  Robert 
Buchanan,  of  Hamilton;  Thomas  M.  Kelley  of  Cuya- 
hoga;  James  Watson  Riley,  of  Mercer;  Smithson  E. 
Wright,  of  Franklin;  William  B.  Thrall,  of  Pickaway; 
William  M.  Neeley,  of  Belmont;  James  M.  Mason,  of 
Monroe. 

On  taking  the  chair,  General  Beall  delivered  an  ani- 
mating address  referring  to  the  services  of  General 
Harrison  and  himself  under  Gen.  Anthony  Wayne, 
and  to  the  later  events  in  the  active,  varied  and  useful 
life  of  his  old  companion  in  arms.  The  assemblage 
was  enthusiastic  and  uproarious  in  applause  of  the  old 
soldier,  whose  seventy-one  years  had  not  impaired  his 
vigor  or  patriotism.  Hon.  Richard  Douglass,  of  Ross, 
offered  resolutions  as  to  appointment  of  various  com- 
mittees on  business,  which  were  adopted.  Hon. 
Thomas  Ewing,  of  Fairfield,  Gen.  Win.  S.  Murphy,  of 
Ross,  and  others,  ably  addressed  the  people,  and  the 


46  Reminiscences  of  the 

body  then  adjourned  until  Saturday  morning  at  10 
o'clock.  The  great  22d  came,  and  the  rain  poured 
down  in  torrents  during  the  entire  meeting  and  the 
march  of  the  procession.  There  was,  in  fact,  no  inter- 
mission. Gen.  Charles  Anthony,  one  of  the  vice-presi- 
dents, took  the  chair,  and  Nehemiah  Allen,  from  a 
committee  of  ten  from  each  Congressional  district, 
presented  a  report  recommending  Hon.  Thomas  Cor- 
win,  of  Warren  county,  for  governor.  General  An- 
thony and  others  spoke  in  favor  of  the  report,  and 
Thomas  Corwin  was  unanimously  nominated. 

Gen.  Allen  Trimble  presented  from  the  committee 
the  names  for  an  electoral  ticket,  and  the  following 
were  chosen  by  acclamation,  viz: 

Senatorial  electors:  William  R.  Putnam,  of  Wash- 
ington county;  Reasin  Beall,  of  Wayne  county. 

District  electors:  First  district,  Alexander  Mahew, 
of  Hamilton  county;  second  district,  Henry  Harter, 
Preble  county;  third  district,  Aurora  Spofford, 
Wood  county;  fourth  district,  Joshua  Collett,  Warren 
county;  fifth  district,  Abram  Wiley,  Clermont  county; 
sixth  district,  Samuel  F.  Vinton,  Gallia  county;  seventh 
district,  John  J.  Van  Meter,  Pike  county;  eighth 
district,  Aquilla  Toland,  Madison  county;  ninth  dis- 
trict, Perley  B.  Johnson,  Morgan  county;  tenth  dis- 
trict, John  Dukes,  Hancock  county;  eleventh  dis- 
trict, Otho  Brashear,  Guernsey  county;  twelfth  district, 
James  Raguet,  Muskingum  county;  thirteenth  district, 
Christopher  S.  Miller,  Coshocton  county;  fourteenth 
district,  David  King,  Medina  county;  fifteenth  district, 
Storm  Rosa,  Geauga  county;  sixteenth  district,  John 
Batty,  Carroll  county;  seventeenth  district,  John 
Carey,  Crawford  county;  eighteenth  ^district,  John 
Augustine,  Stark  county;  nineteenth  district,  John 
Jamison,  Harrison  county. 

Resolutions  in  favor  of  Harrison  and  Tyler  and 
retrenchments  and  reform  were  presented  from  the 
committee  by  Judge  John  C.  Wright,  of  Hamilton, 
Hon.  Alfred  Kelley,  of  Franklin,  and  Hon.  Hiram 
Griswold,  of  Stark.  They  contained  a  terrible  arraign- 
ment of  the  British  party  in  power,  the  corruption 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  47 

and  profligacy  of  the  office-holders,  etc.  Upon  the 
question  of  contributions  they  declared  that,  if  it  be 
the  interest  of  the  office-holders  to  appropriate  any 
portion  of  their  salaries  to  electioneering  purposes, 
with  a  view  to  sustaining  those  from  whom  they  hold 
appointments  and  themselves  in  office  (as  proved 
to  be  the  case  with  the  custom-house  officers  in  New 
York),  it  is  conclusive  evidence  that  those  salaries  are 
too  high,  and  should  be  reduced.  They  declared  in 
favor  of  a  change  of  the  entire  administration  and  of 
governmental  policy.  They  were  opposed  to  the  one- 
man  power  and  in  favor  of  the  people  ruling.  Thev 
were  for  protecting  the  mechanical  and  manufacturing 
and  laboring  interests  of  America,  and  the  poor 
people,  wherever  they  might  be,  in  the  country. 
Harrison,  the  log-cabin  candidate,  was  the  representa- 
tive of  the  hardy  yeomanry,  and  they  would  rally 
around  his  standard.  They  declared  for  him  as  the 
representative  of  the  one-term  principle,  because  no 
one  man  should  be  elected  President  of  the  United 
States  for  two  terms  in  succession,  and  Martin  Van 
Buren  least  of  all! 

Resolutions  of  this  character  were  carried  with 
a  whoop. 

General  Murphy  offered  a  resolution,  recommending 
to  the  Whig  young  men  of  Ohio,  Kentucky,  Indiana, 
Illinois,  Michigan,  Western  New  York,  Pennsylvania 
and  Virginia,  to  celebrate  the  next  anniversary  of  the 
raising  of  the  siege  of  Fort  Meigs,  in  June,  1813,  on 
the  ground  occupied  by  the  fort.  It  was  unanimously 
adopted. 

Charles  Borland,  of  Fairfield,  moved  that  it  be  rec- 
ommended to  the  voters  to  organize  Harrison  and  re- 
form clubs  in  each  and  every  county  of  the  State. 
Carried  by  acclamation. 

The  following  central  committee  was  appointed,  to- 
wit:  Alfred  Kelley,  Joseph  Ridgeway,  Sr.,  John  W. 
Andrews,  Robert  Neil,  John  L.  Miner,  Francis  Stew- 
art, Lewis  Heyl,  Dr.  Miller  and  Lyne  Starling,  Jr. 

The  condensation  of  the  business  of  the  convention 
as  relating  to  organization  having  been  given,  a  brief 


48  Reminiscences  of  t/ie 

sketching  of  the  incidents  will  enable  the  reader  to  judge 
of  the  temper  and  spirit  of  the  occasion.  When,  simul- 
taneously from  all  directions,  on  the  2ist,  immense 
delegations  came  together  on  High  street,  at  the  corner 
of  Broad,  and  the  Newark  band  played  the  Marseillaise 
hymn,  and  more  than  twenty  bands  in  the  long  lines 
joined  in,  the  crowd  became  fairly  wild  with  yells  and 
shouts.  More  than  one  thousand  men  came  in  pro- 
cession from  Ross,  Pike  and  Jackson  counties.  By 
wagons  and  carriages,  on  canal  boats,  on  horseback 
and  on  foot,  thousands  upon  thousands  poured  into  the 
streets,  and  thronged  hotels  and  boarding-houses,  and 
filled  the  hundreds  of  dwellings  whose  "latch-strings 
hung  out."  and  over  whose  doors  were  the  words, 
'•Welcome  to  all." 

The  grand  procession  on  the  22d  surpassed  in  en- 
thusiasm anything  ever  before  or  since  in  the  history 
of  Ohio.  The  people  had  been  gathering  from  Thurs- 
day morning,  and  from  all  the  counties  of  the  State 
they  had  come  together. 

And  to  think  that  then  the  only  easy  conveyance 
was  by  canal.  On  the  boats  of  the  "raging  canaul" 
over  seven  hundred  men  came  from  Ross  and 
Pickaway.  By  the  next  best  way,  the  National  road, 
came  the  hosts  from  Madison,  Clark,  Greene,  Cham- 
pagne, Montgomery,  Preble  and  the  West,  with  their 
log  cabins  and  canoes  on  wheels;  while  from  the  East 
came  over  that  road  the  hardy  men  of  Belmont,  Jeffer- 
son, Guernsey,  Muskingum  and  other  counties  with 
cabins  and  canoes  and  banners  flying  with  the  names 
of  "Old  Licking"  and  other  counties  emblazoned  on 
their  folds.  From  the  North  the  Western  Reserve 
sent  a  horde  of  live  Yankees,  who  were  joined  upon 
the  way  by  hundreds  from  the  counties  they  crossed, 
and  the  whole  country  through  which  the  Cuyahoga 
brig  passed  resounded  with  the  songs  for  Old  Tippe- 
canoe.  And,  O!  what  a  joyful  scene  it  was  when 
they  met  their  brethren  from  the  Darby  plains  and 
Highland  and  Fayette  and  Brown  and  Clermont  and 
the  southern  counties!  What  a  sight,  when  the  farmers 
and  pioneers,  the  mechanics  and  laborers  mingle  to- 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  '       49 

gether  in  the  streets  of  the  State's  Capitol.  From  the 
banks  of  the  Scioto  and  the  Miami  and  Mad  riv- 
ers, and  Muskingum  and  Licking  and  Killbuck  and 
Jellosvay  and  Hockhocking  and  Kokosing  and  Mau- 
mee  and  every  river  and  creek  between  Lake  Erie  and 
the  Ohio,  every  log  cabin  seemed  to  have  contributed 
its  stalwart  Buckeye  boys  to  make  the  great  crowd  to 
set  "the  ball  a  rolling  on  for  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler 
too."  They  had  come  from  the  hill  tops,  and  had 
come  from  the  valleys  to  this  grandest  of  all  grand 
rallies,  and  the  like  of  that  enormous  procession  of  the 
people  never  had  been  seen  in  the  hundred  years 
of  Ohio's  history  or  in  all  the  nation's  existence. 
It  was  an  army  with  banners  moving  through  streets, 
whose  walls  were  hung  with  flags,  streamers  and 
decorations  in  honor  of  a  brave  old  patriot  and 
pioneer,  who  had  given  the  best  strength  and  years 
of  his  life  to  protecting  the  poor  men,  women  and 
children  on  the  frontiers,  and  who  had  settled  down 
in  a"  log  cabin  to  spend  his  days  as  a  humble  fanner 
at  North  Bend;  and  when  the  people  had  called  upon 
him  in  his  retiracy  to  serve  them,  had  been  villified, 
slandered  and  traduced  by  the  office-holders  and  a 
pensioned  press. 

Every  banner  and  device  and  emblem  spoke  out  in 
rebuke  and  expressed  the  honest  indignation  of  the 
people  of  Ohio.  The  log  cabins  spoke  in  language 
not  to  be  misunderstood,  and  as  the  citizens  marched 
in  the  mud  over  shoe  tops,  and  with  clothes  drenching 
with  rain,  the  people  felt  the  loud  beat  of  the  pulse 
of  victory.  To  the  music  of  the  drum  and  fife,  brave 
Ohio  soldiers,  proud  of  the  military  services  of  Gen- 
eral Harrison,  kept  time,  as  they  lead  in  the  procession 
with  the  stars  and  stripes  unfurled.  There  were 
the  Zanesville  Guards,  commanded  by  Captain  Dtilty, 
50  rank  and  file;  The  Putnam  Grays,  Captain  Hatch, 
71  strong;  The  Warren  Greens  (Zanesville  Rifles), 
Captain  Hazlett,  in  one  battalion  under  Colonel  Curtis, 
accompanied  by  Brigadier  General  Watkins,  of  Zanes- 
ville, and  his  staff:  The  Jefferson  Guards,  Captain 
Hare;  Columbus  Guards,  Captain  Mills;  Buckeye 


ejO  Reminiscences  of  the 

Rangers,  Captain  Elaine;  German  Guards,  Captain 
Frankenberg,  all  under  Colonel  Sanderson,  accom- 
panied by  the  field  and  staff  officers  of  the  Columbus 
brigade. 

Then  comes  Lewis  Bowyer,  of  Miami  county,  over 
eighty  years  of  -age,  riding  on  a  white  horse  with  a 
banner  inscribed,  "The  Last  of  the  Life  Guards  of 
General  Washington,"  and  leading  another  white 
horse,  on  which  was  a  standard  to  the  saddle  with  the 
inscription,  "The  Saddle  on  which  the  Illustrious 
Father  of  his  Country  Rode  when  Leading  his  Coun- 
trymen to  Battle;"  and  following  them  are  a  number 
of  old  soldiers  of  the  Revolution.  What  an  inspira- 
tion! What  a  thrill  pervades  the  beholders!  Then 
follows  in  the  procession  an  ensign  with  a  beautiful 
banner,  on  which  is  painted  a  life-like  picture  of  the 
Fanner  of  North  Bend,  with  his  plow  and  team 
halted  midway  in  the  furrow,  regaling  himself  with  a 
cup  of  his  favorite  hard  cider.  Shouts  upon  shouts 
go  up  as  it  passes  through  the  crowd. 

Then  comes  the  Cuyahoga  delegation  of  eighty  men 
with  a  full-sized  brig  on  wheels,  completely  rigged 
and  manned,  with  colors  flying  and  Harrison's  por- 
trait at  the  masthead,  with  one  hand  holding  a  plow 
and  his  hat  in  the  other  ;  resting  underneath  the  le- 
gend, "The  Farmer  of  North  Bend."  In  the  brig 
with  the  crew  are  William  B.  Lloyd,  the  bold  and 
fearless  representative  of  old  Cuyahoga,  John  A. 
Briggs,  the  eloquent  tariff  advocate,  and  other  as 
gallant  tars  as  ever  walked  a  deck.  In  the  log  cabin 
of  the  Mad  river  trappers  behold  Charley  Anthony 
and  others  of  "Old  Tip's  boys,"  eating  corn  bread  and 
bacon,  while  coons  run  around  the  cabin  roof  and  the 
fox,  wolf,  bear  and  deer  skins,  guns  and  axes,  and 
barrels  of  hard  cider  are  also  visible.  Shortly  after 
there  comes  in  sight  Colonel  Icil's  large  canoe  drawn 
by  eight  beautiful  gray  horses,  with  a  banner  inscribed 
"Old  Tippecanoe  Forever,"  which  calls  forth  loud 
cheers,  while  young  Robert  Neil  beats  the  drum  and 
the  band  plays  and  sings  a  campaign  song.  Another 
log  canin  comes  in  for  cheering, 'drawn  by  six  bright 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  51 

bay  horses  and  having  a  large  picture  of  General  Har- 
rison drawing  a  gourd  full  of  hard  cider  from  a  barrel 
and  handing  it  to  an  old  soldier. 

Upon  other  banners  in  the  procession  are  the  in- 
scriptions "The  Log  Cabin  and  Hard  Cider  Candidate"; 
"Hail  Columbia  and  Harrison";  "He  Never  Yet 
Lost  a  Battle."  The  company  with  brooms  on  their 
shoulders  and  the  motto,  "We'll  Cleanse  the  Augean 
Stable,"  attracts  much  notice.  And  there,  too,  is  the 
old  tin  pan  with  the  bottom  knocked  out,  and  in 
mourning  because  its  glory  has  departed.  And  how 
the  shouts  go  up  at  the  long  line  of  horsemen  from 
"Old  Knox"  with  the  Owl  creek  canoe,  and  the  big 
cavalcade  from  "Old  Licking"  and  "Muskingum"  and 
"Coshocton,"  with  a  steamboat  under  full  head  of  steam 
and  a  "Harrison  and  Reform"  banner  flying. 

Then  comes  the  caricature  exciting  much  laughter, 
of  "The  Sam  Medary  and  the  Quasi  Quires"  gouged 
out  of  the  State's  reams.  The  New  York  delega- 
tion, headed  by  Cols.  E.  A.  Sevier  and  Babcock, 
with  its  beautiful  flag  and  its  tall  pole,  on  the  top  of 
which  is  Jove's  bird — a  live  American  eagle.  The 
ladies  all  along  the  line  from  windows  and  galleries 
and  house  tops  greeted  the  men  who  marched  in  the 
mud  and  rain,  with  waving  of  handkerchiefs  and 
cheers,  and  the  soldiers  of  Tippecanoe  felt  their  smiles 
and  plaudits  were  a  fitting  recompense  for  what  they 
endured.  In  platoons  of  eight  they  braved  the  storm 
and  tempest  regardless  of  health,  and  many  of  them 
without  overcoats  or  other  sufficient  covering.  As  an 
illustration  we  may  mention,  that  in  the  Knox  delega- 
tion with  G.  B.  Burr,  G.  A.  Jones,  Gen.  William 
Bevans,  R.  C.  Hurd,  the  Curtises,  Daniel  S.  Norton 
and  others,  there  was  tramping  in  the  mud  and  rain 
the  venerable  Judge  Jesse  B.  Thomas,  the  distin- 
guished ex-United  States  Senator  from  Illinois,  who 
was  the  author  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  he 
had  raised  his  umbrella;  when  his  attention  was  called 
to  the  fact  that  there  was  no  other  to  be  seen,  he 
pitched  it  in  the  street  and  continued  as  a  boy  in  the 
line,  notwithstanding  he  had  risen  from  his  bed,  where 


52  Reminiscences  of  the 

he  had  been  confined  for  weeks  with  rheumatism. 
So  deeply  enthused  were  all  that  they  lost  sight 
of  their  ailments  and  became  oblivious  to  ague,  rheu- 
matism, gout,  neuralgia  and  other  ills  in  their  zeal  for 
Harrison,  while  cheerily  they  rang  out  the  song: 

"The  times  are  bad    and  want  curing, 
They  are  getting  past  all  endifring; 
So  let's  turn  out  Martin  Van  Buren 
And  put  in  Old  Tippecanoe  !" 

Men  sang  whenever  had  been  known  to  sing  before, 
and  many  became  noted  as  vocalists  and  orators  who 
were  surprised  to  know  their  own  abilities.  Grand 
us  the  pageant  of  the  day  parade  the  brilliancy  of  the 
illumination  and  the  grandeur  of  the  scenes  at  night  sur- 
passed it  when  the  discharge  of  oratory  by  Douglass 
and  Cooke  and  Andrews  and  Norton  and  Allen  and 
Goddard  and  Lloyd  and  Murphy  and  Mathiot  and 
others,  fired  the  hearts  and  aroused  the  enthusiasm  of 
the  masses.  The  Buckeye  Blacksmith  and  the  pool- 
Welch  laborer  on  the  canal,  Sam  White,  like  meteors 
shot  athwart  the  sky,  and  astonished  by  their  bright- 
ness themselves  as  well  as  the  vast  multitude.  It  was 
a  general  ground-swell,  an  upheaval  that  carried 
consternation  into  the  ranks  of  the  administration 
forces. 

The  great  22d  convention  electrified  the  nation.  It 
started  a  new  epoch,  and  began  a  revolution  that  no 
human  power  could  check,  no  combination  of  parties 
could  control.  The  people  were  in  it;  they  made  it 
apparent  to  unbelievers,  infidels  and  heathen  through- 
out the  world  that  "the  voice  of  the  people  is  the  voice 
of  God." 

Feeling  the  inability  of  our  descriptive  power  to 
convey  sufficiently  an  idea  of  the  opening  of  the  cam- 
paign by  this  convention,  we  avail  ourselves  of  a 
letter  written  at  the  time  by  a  staid  young  gentleman 
from  New  England,  who  came  West  to  grow  up  with 
Ohio,  and  has  since  become  widely  known  as  a  lawyer 
and  statesman,  the  Hon.  Aaron  F.  Perry,  late  member 
of  Congress  from  Cincinnati.  He  endeavors  to  give 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  53 

to  the  Yankees  through  the  columns  of  the  Boston 
Atlas,  a  knowledge  of  the  way  things  were  moving 
in  the  land  of  old  Tippecanoe: 

Columbus,  Ohio,  Feb.  24,  1840. 

The  Ohio  State  convention  of  the  friends  of  Har- 
rison and  Tyler  came  off  here  on  the  twenty-first  and 
twenty-second.  There  was  probably  never  before  so 
great  a  turn  out,  such  unanimity  of  thought,  such  uni- 
versal enthusiasm  at  any  political  meeting  in  the 
United  States.  In  giving  a  description  there  is  no 
danger  of  exaggeration.  You  must  bear  in  mind  that 
Columbus  is  near  the  center  of  the  State,  from  one 
hundred  to  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  miles  from 
either  boundary:  that  the  weather  was  in  transition 
from  winter  to  spring;  that  the  roads  were  all  mud, 
deep  mud,  nothing  but  interminable  unmitigated  mud; 
that  money  was  hard  to  be  got  for  any  purpose;  that 
Harrison  has  been  derided  as  the  u  log-cabin  candi- 
date," fond  of  "hard  cider,"  and  so  forth.  On  the 
morning  previous  to  the  first  day  of  the  convention  it 
began  steadily  to  rain,  and  the  people  began  to  come 
in  by  delegations.  The  hotels  were  all  filled  by  10 
o'clock  in  the  forenoon.  Soon  crowds  collected  along 
the  streets  and  about  the  public  houses.  You  could 
hear  occasional  exclamations,  "  Old  Tip,"  "Whoop," 
"Ho,"  "Harrison  and  Tyler,"  "For  one  term  only!" 
As  the  delegates  came  in,  soaked  with  rain  and  covered 
with  mud  one  after  another,  the  city  becomes  noisy 
and  clamorous.  They  pass  through  High  street  in 
procession — each  after  its  own  band  of  music — recog- 
nizing continual  shouts  of  welcome  bv  the  waving  of 
hats,  flagg  and  handkerchiefs.  Before  night  a  con- 
course had  collected  larger  than  was  ever  before 
assembled  in  Ohio;  and  yet  the'day  for  the  convention 
had  not  come,  and  many  of  .the  largest  delegations 
had  not  arrived.  Still  it  rained.  Still  on  came  the 
people  with  music,  with  banners  and  with  shoutings. 

A  short  time  before  sunset  the  clouds  were  sud- 
denly broken  up  and  rolled  together  •  in  masses 
and  driven  by  a  brisk  wind  out  of  sight.  An  advance 
guard  of  the  city  rangers  patrolled  the  streets  with 


54  Reminiscences  of  the 

martial  music.  Their  rifle  barrels  glistened  with 
dazzling  brightness  as  they  were  struck  aslant  by  the 
rays  of  the  setting  sun.  The  mind  of  the  throng 
seemed  to  revert  all  as  one  to  the  time  when  the  bay- 
onets of  the  Northwestern  army  under  Harrison 
were  seen  to  glitter  along  the  defiles  of  the  Ohio 
forests.  •  And  such  was  the  general  enthusiasm  that 
this  little  incident,  simple  as  it  was,  called  forth  from 
one  end  of  Columbus  to  the  other,  a  long,  loud  and 
deafening  "Whoo-oo-oo-o-ra-aa-ah  for  old  Tippeca- 
noe!"  At  night  the  doors  of  the  citizens  were  thrown 
open,  straw  beds,  mattresses  and  even  naked  floors 
were  put  in  requisition.  Some  slept,  some  told  anec- 
dotes, some  made  speeches  and  some  sung  songs. 

At  break  of  day,  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty-first, 
one  of  our  best  bands  rode  around  the  city,  and  filled 
the  air  with  animating  music.  During  the  night  several 
strips  of  canvas  had  been  suspended  from  the  house 
tops  across  High  street,  on  which  were  painted  in 
large  letters  "Harrison  and  Tyler"  for  one  term  only — 
"Union  for  the  ""sake  of  the  Union."  Soon  shouts 
were  heard  again.  Delegations  pour  in  afresh  from 
two  to  three  and  even  up  to  eight  hundred  persons  at  a 
time.  Every  neighborhood  of  farmers,  every  village 
of  mechanics  seemed  to  have  racked  their  ingenuity  to 
invent  rare  and  expressive  devices. 

One  delegation  came  armed  with  brooms,  signifying 
that  the  next  election  shall  be  made  a  sweeping 
operation.  Others  bore  full-length  pictures  of  General 
Harrison  following  his  plow.  One  delegation  bore 
aloft  upon  a  Buckeye  pole  a  live  eagle,  that  looked 
around  and  received  the  plaudits  of  the  multitude  with 
abundant  camplacency.  Several  counties  brought  in 
each  a  log  canoe,  fixed  upon  wheels,  to  answer  the 
purposes  of  a  wagon,  with  various  mottoes  upon  the 
sides,  and  upon  their  horses'  blinds  were  printed  "Old 
Tip."  From  one  direction  comes  a  steamboat,  com- 
plete in  all  its  parts,  fixed  upon  wheels,  loaded  with 
people  and  drawn  by  four  horses  tandem.  The 
paddles  are  made  to  revolve  with  a  crank,  the  steam 
rises  in  pufFs  from  the  pipe,  each  wheel-house  bears 


Political   Campaign  of  JSJfO.  55 

the  name  of  "  Harrison  and  Tyler."  From  another 
direction  comes  a  model  of  Fort  Meigs,  mounted 
with  small  brass  cannon,  drawn  by  six  horses  and 
large  enough  for  twenty  or  thirty  men  to  ride  in.  From 
Cleveland,  a  distance  of  145  miles,  comes  a  brig, 
mounted  on  wheels  and  drawn  by  six  horses,  manned 
with  delegates  in  sailor  caps,  with  sails  all  set  and 
streamers  flying,  followed  by  half  a  mile  of  carriages 
and  curricles  of  all  descriptions.  The  brig  is  called 
"William  Henry  Harrison."  Upon  its  sails  is  seen 
in  large  characters,  "Live  Credit,"  "Flourish  Com- 
merce," "  Don't  Give  Up  the  Ship."  Yonder  comes  a 
real,  bona  fide  log  cabin !  See  the  raccoon-skins  hanging 
out  upon  its  sides.  Upon  the  door  is  written  with 
charcoal,  in  awkward  characters,  "Hard  Cider."  It  is 
rilled  with  men  in  hunting  shirts,  eating  corn-bread, 
and  as  many  of  the  same  description  as  can  sit  on  the 
roof  or  hang  upon  it  in  any  way,  are  singing  rude 
songs  in  praise  of  the  "  Log  Cabin  Candidate,"  "Old 
Tippecanoe."  It  has  been  drawn  on  wheels  through 
the  mud  a  distance  of  40  or  ^o  miles,  and  now  passes 
through  the  throng  in  triumph,  while  shouts  redouble 
upon  shouts  and  cheers  upon  cheers.  There  is  still 
another  log  cabin,  brought  from  a  different  county, 
and  similar  in  appearance;  also  a  board  cabin  purport- 
ing to  be  occupied  by  "  Mad  River  Trappers."  These 
are  only  a  few  of  the  most  curious  and  prominent 
devices.  Countless  numbers  of  others  might  be  men- 
tioned. Among  the  rest,  an  old  "Tin  Pan"  stuck 
upon  a  pole,  with  the  bottom  torn  nearly  out,  the 
seams  ripped  open  and  dressed  in  black  crape,  deserves 
to  be  noticed.  The  Van  Buren  part  of  the  Ohio  legis- 
lature are  in  the  habit  of  deliberating  upon  their 
measures  in  secret  ere  theybring  them  before  the  pub- 
lic. This  caucus  operation  has  by  some  means  come 
to  be  known  all  over  the  State  as  the  "Tin  Pan." 
The  tin  pan  upon  the  pole  is  intended  to  foretell  the 
fate  of  the  legislative  "  Tin  Pan."  But  you  can  jio 
longer  think  of  particulars.  All  is  one  dense,  enthu- 
siastic mass  of  human  bodies.  On  either  hand,  so  far 
as  the  eye  can  extend,  the  streets  are  filled  with 


56  Reminiscences  of  the 

flags,  pictures  and  all  sorts  of  signs  and  symbols. 
Still  they  thicken,  still  on  they  come.  Windows  are  all 
thrown  up  and  filled  with  ladies,  who  join  in  the  excite- 
ment and  wave  their  white  handkerchiefs  to  the 
crowd.  The  roofs  of  the  public  buildings  are  also 
filled  with  spectators,  who  swing  their  hats  and  shout. 

On  the  night  of  the  2ist  it  commenced  raining,  and 
continued  incessantly  till  the  evening  of  the  22d.  Yet 
nobody  seemed  to  heed  it.  A  procession  was  formed 
on  the  morning  of  the  22d  of  all  the  delegations,  and 
marched  through  the  principal  streets  of  the  city,  ac- 
companied with  the  log  cabins,  brig,  fort,  steamboat, 
canoes,  bands  of  music  and  all  the  badges,  banners, 
insignia  and  paraphernalia  that  had  been  brought 
together  from  all  over  the  State. 

It  might  be  supposed  that  men  who  had  conic 
through  the  mud  from  100  to  150  miles,  with  forts, 
log  cabins,  and  the  like,  on  wTheels,  and  who  had 
been  huzza'd  from  one  end  of  their  journey  to  the 
other,  would,  when  they  met  so  many  others  in  the 
same  spirit  and  condition  as  themselves,  huzza  also. 
But  let  me  describe  a  different  individual,  and  let  him 
represent  a  class.  He  is  a  business  man,  or  a  scholar, 
a  reader  of  ancient  history,  a  gentleman — a  philoso- 
pher in  fact,  he  is  a  Whig — to  be  sure.  But  he  says 
to  himself,  shouts  convince  nobody,  shouts  are  not 
intellectual.  He  will  do  his  business  quietly,  and  go 
home  as  he  came,  in  some  decent  and  comfortable 
conveyance.  You  will  not  catch  him  in  any  sort  of  a 
flare-up — not  he!  But  watch  him  as  the  delegates 
pass  by.  mass  after  mass.  All  are  drenched  with 
rain  and  covered  with  mud.  Yet  the  white  handker- 
chiefs of  the  ladies  are  seen  waving  from  the  windows. 
Yet  t shouts  come  down  from  the  house-tops  to  meet 
the  shouts  that  rise  from  below.  Your  philosopher 
gets  excited,  talks  louder  than  usual,  runs  to  and  fro 
in  the  rain,  and  avers  that  mud  is  not  a  thing  to  be  re- 
gar.ded  at  such  a  time.  Yonder  goes  a  beautiful  white 
horse;  on  him  are  the  empty  military  saddle  and  trap- 
pings of  General  Washington,  which  have  been 
sent  to  the  convention  by  a  niece  of  Washington, 


J^olitical   Campaign  of  1840.  57 

who  resides  at  Marietta.  The  horse  is  led  by  an  old 
soldier  of  Washington's  body  guard,  mounted  upon 
another  horse,  and  followed  by  a  number  of  old  men 
of  the  Revolution,  who  gaze  upon  the  vacant  saddle 
of  their  dead  Chief,  and  then  turn  to  the  picture  of 
Harrison,  cast  their  eyes  over  the  multitude  and  give 
a  shout  for  u  Old  Tippecanoe."  Will  not  our  philoso- 
pher join  them?  Look  at  him!  There  he  stands  over 
shoes  in  mud.  He  is  no  longer  silent.  His  arms  are 
thrown  back,  his  face  upturned,  his  eyes  shut,  and  he 
strains  every  muscle  in  shouts,  as  if  it  were  a  perfect 
business  transaction.  No  one  does  it  with  such  unction 
as  your  philosopher,  and  being  a  man  of  moral  cour- 
age, he  not  only  shouts  when  the  rest  do,  but  breaks 
forth  occasionally  alone,  to  show  that  he  does  it  as  a 
matter  of  principle. 

In  short,  all  classes  and  conditions  in  life,  learned 
and  unlearned,  rich  and  poor,  gentle  and  simple, 
seemed  to  remember  for  once  that  their  interests  were 
the  same.  All  were  covered  with  mud  alike,  all  were 
zealous,  all  shouted.  Cast  your  eye  along  the  street, 
and  you  will  see  at  one  glance  one  hundred  flags  all 
bearing  for  a  motto  "The  People  are  Coming!'' 
Again  you  will  see  written  upon  wagon  boxes,  upon 
kegs,  upon  squares  of  cloth  fixed  upon  staves,  "  Hard 
Cider."  There  is  Harrison  on  his  war-horse,  Harrison 
at  his  plow,  Harrison  in  the  Cabinet.  You  will  see 
floating  over  the  multitude,  in  twenty  different  direc- 
tions, "The  People  Must  Do  Their  Own  Voting." 
Several  beautiful  military  companies  are  marching 
and  parading  every  way.  Twenty  bands  of  music  are 
emulating  each  other  in  the  vivacity  and  stateliness 
of  their  music.  Still  it  rains.  Still  you  see  nothing 
but  smiles,  you  hear  nothing  but  assurance  of  ap- 
proaching victory. 

If  anything  can  be  judged  from  the  appearance  of 
the  convention  and  the  universal  opinion  of  delegates, 
Harrison  and  Tyler  will  carry  the  State  almost  by 
acclamation.  The  number  assembled  could  not  have 
been  far  from  20,000  persons.  The  nominations,  which 
you  will  see  in  the  newspapers,  were  made  with  the 


58  Reminiscences  of  the 

utmost  unanimity,  and  all  went  away  amid  cheers 
and  shouts,  joyful  and  enthusiastic  as  when  they 
came. 

Columbus,  Ohio,  April  17. 

The  most  sanguine  friends  of  Harrison  did  not  know 
what  a  tower  of  strength  his  name  would  be.  No  one 
who  has  not  seen  the  ebullitions  of  popular  enthu- 
siasm in  this  part  of  the  country  in  his  behalf,  would 
b$  likely  to  believe  a  -tithe  of  what  is  really  taking 
place  almost  every  day  among  us.  I  speak  only  of 
what  I  see  in  and  about  this  city,  for  I  do  not  take  an 
active  part  in  the  strife  myself;  but  I  am  told  and  be- 
lieve that  the  same  spirit  prevails  throughout  the  State 
and  country.  The  whole  bosom  of  the  mighty  West 
is  literally  heaving  with  emotions  of  gratitude  and  love 
for  the  modest  but  gallant  old  farmer  of  North  Bend. 
It  is  not  the  temporary  and  evanescent  glory  of  mili- 
tary achievements  playing  upon  the  passions  of  the 
multitude  and  misleading  the  understanding  of  the 
people.  It  is  not  merely  the  fellowship  which  the 
laboring  class  feel  for  a  man  who  has  always  been 
more  watchful  of  their  interests  than  of  his  own,  and 
who  from  offices  of  honor  and  emolument  has  volun- 
tarily retired  to  take  them  by  the  hand  and  become 
one  among  them.  It  is  because  they  revere  him  as  a 
man  and  a  patriot,  because  they  do  not  doubt  his  fit- 
ness for  the  Presidency,  and  because  they  know  him 
to  be  honest.  Every  slander  upon  his  name  has  been 
made  to  return  and  "plague  the  inventor,"  and  every 
new  attack  serves  to  bring  out  the  proof  of  some  noble 
and  generous  achievement,  which  from  his  long  re- 
tirement had  been  partially  forgotten.  '  Add  to  these 
motives  the  general  distress  which  some  cause  or  other 
has  brought  upon  all  classes  and  interests  of  the  country, 
and  you  can  see  why  it  is  that  here,  at  least,  politics 
have  become  the  serious  and  absorbing  business  of  all 
classes  of  people;  Last  year  the  Whigs  found  diffi- 
culty to  get  men  to  serve  upon  committees  and  to  as- 
semble for  meetings.  Now  meetings  spring  up -spon- 
taneously and  continually,  and  almost  every  Whig  con- 
siders himself  a  committee  of  vigilance  to  do  anything 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  59 

and  everything  that  men  may  honorably  do  to  dissemi- 
nate correct  principles.  Even  the  women  and  chil- 
dren have  caught  the  spirit  of  revolution,  and  are 
lending  their  influence  to  animate  and  quicken  those 
around  them.  Since  the  great  convention  I  was  con- 
versing with  a  young  lady,  who  inquired  if  I  joined  the 
procession  and  marched  through  the  mud  and  rain 
with  the  multitude  on  that  occasion.  I  told  her  I  con- 
sidered myself  happy  in  being  allowed  to  remain  snuglv 
in  my  office.  "Then  you  are  not  a  good  Whig!"  said 
a  little  girl  of  seven  or  eight  years  by  her  side  with  an 
air  of  astonishment  and  rebuke.  She  was  so  much 
abashed  at  her  own  boldness  that  she  immediately -hid 
her  face  in  her  hands,  thinking  she  had  done  some- 
thing wrong.  I  believe  the  children  watch  each  other's 
politics  as  closely  as  the  elders.  To-day  the  friends  of 
Harrison  erected  a  log  cabin  in  this  city  for  political 
meetings,  and  the  national  flag  will  henceforth  be  seen 
flying  over  it  in  mid  air  during  the  campaign.  The 
labor  was  mostly  done  by  farming  people  from  the 
country.  For  two  weeks  past  they  have  been  col- 
lecting and  drawing  logs  for  the  cabin,  appropriating 
particular  days  for  the  purpose,  when  they  would 
form  a  procession  with  their  teams,  each  bearing  a  flag 
and  all  uniting  in  some  of  the  numerous  Harrison  songs 
with  which  the  country  is  flooded.  "  It  was  Harrison 
that  fought  for  the  cabins  long  ago,"  is  a  favorite  line 
with  them,  and  they  have  sung  it  through  the  streets 
till  no  onefin  Columbus  will  be  likely  to  forget  it. 

During  the  past  week  one  of  the  Van  Buren  State 
central  committee  publicly  announced  his  intention  to 
vote  for  Harrison.  The  same  man  was  the  last  candi- 
"date  of  the  Van  Buren  party  in  this  district  for  Con- 
gress. Indeed,  there  is  every  appearance  of  a  radical 
and  thoroughgoing  revolution  of  popular  opinion.  I 
see  many  things  to  remind  me  of  what  I  have  been 
told  by  old  people  was  the  state  of  public  feeling  in 
Massachusetts  at  the  opening  of  the  Revolutionary 
war.  The  Whigs  have  adopted  means  in  this  county  to 
circulate  their  papers  and  other  matters  independent 
of  the  post-office,  and  it  is  proposed  to  organize  in- 


60  Reminiscences  of  the 

dependent  post  routes  through  the  State.  Thus  you 
may  see  that  the  ball  of  the  revolution,  though  it  trun- 
dled slowly  at  first,  has  now  acquired  a  velocity  that 
cannot  be  checked,  and  goes  rolling,  booming,  thun- 
dering on. 

Ohio  expects  a  good  deal  from  Massachusetts.  We 
remember  that  "  the  bones  of  her  sons,  falling  in  the 
great  struggle  for  independence,  lie  mouldering  in 
every  soil  from  Maine  to  Georgia."  We  look  with 
reverence  to  the  exalted  patriotism  of  Davis,  and  we 
acknowledge  with  feelings  of  national  pride  the  un- 
rivaled genius  of  Webster.  Massachusetts,  with  her 
numbers  of  great  and  good  men,  with  her  common 
schools  and  her  churches  and  colleges,  must  give 
something  more  than  a  mere  majority  for  correct  prin- 
ciples. Massachusetts  yielded  her  pretensions  to  the 
right  of  furnishing  a  commander-in-chief  to  the  Amer- 
ican armies  in  the  war  of  Independence,  and  her 
complaisance  was  rewarded  by  the  glorious  career 
of  Washington;  she  has  now  also  yielded  her  prefer- 
red, her  favorite  and  well  worthy  candidate  for 
the  Presidency.  Should  Harrison  be  elected,  1  firmly 
believe  the  wisdom  of  his  administration  will  as  far 
transcend  the  expectations  of  his  friends  at  the  North- 
ern and  Eastern  States  as  the  success  and  greatness 
of  Washington  transcended  the  expectations  of  his 
friends. 

I  have  mentioned  a  few  of  the  signs  of  the  times; 
what  the  result  may  be  you  can  judge  as  well  as  my- 
self. I  may  mention  further.  Grain  sells  for  a  very 
low  price;  labor  commands  but  little  more  than  half 
the  wages  it  did  a  year  ago.  And  the  mass  of  the  peo- 
ple who  make  up  the  bulk  of  the  Van  Buren  party 
begin  seriously  to  think  there  is  something  wrong  in 
the  administration  of  the  Government;  they  are  read- 
ing, inquiring  and  coming  over  to  Harrison  in  great 
numbers.  I  will  not  pretend  to  estimate  the  majority 
Ohio  will  give,  but  from  what  I  see  daily  I  shall  be 
astonished  at  nothing.  No  Whig  has  any  more  doubt 
of  some  majority  than  he  has  of  any  future  event  what- 
ever, and  the  feeling  is  that  it  must  be  a  very  large  ma- 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  61 

jority.  The  powers  of  the  Government  are  busy  in 
trying  to  check  the  progress  of  reform;  but  judging 
from  what  I  see,  I  should  suppose  they  might  as  well 
attempt  to  suppress  an  earthquake  or  stay  the  progress 
of  a  deluge,  as  to  turn  back  or  stay  the  tide  of  opinion 
which  seems  to  have  rent  old  party  combinations 
asunder,  and  to  be  rushing  on  with  accumulated  force 
and  sweeping  everything  away  before  it. 

*  *  P. 


JUDGE  HANSON'S    SPEECH. 


WORDS  OF  WELCOME  TO  THE  WHIG  YOUNG  MEN 
OF  THE  NATION  AT  THE  CONVENTION  IN  BAL- 
TIMORE, APRIL  10,  1840. 

It  has  become  apparent  to  the  great  bulk  of  the 
American  people  that  the  present  administration  of 
their  Government  is  not  fitted  to  increase  or  preserve 
the  blessings  and  privileges  of  a  free  and  intelligent 
nation;  to  foster  the  pursuits  of  a  laborious,  inventive 
and  spirited  population;  that  it  is  not  in  accord- 
ance with  the  genius,  past  history,  or  future  desti- 
nies of  a  vast  republican  empire;  that  its  principles 
and  measures  are  as  ill-calculated  to  consolidate  the 
credit,  strength  and  resources  of  State  sovereignties 
as  they  are  to  bind  together  and  cement  a  confedera- 
tion; that  it  has  failed  to  engender  or  keep  alive  a  ven- 
eration for  the  Constitution,  or  to  cherish  an  unalien- 
able  love  for  the  Union;  that  it  has,  on  the  contrary, 
by  incessant  and  unrelenting  assaults  upon  capital, 
good  faith  and  enterprise,  disunited  the  interest,  and 
thereby  torn  asunder  the  good  feelings  which  bind 
men  to  each  other;  that  it  has  destroyed  that  salutary 
confidence  which  is  essential  to  this  commonwealth 
and  all  the  communities  that  compose  it;  that  it 


62  Reminiscences  of  the 

has,  in  fine,  chilled  the  hearts  and  the  hopes  of  the 
poor  and  shut  the  hands  of  the  rich.  It  is,  there- 
fore, that  we  hail  the  approaching  Whig  national 
convention,  to  be  held  in  the  city  of  Baltimore  on 
the  4th  day  of  May  next,  as  an  unerring  harbinger 
to  the  coming  of  better  things;  that  we  greet  the 
numerical  power  (composed  as  it  is  of  all  classes) 
and  to  which  the  intelligence  from  every  quarter  daily 
adds  rank  to  rank,  and  squadron  to  squadron  as  a  per- 
fect manifestation  of  the  thorough  and  sweeping 
change  in  the  conduct  of  public  affairs  resolved  upon 
by  the  people.  We  rejoice  that  our  fellow-citizens 
(since  what  is  passed  cannot  be  recalled)  are  so  far 
benefited  by  present  suffering  as  to  be  awakened  to  a 
sense  of  impending  evils  more  serious  and  calamitous, 
and  of  which  few  can  fail  to  perceive  "  the  inevitable 
ruin."  Surely,  our  administration  presents  us  to  the 
whole  world  as  a  nation  of  contrarieties  and  contra- 
dictions; we  are  held  up  to  other  nations  in  every 
fantastic  and  antagonistic  position  that  a  people  can 
be  regarded;  our  principles  and  our  practice  are  per- 
fect antipodes  to  each  other;  theories,  abstractions, 
solecisms  and  paradoxes,  make  up  the  sum  of  our 
political  economy;  while  political  empirics  have 
driven  from  their  moorings  the  once  fast-anchored 
axioms  of  the  Constitution — a  Constitution  to  which 
Washington  had  affixed  his  seal  and  given  verity  by 
experience. 

Our  perversions  and  absurdities,  indeed,  almost  afford 
plausibility  to  the  assertion  of  the  ancient  philosopher, 
that  there  once  existed  a  race  of  men  of  a  conformation 
entirely  different  from  those  of  our  generation;  and 
who  shall  undertake  to  deny  the  possibility  that,  at 
some  distant  era,  when  history  shall  again  be  handed 
down  by  allegory  and  tradition,  a  people  who  are  per- 
petually moving  one  way  and  looking  another  shall 
not  be  represented  as  a  race  of  men  who  carried  their 
faces  behind  them  and  turned  their  backs  upon  them- 
selves ?  So  singular  is  the  incongruity  between  our 
words  and  our  actions  that  no  disinterested  spectators, 
even  of  the  present  age,  can  fail  to  be  struck  with 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  63 

amazement  by  professions  constantly  at  variance  with 
conduct;  with  results  diametricall}  opposite  to  those 
professed  to  be  intended;  and  of  causes  stimulating 
effects,  between  the  beginning  and  end  of  which  no 
connecting  consequences  ever  existed.  Vain,  how- 
ever, would  be  the  attempt  to  enumerate  all  the  incon- 
sistency of  those  who  deal  with  the  obliquity  of  partisan 
tacticians,  instead  of  applying  the  established  principles 
of  statesmen. 

The  poor  man  is  to  be  enriched  by  reducing  the 
wages  of  labor;  the  rich  are  to  be  impoverished  by 
the  hoarding  of  their  gold;  the  products  of  the  earth, 
instead  of  being  cultured  by  the  sweat  of  the  brow, 
are  to  wither  and  die  amidst  idleness,  hunger  and  des- 
olation; all  surplus  produce  is  to  rot  in  the  granary  of 
the'  farmer  for  the  want  of  markets  furnished  by  the 
employments  of  artisans  and  laborers,  fisheries,  fac- 
tories, work-shops,  roads  and  canals;  the  condition  of 
the  country  is  to  be  improved  bv  arresting  all  improve- 
ment; debts  are  to  be  paid  by  the  annihilation  of  prop- 
erty. The  interest  on  loans  is  to  be  discharged  by 
borrowing  from  the  lenders  of  the  capital;  gold  and 
silver  are  to  represent,  instead  of  being  represented, 
by  paper  and  credit;  and  whilst  the  precious  metals 
are  promised  in  abundance  they  are  again  buried  be- 
neath the  face  of  the  earth  in  the  vaults  of  banks — the 
strong-boxes  of  avaricious  thrift,  or  melted  down  for  the 
gold  services  of  plate  which  adorns  the  Presidential 
dinner  table  of  the  very  republican  nabob  in  the  palace 
at  Washington. 

Domestic  productions  are  to  be  encouraged  by  boun- 
ties upon  foreign  fabrics  ;  and  whilst  there  is  to  be 
abundance  of  poverty,  to  furnish  plenty  of  rags,  readily 
converted  into  hieroglyphic  shinplasters,  and  these  are 
to  be  the  only  manufactories,  which  are  sure  to  flour- 
ish, with  or  without  a  tariff;  with  or  without  foreign 
use  or  domestic  consumption  ;  unless  indeed  the 
treasury  notes  of  the  Government  should  enter  the 
list  as  a  competitor  and  thus  clearly  demonstrate  the 
financial  ability  of  the  head  of  the  treasury,  and  with 
the  aid  of  Mr.  Buchanan  (be  a  capital  Old  Federalist), 


64  Reminiscences  of  the 

home  markets  are  to  be  shut  up,  and  all  labor  to  be  re- 
warded at  a  penny  a  day,  as  in  China  and  in  Cuba. 

Amidst  these  anomalies,  all  banks  are  to  be  put 
down  by  the  destruction  of  one,  whilst  in  the  place 
of  that  one,  thousands  are  to  be  erected  and  fostered, 
by  way  of  proving  that  none  ought  ever  to  have  ex- 
isted ;  and  whilst  that  one,  consisting  of  three-fourths 
of  its  capital  of  the  hard  earnings  of  husbands  and 
fathers,  for  the  support  of  widows  and  children,  is  to 
be  crushed  at  all  hazards,  myriads  are  to  start  vcp'tvith 
no  capital  at  all,  for  the  benefit  of  speculators  and  ad- 
venturers, and  thus  the  administration's  sympathy  for 
the  orphan  and  the  aged  soldier  is  to  be  illustrated,  and 
hard  money  only  to  be  trusted  in  the  hands  of  abscond- 
ing sub-treasurers  ;  and  if  this  war  upon  property, 
upon  the  pursuits,  business  and  enterprise  of  every 
man  and  all  classes  of  men,  were  not  too  much  to  be 
endured,  and  too  gross  a  fraud  upon  a  sagacious  and 
thinking  people,  their  morals,  their  religion,  their  ele- 
mentary political  creeds,  coeval  with  their  declaration 
of  independence,  are  all  to  be  desecrated  by  absurdi- 
ties, which  have  not  even  the  "bad  eminence"  of 
being  compatible  with  themselves. 

Truly  the  measures  and  the  doctrines  of  this  North- 
ern man  with  Southern  principles  are  sufficiently  party 
colored  to  denote  that  equivocation  and  paltering  in  a 
double  sense  which  none  but  a  proficient  in  the  black 
arts  of  a  magician  in  this  age  of  reform  could  have  the 
temerity  to  practice.  At  one  moment  this  Northern 
man  with  southern  principles,  this  harlequin,  Proteus- 
like  diplomatist,  holds  out  to  the  North  General 
Jackson's  great  proclamation,  the  force  act,  and  the 
second  article  of  war,  to-wit:  that  article,  under  which 
the  Prince  of  Nullifiers  (now  a  repentant  and  par- 
doned sinner)  was  to  be  hung  up,  drawn  and  quartered. 
In  the  next,  whilst  in  one  breath  he  eulogizes  in  a 
lovely  song  the  Palmetto — he  declares  to  the  Unionist 
of  the  South,  that  no  colors  are  to  be  unfurled  but  the 
colors  of  the  Union;  in  another,  he  whispers  to  the 
fanatic  of  amalgamation,  with  a  word  for  Colonel 
Dick,  that  all  colors  are  alike,  and  that  liberty  knows 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  65 

no  distinction.  But lo land  behold,  in  one  month,  nay 
not  one  month,  we  see  him  (or  rather  hear  him)  ready 
to  shed  the  last  drop  of  his  Northern  blood  in  the  sup- 
port of  southern  principles,  and  in  defense  of  the  rights 
of  the  slaveholder;  of  rights  to  which  the  Abolitionist 
contends  Christianity  affords  not  the  least  shadow  or 
pretense  of  existence.  Christianity!  yes,  these  admin- 
istration tergiversators  have  Christianity  in  their  mouth; 
that  sort  of  Christianity  which  would  expel  from  the 
national  councils  the  ministers  of  God;  that  Christianity 
which  would  extend  to  the  poor  Indian  its  blessings 
of  civilization,  by  extermination  and  indiscriminate 
murder;  yes,  the  Christianity  of  those,  who  would,  as 
if  there  were  not  already  more  than  enough  of  yelpers 
at  the  Capital,  augment  the  pack  by  the  importation 
of  bloodhounds  from  Cuba;  of  bloodhounds  to  act  the 
part  of  a  Christian  army;  of  bloodhounds  in  the  place 
of  holy  missionaries;  of  bloodhounds,  curs  and  mon- 
grels, pampered  upon  the  bread  and  substance  of  the 
land,  whilst  the  poor  Revolutionary  pensioner,  with- 
out whose  heroic  achievements  (with  Lafayette,  not 
bloodhounds,  for  an  ally)  this  land  would  never  have 
been  a  land  of  liberty,  are  naked  and  starving  for  the 
want  of  the  miserable  pittance,  which  is,  at  this  mo- 
ment, withheld  from  them;  not  in  order  that  a  "better 
currency1'  than  rags  should  cover  their  nakedness  and 
stay  their  hunger,  but  that  a  "better  currency"  should 
line  the  pockets  of  minions  .and  favorites,  who  would 
never  have  earned  it  by  honest  industry.  It  seems, 
however,  that  this  importation  of  bloodhounds;  this 
stain  upon  the  escutcheon  of  the  nation  is  to  be  forever 
obliterated;  and  how  do  you  think,  Mr.  President  and 
gentlemen?  Why,  forsooth,  lam  told  that  it  is  asserted 
(I  know  not  upon  what  authority  it  is  avouched)  that 
when  an  Indian  shook  his  blanket  at  one  of  these 
bloodhounds,  he  put  his  tail  between  his  legs  and  ran 
like  a  sub-treasurer.  But  we  forbear;  let  there  be  no 
acrimonious  feelings,  bitterness  or  wrath  in. the  midst 
of  the  cheers  and  hopes  that  surround  us.  We  are  all 
one  people,  and  we  trust  that  there  is  more  of  error 
than  of  vice  among  us.  We  are  ready  to  open  our 

5 


66  Reminiscences  of  the 

arms,  and  take  to  our  bosoms  every  deluded  son  of  our 
country,  and  go  hand  in  hand  to  the  rescue.  We  see 
the  day  not  far  distant,  when  those  who  infest  the 
palace,  block  up  the  avenues  of  the  Senate,  forestall 
public  opinion,  waste  their  time  and  compromit  their 
honor  and  independence,  in  pursuit  of  office  and  emolu- 
ment, may  be  reformed  into  better  citizens  and  more 
useful  men. 

The  day  of  deliverance  is  approaching.  The  day 
of  our  travail  is  come;  the  day  when  we  may  all  rejoice 
that  the  old  petticoat  granny,  William  Henry  Harrison, 
is  at  hand.  We  do,  therefore,  hail  him  as  our  deliverer; 
we  are  not  ashamed  in  our  agony  and  dismay,  to  cry 
out  for  his  help;  yes,  the  old  petticoat  General,  Wil- 
liam Henry  Harrison,  comes  to  our  rescue.  He  comes, 
the  coward  !  who  in  every  battle  was  victorious;  the 
coward!  who  never  turned  his  back  upon  the  enemy 
of  his  country;  the  coward!  who  in  every  conflict, 
from  Tippecanoe  to  the  Thames,  was  seen  " '  with 
his  beaver  up,'  to  course  along  the  lists  scattering  his 
lightnings  around  ;"and  whilst,  in  the  hottest  of  the  fight, 
and  in  every  post  of  danger,  the  fire  of  his  eye  gleamed 
like  a  sword,  and  his  own  peculiar  voice  was  heard 
ringing  in  the  ears  of  every  soldier,  those  memorable 
words,  "Stand  to  your  guns,  my  boys;  never  surren- 
der," till  not  a  foe  was  left  upon  the  field.  'Tis  he  we 
claim  as  our  deliverer;  the  defaulter.  We  look  to  him; 
yes,  to  him,  William  Henry  Harrison,  to  restore  the 
perished  credit  and  fill  the  exhausted  and  pillaged  cof- 
fers of  the  country.  W^e  look  to  him,  William  Henry 
Harrison,  the  public  robber,  who  retired  from  the  office 
poor  and  in  debt,  whilst  he  replenished  and  filled  the 
national  treasury  with  millions  of  dollars,  not  one  of 
which  ever  stuck  in  his  palm  in  passing  through  his 
hands.  It  is  to  him,  William  Henry  Harrison,  the 
oppressor  of  the  poor,  we  turn,  who  was  the  ad- 
viser, the  friend,  the  father  to  every  poor  emigrant 
who  settled  beyond  the  mountains;  who  was  always 
ready  to  take  by  the  hand  the  poorest  settler  of  the 
meanest  log  cabin  in  the  wilderness;  it  is  to  him  that 
we  look  once  more  for  peace  and  plenty,  for  private 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  67 

and  national  prosperity,  for  a  restoration  of  all  the 
privileges  and  blessings  of  freemen  ;  in  a  word,  we 
look  to  him  under  the  blessings  of  Providence  for 
the  great  consummation  of  public  and  private  faith. 
'Tis  to  such  a  deliverer  we  look;  to  "our  old,  well- 
tried,  weather-beaten,  hard-cider,  log-cabin,  Tippeca- 
noe."  Not  to  such  a  deliverer  as  the  Emperor  Alexan- 
der, of  Russia;  he  the  deliverer,  who  delivered  kings, 
emperors,  and  the  whole  continent  of  nations,  into 
the  hands  of  the  Holy  Alliance;  but  we  seek  to  be 
delivered  from  an  alliance,  than  which  none  was  ever 
more  unholy,  and  from  under  the  pressure  of  which  no 
people  ever  groaned  more  than  we,  the  people  of  the 
United  States;  'tis  to  such  a  deliverer  we  look.  And 
if,  in  as  mongrel  a  pack  as  was  ever  littered  in  a 
kennel,  there  be  not  included  in  the  deliverance  a 
pair  of  as  notable  twins  as  was  ever  engendered  in  the 
cabinet  of  the  kitchen,  then,  in  the  language1  of 
the  facetious  old  knight,  "there  is  no  skill  in  sur- 
gery." 

But  let  us  no  longer  linger  with  the  past,  for  the 
time  has  come  to  give  thanks  and  rejoice  .Those 
upon  the  lookout  are  proclaiming  joyful  tidings  from 
all  around  us.  Land  is  once  more  in  sight,  and  our 
perils  at  an  end.  Too  long  have  we  been  at  sea, 
without  chart  or  compass.  "  tossed  about  by  every 
wind  of  doctrine  ;"  but  the  great  swell  of  public 
opinion  is  resetting  ;  the  undertow  of  intrigue  and 
corruption  is  running  out,  sweeping  along  with  it  the 
turbid  feculence  that  polluted  the  land  we  trust  to  be 
forever  "in  the  dark  ocean  of  oblivion  buried";  the 
rainbow  of  promise  is  again  to  be  seen  ;  distempered 
elements  are  everywhere  dispersing,  and  the  prow 
of  our  bark  once  more  points  to  the  haven  of  safety. 

With  the  memorable  words  of  Harrison  for  our 
motto,  if  we  unfurl  upon  our  banners,  "Stand  to  your 
guns,  my  boys,  and  never  surrender,"  and  inscribe  upon 
our  ballots  "The  people  must  do  their  own  voting 
and  their  own  fighting,"  then  we  hazard  nothing  in 
the  prediction  that  they  will  fill  three-fourths  of  the 
bullot-boxes  in  thecountry.  Animated,  then,  by  these 


68  .    Reminiscences  of  the 

hopes,  and  toiling  in  one  cause,  there  is  every  incen- 
tive to  greet  our  coming  friends,  to  Maryland,  at  the 
approaching  national  convention.  We  therefore  hope 
that  our  Whig  fellow-citizens  need  only  to  be  reminded 
of  the  duty  to  extend  the  hand  of  good  fellowship, 
and  open  wide  the  door  of  hospitality  throughout  the 
State,  to  the  friends  of  him,  the  string  of  whose  latch 
was  never  pulled  in  when  the  stranger  needed  shelter; 
and  as  it  is  expected  that  at  the  approaching  celebra- 
tion, the  public  houses  of  accommodation  may  not 
be  sufficient  for  the  reception  of  all  our  numerous 
visitors,  we  undertake  to  assure  all  those  who  may 
honor  us  with  their  company  of  the  shelter  and  com- 
fort of  at  least  our  own  roof-trees,  and  with  as  good 
entertainment  as  ever  log  cabin  and  hard  cider 
afforded. 


CHARLES  OGLE'S  SPEECH. 

REMARKS  OF  MR.  OGLE,  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  BE- 
FORE THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  APRIL 
l6,  1840,  ON  THE  ClVIL  AND  DIPLOMATIC  AP- 
PROPRIATION BILL. 

I  am  glad  to  see  the  committee  becoming  a  little 
patient;  we  were  somewhat  otherwise  a  few  days  ago. 
This  bill  appropriates  nine  millions  of  the  people's 
money,  and  I  have  regretted  to  witness  such  exhibitions 
of  hot  haste  in  many  of  the  representatives  of  the  peo- 
ple, day  in  and  day  out,  to  force  us  to  vote  away  mil- 
lions without  due  examination.  To  my  knowledge, 
there  never  has  been  a  bill  before  Congress  which  in- 
volved so  large  an  amount  of  money,  except  the  ten 
millions  "Maine  War"  bill  of  the  last  session;  and 
we  all  knew  that  that  money  would  never  be  spent. 
But  here  is  a  bill  appropriating  nine  millions  of  the 
hard  cash  of  mv  constituents  and  vours,  and  yet  in  such 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  69 

violent  haste  are  some  gentlemen  to  pass  it,  that  we 
must  stay  here  all  night  for  the  purpose.  For  my  part, 
I  tell  gentlemen  that  I  will  stand  out,  night  and  day, 
until  I  see  the  bottom  of  every  dollar,  before  I  will 
permit  the  question  to  be  taken.  And  if  Representa- 
tives go  before  their  constituents  with  a  different  prin- 
ciple, they  will  find  they  have  got  the  wrong  side  of 
the  argument.  The  people  will  tell  them,  We  love  the 
Representative  who  looks  to  our  money,  and  sees  that 
it  is  expended  on  proper  objects. 

Ha've  gentlemen  ever  tried  the  rule  of  division  to  as- 
certain what  the  President  has  spent  yearly,  monthly, 
weekly,  daily,  hourly,  ay,  sir,  for  each  and  every 
minute  since  Martin  Van  Buren's  inauguration  on  the 
4th  day  of  March,  1837.  The  actual  expenditures,  dur- 
ing the  first  three  years  of  his  administration,  have 
reached  the  enormous  sum  of  one  hundred  and  eleven 
million  four  hundred  and  six  thousand  nine  hundred 
and  sixty-three  dollars. 

Average  per  year $37»J35'654  33 

Average  per  month 3^094,637  86 

Average  per  week 7H»J47  r7 

Average  per  day 102,021  07 

Average  per  hour 4,250  87 

Average  per  minute 70  84 

Let  us  compare  and  contrast  these  prodigious  ex- 
penditures with  the  disbursements  made  by  all  the 
former  Presidents  since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitu- 
tion in  1789. 

You  will  observe,  sir,  by  the  statement  which  I 
here  present,  and  which  has  been  prepared  with 
great  care,  that  the  annual  expenses  of  Martin  Van 
Buren's  administration  are  greater  by  $6,538,325.66  than 
the  entire  yearly  disbursements  of  Presidents  Washing- 
ton, Adams,  Jefferson  and  Madison,  altogether.  You 
will  also  see  that  the  yearly  expenses  of  Martin  Van 
Buren's  government  have  been  more  than  one  hundred 
per  cent,  larger  than  Mr.  Madison's,  notwithstanding 
the  latter  had  been  engaged  in  a  most  expensive  war 
of  three  years  with  the  most  powerful  nation  of  the 
world. 


Reminiscences  of  the 


5  -    o. 


Q 

*  W 

8    s 
I   3 


<$            %            * 

M 

ri 

NO 

CO 

1    > 

P?              <•*• 

»0 

1*5 

o 

* 

M 

tr>           f^          QQ 
^             r              ' 

1 

^0 

* 

o" 

M              M 

o      eg      7 

PO 

s 

ri 

H 

0 

i  1 

M        NO        co 
0           n          cc 

^> 

H 

NO5 

B 

r*    •        >-            10 

h4 

^f* 

^" 

>       K 

CO"          PC          i-T 

J^ 

^J* 

^ 

o' 

•<       u 

OH 

* 

ri 

ri 

HO 

U!         £ 

PO                   M                      »O 

t^            PO            >0 

g 

^ 

2 

ft 

<         § 

5           CO             ^S 

PO 

^g 

>-i 

-t- 

«        £ 

>o        co^         «_ 

Q 

£4 

NO 

1    1 

f 

08 

rT 

10 

co" 

CL, 

m. 

5 

- 

q 

!? 

^          o^        oo 

Zfj               %?*•             t/^ 

co 

s- 

CO 

CO 

CO 

III          W 

^            1^           OO 

J^ 

to 

CO 

M 

<     £ 

M              GO                C^ 

to         to         to 

g 

ON 

? 

5    « 

\C           rf           rf 

>0 

!>. 

10 

4- 

"*    a! 

J          S          3: 

^ 

oo" 

q 

f 

co" 

CO              i->            CO 

8 

ON 
10 

« 

8 

I! 

CO             to          00 

«-       d       ? 

ON           'o           O 
OO              ^            fl 

1 

1 

o 

PO 

M'             M               T(- 

1 

2 

Sv 

£ 

i 

00              -*•           00 

CO 

CO 

* 

CO 

- 

o         £ 

1 

i 

•»      5       c 

•s    5     i 

1 

t 

"O 

fr 

0 

• 

OH 

•£                         u 

1  1  '1 

§ 

<? 

V) 

o 

rt 

Political   Campaign  of  1840.  71 

Yes,  sir,  Martin  Van  Buren  has  spent  more  than 
seventy  dollars  for  each  and  every  minute  since 
he  was  sworn  into  the  Presidential  office.  How  often 
has  the  clock  ticked  since  that  fatal  hour?  During 
the  four  months  of  last  year  that  he  passed  on  his 
electioneering  tour  in  the  State  of  New  York,  how 
many  times  did  the  clock  tick  then  ?  The  people's 
hard  dollars  were  going  at  the  rate  of  $70  a  minute, 
while  he  was  dancing  with  the  Countess  of  Westmore- 
land at  Saratoga.  That  was  dancing  to  a  pretty  dear 
tune,  but  the  people  paid  the  piper. 

Now  the  very  best  remedy  which  I  can  suggest 
to  prevent  this  profligate  waste  of  the  public  money 
will  be  to  displace  that  lavish  spendthrift,  Martin  Van 
Buren,  and  to  substitute  in  his  stead,  at  the  head  of  the 
Government,  that  plain,  frugal,  economical,  and  well- 
tried  citizen,  William  Henry  Harrison.  I  shall,  there- 
fore, proceed  to  make  such  further  remarks  in  relation 
to  the  conduct,  principles,  and  public  services  of  the 
latter,  and  in  regard  to  the  conduct  and  principles  of 
the  former,  as  may,  in  some  degree,  assist  the  people  in 
arriving  at  proper  conclusions  in  the  premises.  I 
will  first  turn  to  some  of  the  evidences  which  exist 
as  to  the  favor  in  which  Harrison  has  been  held  by  the 
country,  both  for  his  military  and  civil  services.  And 
I  will  say  in  the  outset,  that  there  has  no  man  lived, 
since  the  days  of  Washington,  who  has  drawn  out 
from  his  political  enemies  so  strong  a  certificate  of 
character,  as  he  has  done.  Could  Jefferson,  if  he  were 
now  alive,  and  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  pro- 
duce such  testimony  ?.  You  could  call  the  Hon.  James 
Buchanan,  who  might  tell  you,  what  he  had  many 
years  ago  declared,  that  during  the  administration  of 
that  President,  "our  ships  were  laid  up  to  rot,  as  mel- 
ancholy monuments  of  the  weak  and  wicked  policy  of 
our  Government" — and  who  could  not  find  time  in  a 
4th  of  July  oration  even  "to  enumerate  all  the  other 
wild  and  wicked  projects  of  the  Democratic  admin- 
istrations !"  Could  James  Madison,  if  he  were  a  can- 
didate, produce  such  testimony  ?  You  might  call  up 
that  plain,  economical,  hard-handed  Democrat,  Martin 


72  Reminiscences  of  the 

Van  Buren,  who  would,  without  hesitation,  testify 
that,  "according  to  the  best  of  his  knowledge  and 
belief,  James  Madison  was1  either  too  imbecile  in  mind, 
or  too  dishonest  in  principle,  to  be  re-elected  President 
of  the  United  States  in  1812;"  and  that  with  the  design 
and  settled  purpose  to  prevent  and  defeat  that  re-elec- 
tion, he  (Martin  Van  Buren)  had  patriotically  con- 
spired and  associated  with  the  Essex  Junto  federalists, 
and  the  men  who  subsequently  devised  and  organized 
the  Hartford  convention. 

But  what  testimony  has  General  Harrison  in  his 
favor  ?  The  first  is  the  commission  of  George  Wash- 
ington. Brought  up  in  revolutionary  times  "in  the 
days  that  tried  men's  souls" — his  sire,  one  of  the  noble 
signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence — his  guar- 
dian, the  able  financier  of  the  Continental  Congress — 
his  friend  and  patron,  the  glorious  chief  who  led  the 
armies  of  liberty  to  battle  and  to  victory — George 
Washington,  Robert  Morris,  Benjamin  Harrison — 
what  a  brilliant  association!  It  was  among  such  men 
that  William  Henry  Harrison  learnt  his  principles, 
and  it  was  under  the  command  of  the  gallant  and 
impetuous  General  Anthony  Wayne  that  he  first  put 
those  principles  into  practice.  Let  me  read  you,  sir,  a 
short  extract  from  the  official  account  of  the  battle 
on  the  banks  of  the  Miami,  on  the  2Oth  of  August, 
1794: 

"The  bravery  and  conduct  of  every  officer  belong- 
ing to  the  army,  from  the  General  down  to  the  En- 
signs, merit  my  highest  approbation.  There  were, 
however,  some  whose  rank  and  situation  placed  their 
conduct  in  a  very  conspicuous  point  of  view,  and 
which  I  observed  with  pleasure  and  the  most  lively 
gratitude;  among  whom  I  beg  leave  to  mention  Brig- 
adier General  Wilkinson  and  Colonel  Hamtranck,  the 
commandants  of  the  right  and  left  wings  of  the 
legion,  whose  brave  example  inspired  the  troops; 
and  to  these  I  would  add  the  names  of  my  faithful  and 
gallant  aides-de-camp,  Captain  DeButts,  and  T.  Lewis, 
and  Lieutenant  Harrison,  who  with  the  Adjutant  Gen- 
eral, Major  Mill,  rendered  the  most  essential  services 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  73 

by  communicating  my  orders  in  every  direction,  and 
by  their  conduct  and  bravery  exciting  the  troops  to 
press  for  victory." 

This  battle  of  the  Miami  Rapids  was  fought  with 
the  utmost  desperation  by  the  combined  Indian  and 
British  forces,  which  amounted  to  2,000  combatants, 
while  the  troops  actually  engaged  against  them  "  were 
short  of  nine  hundred."  You  have  seen,  sir,  that 
the  commanding  General,  in  an  official  dispatch,  ex- 
pressed his  gratitude  to  Lieutenant  Harrison  for  "ren- 
dering the  most  essential  services"  during  the  engage- 
ment. "  Mad  Anthony,"  as  he  was  familiarly  called 
by  Whigs  of  that  day,  was  too  bold  and  too  brave  a 
soldier  to  award  the  meed  of  praise  to  a  coward,  and 
possessed  a  soul  too  generous  to  withhold  the  tribute  of 
justice  for  deeds  of  valor  done  by  his  young  hero  and 
aid-de-camp.  By  the  way,  as  to  General  Wayne,  let 
me  remark  that  he,  like  Harrison,  was  called  "Granny" 
by  the  British  red-coats  and  their  tory  allies,  during 
the  Revolution.  At  the  battle  of  Stony  Point,  on  the 
night  of  the  i5th  of  July,  1779,  the  bayonet  was  the 
only  weapon  relied  upon.  The  assailants,  by  the 
order  of  Wayne,  silently  advanced  with  unloaded 
muskets.  Mad  Anthony  was  the  first  to  mount  the 
ramparts  of  the  enemy.  The  captain  of  the  British 
guard  inquired  what  that  meant?  It  means  "  Granny 
Wayne,"  said  he,  as  he  severed  his  head  from  his 
shoulders.  When  did  Martin  Van  Buren,  who  has 
the  audacity  and  meanness  to  call  Harrison,  through 
his  official  organ  a  granny,  receive  the  thanks  of  his 
commanding  general  for  ''rendering  essential  services" 
on  the  battle-field?  Under  what  chieftain  did  Martin 
Van  Buren  win  his  military  trophies?  I  well  remem- 
ber that,  in  the  letter  of  this  redou table  champion 
of  the  toilet,  dated  at  London,  February  24,  1832,  he 
assumed  the  air  of  a  knight-errant,  mounted  his  gold 
epaulets,  and  blue  and  bufT,  and  strutted  the  hero, 
while  he  recounted  his  valiant  services  in  the  army  of 
"Old  Hickory."  "To  have  served,"  said  he,  "under 
such  a  chief,  at  such  a  time,  and  to  have  won  his 
confidence  and  esteem,  is  a  sufficient  glory;  and  of  that, 


74  Reminiscences  of  the 

thank  God,  my  enemies  cannot  deprive  me."  I  would 
inquire,  sir,  whether  it  was  on  the  plains  of  New 
Orleans,  that  Martin  Van  Buren  performed  those  self- 
glorifying,  self-satisfying  services?  Was  he  an  aid-de- 
camp of  "  Old  Hickory"  at  Talladega,  or  the  Horse 
Shoe?  Why  does  he,  as  arrant  a  coward  as  was  ever 
cast  in  "  Nature's  mold,"  thus  gasconade  like  another 
Bobadil?  Does  this  braggart  plume  himself  for  pro- 
curing the  dissolution  of  Old  Hickory's  first  Cabinet, 
through  the  influence  of  a  female  court  favorite?  Or 
does  he  take  credit  to  himself  for  the  instructions  he 
gave  as  Secretary  of  State  to  Mr.  McLane,  our  Minis- 
ter at  the  Court  of  St.  James,  and  on  account  of 
which  his  own  nomination  to  that  court  was  subse- 
quently rejected  by  the  casting  vote  of  the  then  Vice- 
President,  John  C.  Calhoun?  I  cannot  forbear,  on 
this  subject,  to  read  three  or  four  lines  from  the 
Richmond  Enquirer  in  relation  to  that  rejection: 

"  Mr.  Clay  was  aware  of  the  keen  and  canine  appe- 
tite with  which  Mr.  Calhoun  was  prepared  to  devour 
his  victim,  and  therefore  insidiously  continued  to  place 
the  banquet  before  him.  With  what  eager  delight  he 
seized  upon  it  we  have  already  seen." 

Old  Father  Time,  Mr.  Chairman,  makes  sad  havoc 
of  the  consistency  of  poor  mortals.  Where  is  the  "keen 
and  canine  appetite"  of  Mr.  Calhoun  now?  Surfeited, 
satiated.  Who  is  the  "victim"  now?  I  have  known 
men  who,  if  they  could  not  get  the  lion,  would  be  well 
content  to  take  the  skin.  But  let  us  return  to  the  ex- 
amination of  the  testimony  to  establish  the  distinguished 
services  which  General  Harrison  has  rendered  the  na- 
tion. The  legislature  of  Kentucky,  on  the  yth  of  Jan- 
uary, 1812, 

Resolved,  That  in  the  late  campaign  against  the  In- 
dians upon  the  Wabash,  Gen.  William  Henry  Harrison 
has  behaved  like  a  hero,  a  patriot  and  a  general;  and 
that  for  his  cool,  deliberate,  skillful  and  gallant  con- 
duct in  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe,  he  well  deserves  the 
warmest  thanks  of  his  country  and  the  nation." 

Pray,  sir.  on  what  occasion  did  Martin  Van  Buren, 
whose  "official  organ"  calls  General  Harrison  a 


Political   Campaign  of  18 Jfi.  75 

"coward"  and  a  "granny,"  ever  behave  like  £  "hero" 
and  a  "patriot?"  On  what  field  of  honor  and  carnage  did 
he  exhibit  "cool,"  "deliberate,"  "skillful"  and  "gallant" 
conduct?  Why,  sir,  I  have  been  told  that  on  the  very 
same  night  on  which  Harrison  and  his  brave  com- 
panions were  engaged  in  deadly  strife  with  the  merci- 
less savages  at  Tippecanoe,  Martin  Van  Buren,  per- 
fumed like  a  milliner,  and  spruce  as  a  popinjay,  was 
manifesting  his  gallantry  and  heroism  by  tripping  "on 
the  light  fantastic  toe"  through  mazy  French  cotillions 
in.  a  ball-room.  For  the  truth  of  this  fact,  however,  I 
do  not  vouch,  but  I  have  heard  it  from  a  most  respect- 
able quarter,  and  place  full  reliance  upon  it  myself. 

In  the  legislature  of  Indiana,  on  the  i9th  of  Novem- 
ber, 1811,  Gen.  William  Johnson,  the  speaker  of  the 
house  of  representatives,  thus  addressed  General  Har- 
rison: 

"SiR:  The  house  of  representatives  of  the  Indiana 
Territory,  in  their  own  name,  and  in  behalf  of  their 
constituents,  most  cordially  reciprocate  the  congratu- 
lations of  your  excellency  on  the  glorious  result  of  the 
late  sanguinary  conflict  with  the  Shawnee  Prophet 
and  the  tribes  of  Indians  confederated  with  him. 
When  we  see  displayed  in  behalf  of  our  country,  not 
only  the  consummate  abilities  of  the  general,  but  the 
heroism  of  the  man,  and  when  we  take  into  view  the 
benefits  which  must  result  to  that  country  from  those 
exertions,  we  cannot,  for  a  moment,  withhold  our  meed 
of  applause." 

And  yet  Martin  Van  Buren's  "official  organ"  has 
the  unblushing  impudence  to  call  the  old  veteran,  who 
has  displayed  the  "consummate  abilities  of  the  gen- 
eral" and  "the  heroism  of  the  man,"  a  "coward,"  a 
"granny."  and  a  "petticoat  hero." 

On  the  4th  of  April,  1818,  James  Monroe,  President 
of  the  United  States,  approved  a  resolution,  passed  by 
Congress,  directing  two  gold  medals  to  be  struck  and 
presented  to  Maj.  Gen.  William  Henry  Harrison  and 
Gov.  Isaac  Shelby,  "for  their  gallantry  and  good  con- 
duct in  defeating  the  combined  British  and  Indian 
forces  under  Major-General  Proctor,  on  the  Thames 


76  Reminiscences  of  the 

in  Upper  Canada,  on  the  5th  of  October,  1813,  captur- 
ing the  British  army,  with  their  baggage  and  artillery." 

Still  Martin  Van  Buren's  "official  organ"  continues 
to  reiterate  "coward"  and  "granny"  and  "petticoat 
hero." 

On  the  iSth  of  December,  1811,  President  Madison, 
in  a  special  message  to  Congress,  said: 

"  While  it  is  deeply  lamented  that  so  many  valuable 
lives  have  been  lost  in  the  action  which  took  place  on 
the  yth  ultimo,  Congress  will  see  with  satisfaction  the 
dauntless  spirit  of  fortitude  victoriously  displayed  by 
every  description  of  troops  engaged,  as  well  as  the 
collected  firmness  which  distinguished  their  com- 
mander on  an  occasion  requiring  the  utmost  exertions 
of  valor  and  discipline." 

And  again,  in  his  message  to  Congress  in  Decem- 
ber, 1813,  Mr.  Madison  said: 

"The  success  on]Lake  Eriehaving  opened  a  passage 
to  the  territory  of  the  enemy,  the  officer  commanding 
the  Northwestern  army  transferred  the  war  thither, 
and,  rapidly  pursuing  the  hostile  troops,  fleeing  with 
their  savage  associates,  forced  a  general  action,  which 
quickly  terminated  in  the  capture  of  the  British  and 
dispersion  of  the  savage  force. 

"  This  result  is  signally  honorable  to  Major-General 
Harrison,  by  whose  military  talents  it  was  prepared." 

And  still  Mr.  Van  Buren's  "official  organ"  cries 
"coward,"  "granny,"  "petticoat  hero." 

Simon  Snyder,  the  pure,  honest,  Democratic  gover- 
nor of  Pennsylvania,  during  the  war,  in  his  message 
to  the  legislature  of  that  State,  on  December  10,  1813, 
said: 

"The  blessings  of  thousands  of  women  and  chil- 
dren, rescued  from  the  scalping  knife  of  the  ruth- 
less savage  of  the  wilderness,  and  from  the  still 
more  ruthless  Proctor,  rest  on  Harrison  and  his  gallant 
army." 

"The  old  hero  has,  by  his  valor  secured,  "the  bless- 
ings of  thousands  of  women  and  children,"  but  he  has 
also  secured  the  curses  of  British  Tories  and  Martin 
Van  Buren's  official  organ.  By  the  latter  he  is  still 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  77 

denounced  as    a    "coward,"  "granny,"    and  "petticoat 
hero." 

Governor  Shelby  to  Mr.  Madison,  May  18,  1814,  says: 

"  I  feel  no  hesitation  to  declare  to  you  that  I  believe 
General  Harrison  to  be  one  of  the  first  military  charac- 
ters I  ever  knew." 

But  Martin  Van  Buren's  "official  organ"  says  that 
General  Harrison  is  a  "coward,"  a  "granny,"  and  a  "pet- 
ticoat hero." 

Col.  Richard  M.Johnson,  to  General  Harrison,  July  4, 
1813,  says: 

"We  did  not  want  to  serve  under  cowards  or  traitors 
but  under  Harrison  who  had  proved  himself  to  be 
wise,  prudent  and  brave." 

But  Martin  Van  Buren's  official  organ  calls  Harri- 
son a  "coward,"  a  "granny,"  and  a  "petticoat  hero." 

The  honorable  Langdon  Cheves,  speaking  on  the 
battle  of  the  Thames,  said: 

"The  victory  of  Harrison,  was  such  as  would  have 
secured  to  a  Roman  general,  in  the  best  days  of  the 
Republic,  the  honors  of  a  triumph!  He  put  an  end  to 
the  war  in  the  Upper  Canada." 

And  yet  Martin  Van  Buren's  "official  organ"  calls 
Harrison  a  "coward,"  a  "granny,"  and  a  "petticoat 
hero." 

Commodore  Perry  to  General  Harrison,  August  18, 
1817,  says: 

"The  prompt  change  made  by  you  in  the  order  of 
battle  on  discovering  the  position  of  the  enemy,  has 
always  appeared  to  me  to  have  evinced  a  high  degree 
of  military  talent.  I  concur  with  the  venerable  Shelby 
in  his  general  approbation  of  your  conduct  in  that  cam- 
paign." 

Still  Martin  Van  Buren's  "official  organ"  insists  that 
Harrison  is  a  "coward,"  a  "granny,"  and  a  "petticoat 
hero." 

Eleven  of  the  officers  who  fought  under  General  Har- 
rison, at  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe,  paid  him  the  follow- 
ing tribute  of  justice  and  praise  soon  after  the  engage- 
ment: 

"  Should  our  country  again    require  our    services   to 


78  Reminiscences  of  the 

oppose  a  civilized  or  a  savage  foe,  we  should  march 
under  General  Harrison  with  the  most  perfect  confi- 
dence of  victory  and  fame." 

'JoEL  COOK,  JOSIAH  SNELLING,  - 

'  R.  B.  BURTON,  O.  G.  BURTON, 

'  N.  ADAMS,  C.  FULLER, 

*  A.  HAWKINS,  G.  GOODING, 

'  H.  BURCHSTEAD,        J.  D.  FOSTER, 
'  HOSEA  BLOOD." 

But  still  Martin  Van  Buren's  "official  organ"  con- 
tends that  General  Harrison  is  a  "coward,"  a  "granny," 
and  a  "petticoat  hero." 

The  following  is  an  extract  of  a  letter  from  Colonel 
Davies,  who  was  killed  at  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe, 
August  24,  1811 : 

"  I  make  free  to  declare  that  I  have  imagined  there 
were  two  military  men  in  the  West,  and  General  Har- 
rison is  the  first  of  the  two." 

But  Martin  Van  Buren's  "official  organ"  calls  Gen- 
eral Harrison  a  "  coward,"  a  "granny,"  and  a  "petti- 
coat hero." 

The  Richmond  Enquirer  of  January  9,  1813,  speaks 
of  General  Harrison  in  the  following  manner: 

"  General  Harrison,  in  spite  of  the  difficulties  which 
surround  him,  seems  determined  to  press  on  to  Detroit. 
Neither  the  cold  nor  the  badness  of  the  roads  can  deter 
him  from  his  enterprise.  If  he  fails,  the  world  will  ex- 
cuse him  on  account  of  the  difficulties  which  encom- 
pass his  path.  If  he  succeeds,  these  very  difficulties 
will  enhance  the  luster  of  his  success, 

"  If  he  has  been  reported  rightly,  Harrison  is  a  man 
of  no  ordinary  promise.  War  has  been  his  favorite 
study.  At  a  very  early  age  he  was  with  Wayne  in  his 
famous  campaign  against  the  Indians.  •  A  gentleman 
of  very  high  standing,  who  had  an  important  post 
under  him  during  last  fall,  compares  him  to  Washing- 
ton. He  is  as  circumspect  as  he  is  enterprising;  as 
prudent  in  collecting  the  means  of  an  attack  as  he  is 
vigorous  in  striking  the  blow." 

Again  the  Richmond  Enquirer  of  the  iQth  of  Oc- 
tober, 1813,  referring  to  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  says: 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  79 

"We  have  not  words  to  express  the  joy  we  feel  for 
the  victory  of  Harrison.  Never  have  we  seen  the  pub- 
lic pulse  beat  so  high.  And  well  may  we  rejoice.  We 
rejoice  not  so  much  for  the  splendor  of  this  achieve- 
ment as  for  the  solid  benefits  which  it  will  produce. 
Yet,  in  point  of  splendor,  we  have  no  reason  to  believe 
that  when  we  shall  receive  the  official  accounts  we 
shall  sustain  any  disappointment,"  etc. 

"But  its  solid  benefits  require  no  official  accounts  to 
emblazon  them;  almost  every  eye  sees  them,  and  almost 
every  tongue  can  tell  them.  It  gives  security  to  the 
frontier.  Ohio  may  now  sleep  in  security.  The 
trembling  mother  that  nightly  used  to  clasp  her  infant 
to  her  breast  may  rock  its  cradle  in  peace.  The  chain 
which  bound  the  red  man  to  the  Knglish  white  man  is 
broken,"  etc. 

"These  benefits  we  owe  to  the  intrepidity  of  Perry, 
who  paved  the  way,  and  to  Harrison,  whose  skill, 
prudence  and  zeal  have  at  length  reaped  their  just  re- 
ward. This  general  has  now  put  all  his  enemies  to 
shame.  After  struggling  with  difficulties  under  which 
an  ordinary  man  would  have  sunk  ;  after  passing 
through  a  wilderness  of  morass  and  mud,  so  difficult 
of  access  that  the  wagon-horses  could  not  carry  prov- 
ender enough  to  support  them  during  the  journey, 
he  reached  the  consummation  of  all  his  labors;  repairs 
the  vices  of  Hull;  wipes  off  the  stain  which  he  had 
cast  upon  our  arms;  stands  on  the  ruins  of  Maiden; 
muzzles  the  Indian  war  dog,  and  proves  to  the  world 
that  Americans  want  only  an  opportunity  to  display 
the  same  gallantry  on  the  shore  which  they  have  done 
upon  the  wave." 

But  again:  In  the  spring  of  1814  a  proposition  was 
made  in  Congress  to  create  the  office  of  lieutenant- 
general.  The  Richmond  Enquirer  named  General 
Harrison  for  the  elevated  station  in  the  following 
eloquent  and  patriotic  language: 

'•  If  any  one  should  ask  where  such  a  man  is  to  be 
met  with,  we  answer  to  the  best  of  our  abilities,  in  the 
man  who  has  washed  away  the  disasters  of  Detroit; 
who  had  everything  to  collect  for  a  new  campaign, 


80  Reminiscences  of  the 

and  who  got  everything  together;  who  waded  through 
morasses  and  snows,  and  surmounted  the  most  fright- 
ful climate  in  the  Union;  the  man  who  was  neither  to 
be  daunted  by  disaster  nor  difficulties  under  any  shape 
by  the  skill  of  the  civilized  or  the  barbarity  of  a  savage 
foe;  the  man  who  won  the  hearts  of  the  people  by 
his  spirit,  the  respect  of  his  officers  by  his  zeal,  the 
love  of  his  army  by  a  participation  of  their  hardships; 
the  man  who  has  finally  triumphed  over  his  enemy. 
Such  a  man  is  William  Henry  Harrison." 

And  after  all  this  testimony  given  by  the  editor  of 
the  Richmond  Enquirer  in  regard  to  the  courage, 
skill,  capacity,  patriotism  and  services  of  General  Har- 
son,  Martin  Van  Buren's  official  organ  presumes  to  call 
him  "coward,"  "granny"  and  a  "petticoat  hero." 

John  M.  Niles,  in  his  life  of  Perry,  published  in  1821, 
after  giving  a  general  biography  of  General  Harrison, 
said: 

"  The  defense  of  Fort  Meigs  and  the  subsequent 
capture  of  the  British  army  may  be  fairly  considered 
the  most  brilliant  and  extraordinary  events  of  the  late 
war." 

In  alluding  to  the  battle  of  the  Thames  he  said: 

"  It  must  be  conceded  that  this  victory  reflected 
great  honor  upon  the  national  arms,  and  upon  the 
troops  by  whom  it  was  achieved." 

"The  action  and  the  movements  which  preceded  it 
afford  ample  testimony  of  the  judgment  and  cool 
intrepidity  of  General  Harrison  ;  and,  indeed,  all  the 
events  of  the  campaign  support  these  characteristics; 
the  disasters  attending  it  having  in  no  instance  been 
imputable  to  him." 

And  yet  Martin  Van  Buren's  "official  organ"  still 
dares  to  call  General  Harrison  a  "coward,"  "granny," 
and  a  "petticoat  hero." 

Ex-Governor  Isaac  Hill,  Nov.  23,  1813,  in  the  New 
Hampshire  Patriot,  said: 

"  What  man  lives  whose  whole  heart  and  soul  is  not 
British  that  cannot  sincerely  rejoice  in  the  late  vic- 
•tories  of  Perry  and  Harrison;  that  does  not  feel  a 
pride  in  the  valor  and  patriotism  of  the  heroes  of  the 


Political  Campaign  of  1840,  81 

West,  who  have  freed  a  country  large  as  the  Empire 
of  Alexander  the  Great  from  the  Indian  tomahawk  and 
scalping-knife.  If  there  be  such  a  one  he  is  a  traitor 
to  his  country;  he  possesses  the  spirit  of  a  murderer." 

Still  Martin  Van  Buren's  "official  organ"  continues 
to  call  Harrison  a  "coward,"  a  "granny,"  and  a 
"petticoat  hero." 

I  will  in  the  next  place,  Mr.  Chairman,  claim  the  at- 
tention of  the  committee  to  the  testimony  given  by  a 
portion  of  the  surviving  members  of  the  Petersburg, 
Virginia,  volunteers,  who  had  served  under  Gen- 
eral Harrison.  Before,  however,  I  introduce  this  testi- 
mony, I  will  furnish  some  evidence  of  its  high  worth 
and  character  by  reading  the  discharge  given  to  that 
"patriotic  and  gallant  corps"  of  citizen  soldiers  by 
Brigadier  General  Cass.  He  says: 

"  In  granting  a  discharge  to  this  patriotic  and  gal- 
lant corps,  the  general  feels  at  a  loss  for  words  ade- 
quately to  convey  his  sense  of  their  exalted  merits. 
Almost  exclusively  composed  of  individuals  who  had 
been  nursed  in  the  lap  of  ease,  they  have,  for  twelve 
months,  borne  the  hardships  and  privations  of  a  mili- 
tary life,  in  the  midst  of  an  inhospitable  wilderness, 
with  a  cheerfulness  and  alacrity  which  has  never  been 
surpassed;  their  conduct  in  the  field  has  been  excelled 
by  no  other  corps." 

Let  us  now  see  what  the  brave  and  gallant  men  say: 

"  We,   the   undersigned,  a  portion  of  the  surviving 
members    of    the   Petersburg,     Virginia,    Volunteers, 
now  residing  in  Petersburg,  have  seen  in  some  public 
prints,  with  much  surprise,  the  imputation  of  coward- 
ice attempted  to  be  cast  upon  our  old  commander,  Gen. 
William  Henry  Harrison.     We,  as  an  act  of  sheer  jus- 
tice to  that  individual,  deem  it  a  duty  to  state  that  dur- 
ing the   siege  of  Fort  Meigs  in  the  spring  of  1813,  we 
frequently  saw  General  Harrison  placed  in  dangerous 
and   perilous    situations;  and    one    day   of  the  several 
sorties,  5th  of  May,    1813,  we  as  frequently  saw  hi^ 
coolly  and  deliberately  encouraging  his  officers  and  ra^uAfc^ 
to  do  their  duty.     No  coward,  we  think  could  act  i&ithf*' 
coolness  and  deliberation  on  such  occasions. 

6 


82  Reminiscences  of  the 

"  In  September  following,  we  crossed  the  lake  and 
landed  on  the  Canada  shore  a  few  miles  below  Maiden, 
in  which  neighborhood  we  expected  to  meet  the  ene- 
my. At  and  after  the  landing,  on  our  march  towards 
Maiden,  Harrison  and  Shelby  were  seen  at  the  heads 
of  their  respective  commands,  in  the  active  discharge 
of  their  duties.  And  at  the  Thames,  in  October,  it  was 
conceded  by  all  that  General  Harrison's  conduct  was 
brave  and  meritorious. 

"  In  February  or  March  of  the  same  year,  the  time  of 
service  of  the  militia  was  about  to  expire,  and,  tiad 
they  left  the  army,  we  should  have  been  left  with  but 
a  few  volunteers  and  regulars  exposed  to  the  combined 
enemy.  At  that  time  Meigs  was  not  fortified.  In 
this  situation,  the  general  rallied  the  troops  together 
and  addressed  them  in  a  feeling  and  patriotic  manner, 
impressing  upon  them  the  necessity  of  remaining  only  a 
few  days  longer,  at  the  same  time  pledging  himself  to  see 
them  paid  from  his  own  private  resources,  should  the 
Government  refuse  to  do  it,  for  the  time  they  might 
serve  after  their  legal  time  of  service  had  expired. 

"  We  cannot  forbear  acknowledging  a  debt  of  grati- 
tude of  long  standing,  and  yet  due  to  General  Harri- 
son, for  his  kind  and  personal  attention  to  those  of  our 
company  who  were  wounded  in  the  engagement  on 
the  5th  of  May,  at  Fort  Meigs,  and  for  his  general  de- 
portment towards  our  corps  during  our  term  of  serv- 
ice. "JOSEPH  SCOTT, 

"  JOHN  H.  SMITH, 
"JOSEPH  MASON, 
"WM.  R.  CHIEVES, 
"JAMES  PAGE, 
"WM.  P.  BURTON, 
"  R.  CLEMENTS." 

Notwithstanding  the  foregoing  conclusive  testimony 
tb  the  contrary,  Martin  Van  Buren's  "official  organ" 
alleges  that  General  Harrison  is  a  "coward,"  a 
"granny"  and  a  "petticoat  hero." 

In  addition  to  all  the  testimonials  I  have  here  enum- 
erated— testimonials  from  friends  and  from  foes,  some 
of  whom  have  since  gone  to  their  rest — I  will  now  pre- 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  83 

sent  the  committee  a  few  others,  some  of  whom  have 
never  been  extensively  before  the  public.  In  Septem- 
ber, 1836,  there  was  a  convention  of  the  citizens  of 
Western  Pennsylvania  held  at  Pittsburgh.  A  com- 
mittee, consisting  of  officers  who  had  served  nearest 
the  person  of  General  Harrison  in  the  Northwestern 
army,  during  the  late  war,  was  appointed  to  "report 
to  the  convention  their  personal  knowledge  of  his 
courage  and  ability  as  a  commander."  At  the  head  of 
that  committee  stood  Col.  John  B.  Alexander,  a  brave 
and  gallant  officer,  who  was  equally  distinguished 
for  his  legal  and  scientific  attainments  as  for  his  ac- 
curate and  intimate  acquaintance  with  military  science 
and  the  art  of  war.  With  him  were  associated  Gen. 
Joseph  Markle,  Major  Reeves,  Colonel  Daily  and  Dr. 
McGheehan,  all  gentlemen  of  admitted  gallantry,  intel- 
ligence and  high  character.  And  now,  sir,  let  me  read 
you  a  short  extract  from  the  report  of  that  com- 
mittee : 

"That  they  served  as  officers  in  the  Northwestern 
army,  under  the  command  of  General  Harrison,  in  the 
campaign  of  1812-13.  They  have  had  many  oppor- 
tunities to  observe  the  character  and  tendency  of  his 
orders  and  arrangements,  and  were  witnesses  of  the 
obstacles  presented  by  an  extensive  wilderness  and 
dreary  swamps  to  the  transportation  of  the  material  of 
the  army  and  the  accomplishment  of  his  views.  Yet 
his  industry  and  perseverance  overcame  these  diffi- 
culties. 

"The  members  of  the  committee  have  also  seen  him 
in  battle  and  noticed  his  conduct.  In  command,  he 
was  composed,  yet  vigorous.  Under  the  fire  of  the 
enemy,  he  was  tranquil,  calm  and  deliberate.  During 
the  protracted  siege  of  Fort  Meigs,  and  amid  the 
shower  of  shot  and  shells  which  poured  into  the  works 
without  intermission,  no  one  saw  the  eye  of  the  Gen- 
eral to  falter  or  a  nerve  to  quiver.  In  his  purposes  he 
was  steady;  in  his  manners  kind  and  urbane,  yet  dig- 
nified and  commanding." 

And  now,  sir,  if  there  were  no  other  testimonials  to 
establish  the  courage,  ability,  and  services  of  General 


84  Reminiscences  of  the 

Harrison  than  the  one  to  which  I  have  last  referred,  that 
alone  would  be  entirely  satisfactory  to  my  mind,  emi- 
nating,  as  I  know  it  did,  from  gentlemen  who  have 
manifested  their  patriotism,  not  by  merely  calling 
themselves  Democrats,  and  talking  about  Democracy, 
but  by  deeds  of  heroism  at  Massassinewa  and  other 
bloody  fields  in  the  Northwest. 

Still  Martin  Van  Buren's  "official  organ"  calls  General 
Harrison  a  "coward,"  a  "granny,"  and  a  "petticoat 
hero." 

But,  sir,  here  is  another  testimonial  from  some  of  the 
brave  men  of  Western  Pennsylvania,  who  served  an 
arduous  campaign  under  the  command  of  General  Har- 
rison in  the  Northwestern  army: 

"To  his  Excellency  Major  General  William  Henry  Har- 
rison, Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Northwestern 
army. 

"Fort  Meigs,  April  16,  1813. 

"SiR:  We  feel  it  a  particular  duty  and  pleasure  to 
acknowledge  to  you  and  our  countrymen  the  confi- 
dence we  have  entertained  of  your  excellency  as  our 
general  and  commander-in-chief  of  the  Northwestern 
army.  Fifteen  days  since  we  were  prepared  to  -return 
home,  our  six  months'  tour  of  duty  expired;  but,  by 
your  solicitations  in  a  letter  addressed  to  General 
Crooks,  and  that  of  the  State  government  of  which  we 
are  citizens  together  with  the  impending  dangers  that 
threatened  all  around  by  our  hostile  foes,  we  again 
engaged  ourselves  in  the  service  of  the  United  States 
for  the  fifteen  days  past,  and  to-morrow  we  expect 
again  to  be  discharged  from  the  service,  the  danger 
threatened  appearing  principally  to  have  abated. 
Reinforcements  having  arrived,  and  the  preparations 
much  increased,  we  shall  retire  from  the  field 
with  peculiar  satisfaction,  asking  of  Heaven  its  protec- 
tion for  you,  your  army,  and  our  country;  trusting  that 
our  Western  enemies  will  be  taught  a  lesson  of  submis- 
sion not  to  be  forgotten,  and  that  the  inhabitants  of  our 
Western  frontier  will  again  enjoy  the  peaceful  pleas- 
ures of  their  homes. 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  85 

"  Most  respectfully,  your  excellency's  humble  serv- 
ants, "DAVID  NELSON,  Major. 

"  THOMAS  LINGHAM,  Major. 

"ROBERT  ORR,  Major. 

"E.  CASSETTS,  Surgeon. 

"  JOHN  JUNKINS, 

"  J.  BARACMAN, 

"  WM.  HARPER, 

"JAMES  BONNER, 

"  WM.  JOHNSON, 

"THOMAS  JACK. 

"  JOSHUA  LOGAN,  Adjutant." 

These  gentlemen  were  alike  distinguished  for  brav- 
ery, heroism,  and  all  the  sterling  virtues.  One  of  them, 
Major  Orr,  some  years  after  the  termination  of  the 
war,  had  the  honor  of  a  seat  on  this  floor. 

But  Martin  Van  Buren's  official  organ  still  vouches 
that  General  Harrison  is  a  "coward,"  a  "granny,"  and 
a  "  petticoat  hero." 

Major  Willock,  of  Pittsburgh,  has  borne  witness  to 
the  bravery  and  courage  of  General  Harrison.  "He 
had  been  present  on  the  field  of  battle  when  British 
balls  were  flying  thick  around  the  head  of  Harrison, 
and  the  old  hero  never  blanched  or  quailed  in  that  hour 
of  peril." 

John  D.  Davis,  Esq.,  of  Pittsburgh,  testifies  that  he 
was  an  "eyewitness  to  the  services  of  General  Harri- 
son on  the  field  of  battle;  to  his  courage,  humanity, 
and  devotion  to  the  interests  of  the  troops  during  some 
of  the  most  trying  scenes  of  the  last  war,  and  that  his 
conduct  towards  his  suffering  soldiers  was  that  of  a 
father  in  his  family.'* 

Mr.  John  W.  Lynch,  of  Pittsburgh,  testifies  "that 
on  the  field  of  battle  and  in  the  army,  no  man  ever 
questioned  the  courage  and  benevolence  of  General 
Harrison." 

Major  Willock,  John  D.  Davis,  Esq.,  and  Mr.  Lynch 
are  brave  and  patriotic  citizens,  and  had  served  in  the 
Northwestern  army  under  General  Harrison. 

Yet  Martin  Van  Buren's  "official  organ"  denounces 


86  Reminiscences  of  the 

General  Harrison  as  a  "coward,"  a  "granny,"  and  a 
"petticoat  hero." 

Mr.  Pollock,  of  Muskingum  county,  Ohio,  in  a  re- 
cent debate  in  the  house  of  representatives  of  that 
State,  speaking  relative  to  the  battle  of  Fort  Meigs, 
said: 

"  I  was  in  the  battle.  I  saw  a  cannon  ball  strike 
within  two  feet  of  General  Harrison  during  that  fight. 
I  was  there.  I  saw  bomb  shells  and  chain  shot  flying 
thick  around  him.  Horses  were  shot  down  under 
him.  I  saw  General  Harrison  there,  and  he  was  in 
the  hottest  of  the  fight;  and  where  balls  flew  the 
thickest,  and  where  steel  met  steel  the  fiercest,  there 
you  would  find  General  Harrison.  I  speak  what  I 
know  my  eyes  have  seen.  General  Harrison  is  not  a 
coward;  and  those  who  call  him  a  coward  know  noth- 
ing of  him.  He  was  a  brave,  prudent  and  fearless  gen- 
eral. He  took  the  right  course  during  the  last  war;  he 
acted  a  noble  part,  and  his  country  has  honored  him 
for  it.  Ask  the  soldiers  who  fought  by  his  side,  whose 
hearts  were  cheered  by  his  valor,  and  who  were  led  to 
triumph  and  to  victory  by  his  courage,  and  bravery  and 
skill,  if  General  Harrison  was  a  coward;  and  they,  sir, 
will  tell  you  no!" 

But  Martin  Van  Buren's  "official  organ"  still  hesi- 
tates not  to  proclaim  General  Harrison  a  "coward,"  a 
a  ''granny,"  and  a  "petticoat  hero." 

General  Tipton,  late  of  the  United  States  Senate 
from  the  State  of  Indiana,  who  had  served  as  an  ensign 
in  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe,  testifies  in  regard  to  Gen- 
eral Harrison's  courage  and  behavior  in  that  engage- 
ment in  the  following  manner: 

"  I  think  him  as  brave  a  man  as  ever  lived;  no  man 
could  have  behaved  with  more  true  courage  than  he 
did.  While  the  engagement  was  hottest  and  when 
bullets  flew  thickest  he  was  to  be  seen  speaking  in  his 
ordinary  tone  and  giving  commands  with  the  greatest 
precision.  "The  company  to  which  I  belonged,"  said 
General  Tipton,  "went  into  action  eighty  strong  and 
only  twenty  survived.  The  firing  upon  us  was  most 
tremendous,  After  the  general  had  made  his  arrange- 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  87 

ments  for  repelling  the  attack  of  the  Indians  at  either 
point,  he  rode  up  to  where  I  was,  and  made  the  fol- 
lowing inquiries:  'Where's  your  captain?'  'He  is 
dead,  sir.'  'Where  is  the  first  or  second  lieutenant?' 
'They  are  both  dead,'  was  the  reply.  'Well,  where  is 
the  ensign?'  'He  stands  before  you,  general.'  'Well, 
my  brave  fellow,'  said  Harrison,  'hold  your  ground 
for  five  minutes  longer  and  all  will  be  safe.'  "  In  fif- 
teen minutes  the  enemy  was  repulsed  on  all  sides; 
Tipton  gallantly  led  on  his  few  remaining  comrades  to 
the  charge,  and  victory  perched  upon  the  American 
banner. 

"As  an  evidence  of  Harrison's  coolness  in  the  midst 
of  danger,  General  Tipton  stated  that,  at  the  moment 
the  conversation  ended  between  himself  and  General 
Harrison,  and  as  the  horse  on  which  was  mounted  his 
aide,  the  late  General  Taylor,  of  Indiana,  was  in  the 
act  of  turning,  a  rifle  ball  pierced  him  through  the 
body  and  brought  him  to  the  ground,  catching  his 
rider's  leg  under  him.  It  was  a  favorite  black  horse 
of  the  general's,  and  he  exclaimed,  'Ah!  is  my  gallant 
old  black  gone?'  '  Well,  rise  and  mount  again,  for  we 
have  no  time  to  mourn  the  loss  of  a  horse  when  so 
many  brave  ones  are  exposed  to  a  similar  fate,'  and, 
having  remounted  his  aide,  he  dashed  into  the  midst  of 
the  danger.  In  a  few  minutes  the  battle  was  over." 

Notwithstanding  the  statement  of  General  Tipton, 
Martin  Van  Buren's  "official  organ"  continues  to  con- 
nect the  name  of  General  Harrison  with  "coward," 
"granny"  and  "petticoat  hero." 

Mr.  Will,  of  Ross  county,  Ohio,  in  relation  to  the 
battle  of  the  Miami  rapids,  states  as  follows: 

"That  he  had  been  a  soldier  under  Wayne;  that  he 
had  risen  from  the  post  of  a  private  to  that  of  a  cap- 
tain in  the  regular  service.  It  was  at  the  battle  of 
the  Miami  rapids  that  he  first  saw  General  Harrison. 
He  was  then  the  aide  of  General  Wayne.  He  saw  the 
youthful  Harrison  in  the  hardest,  the  hottest  and  the 
thickest  of  the  fight.  T  was  shot  through  the  body.  I 
fell  and  was  for  some  time  unable  to  get  up.  I  suc- 
ceeded, however,  after  great  difficulty,  in  struggling  to 


88  Reminiscences  of  tfie 

my  feet.  Just  at  this  moment  Harrison  came  up  to  me 
and  exclaimed,  'Soldier,  why  are  you  not  fighting  with 
your  company?'  The  blood  was  then  gushing  out  of 
my  shoes.  I  informed  him  of  my  situation,  and  he 
rushed  on  into  the  worst  dangers  of  the  fight.  Some 
denounce  him  as  a  coward.  It  is  a  base  slander  upon 
a  good  and  a  brave  man.  I  know  and  feel  what  I  am 
saying.  He  was  a  brave  man,  and  a  better  officer  I 
never  saw." 

Still  Martin  Van  Buren's  "official  organ"  cries  aloud 
"coward,"  "granny"  "petticoat  hero." 

Joseph  Loranger,  a  respectable  citizen  of  Monroe, 
Michigan,  gives  his  testimony  in  favor  as  follows: 

"  I  was  with  General  Harrison  at  Fort  Meigs,  and 
when  I  hear  those  who  were  in  their  cradles  at  the 
time  or  fleeing  from  danger  stigmatize  him  as  a  '  cow- 
ard,' I  feel  bound  no  longer  to  remain  silent,  but  to  tell 
my  fellow-citizens  what  I  know.  I  was  near  him 
when  General  Proctor  demanded  the  surrender  of  the 
fort,  and  I  heard  General  Harrison  say  that  he  would 
never  surrender  ;  he  would  die  in  its  defense  rather 
than  give  up  the  fort ;  and  he  called  upon  all  his 
subordinate  officers  to  join  in  his  resolution;  and  that, 
if  he  did  fall,  to  never  give  up  the  conflict.  Stimulated 
by  the  firmness  of  their  general,  whom  every  officer 
and  soldier  in  the  fort  loved  for  his  amiable  qualities 
and  unflinching  bravery,  all  resolved  to  die  rather  than 
to  dishonor  their  country  by  a  surrender.  You  know, 
fellow-citizens,  the  result.  By  his  untiring  perserver- 
ance,  by  his  late  and  early  attention  to  duty,  by  his 
constant  encouragement  of  the  private  soldier  by  his 
own  example,  and  by  his  extraordinary  skill,  prudence 
and  bravery  as  a  commander,  the  enemy  were  repulsed, 
and  the  flag  of  their  beloved  country  waved  in  triumph 
over  the  fort  which  General  Harrison  and  his  brave 
companions  so  gallantly  defended." 

But  Martin  Van  Buren's  "official  organ"  proclaims 
General  Harrison  a  "coward,"  a  "granny,"  and  a 
"petticoat  hero." 

The  following  extracts  of  a  letter  from  the  hero  of 
Brownstown,  Gen.  James  Miller,  afford  additional 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  89 

evidence  of  the  "bravery,  skill  and  judgment"  of 
General  Harrison.  At  the  time  of  the  battle  of  Tip- 
pecanoe  General  Miller  was  at  Fort  Harrison,  about 
seventy  miles  up  the  Wabash.  He  says  : 

"Although  I  was  not  in  the  battle  still  I  took  great 
interest  in  it,  had  much  conversation  with  all  the 
officers  on  their  return  and  made  every  inquiry  I  could 
think  of  respecting  their  movement  and  encampments, 
the  attack  and  defense,  and  the  operations  of  the 
battle  throughout;  and  I  made  up  my  mind  unhesitat- 
ingly that  the  campaign  had  been  conducted  with  great 
bravery,  skill  and  judgment,  and  that  nothing  was  left 
undone  that  could  be  done  consistently  with  the  gen- 
eral's express  orders  from  the  War  Department,  which 
I  saw  and  read.  Nor  have  I  ever  known  or  heard  of 
any  act  of  his  which  has  in  the  least  degree  altered 
the  opinion  I  then  formed  of  him.  I  will  add  that  if 
I  ever  had  any  military  skill  I  am  more  indebted  for  it 
to  General  Harrison  than  to  any  other  man. 

"  In  those  days  I  .never  heard  that  General  Harrison 
was  a  coward  or  wore  petticoats. 

"To  conclude,  I  freely  express  my  opinion,  after 
following  him  through  all  his  civil  and  military  career, 
after  living  with  him  in  his  family  more  than  six 
months,  that  Gen.  William  Henry  Harrison  is  as  free 
from  stain  or  blemish  as  it  falls  to  the  lot  of  man  to 
be." 

This  is  the  testimony  of  as  brave  an  officer  as  ever 
wielded  a  sword;  of  the  officer  who,  at  the  battle  of 
Lundy's  Lane,  gave  the  memorable  reply,  "  I'll  try,"  to 
General  Brown,  when  the  latter  inquired,  if  Miller 
could  dislodge  the  British  artillery  from  their  command- 
ing position,  and  forthwith  accomplished  his  purpose  by 
the  aid  of  his  favorite  weapon,  the  bayonet. 

And  yet  Martin  Van  Buren's  "official  organ"  calls 
Harrison  a  "coward,"  a  "granny"  and  a  "petticoat 
hero." 

The  following  general,  field  and  staff  officers  of  the 
Northwestern  army  gave  to  the  world  their  testimonial 
in  writing,  in  which  they  express  their  surprise  and  re- 
gret "that  charges  as  improper  in  form  as  in  sub- 


90  Reminiscences  of  the 

stance"  have  been  made  against  General  Harrison. 
And  they  conclude  by  stating,  that,  "  With  a  ready 
acquiescence,  beyond  the  mere  claim  of  military  duty, 
we  are  prepared  to  obey  a  general  whose  measures 
meet  our  most  deliberate  approbation  and  merit  that 
of  his  country:" 

Lewis  Cass,  brigadier  general  United  States  Army. 

Samuel  Wells,  colonel  Seventeenth  regiment  United 
States  Infantry. 

Thomas  D.  Owings,  colonel  Twenty-eighth  regi- 
ment United  States  Infantry. 

George  Paull,  colonel  Seventeenth  regiment  United 
States  Infantry. 

J.  C.  Bartlett,  colonel  quartermaster-general. 

James  V.  Ball,  lieutenant-colonel. 

Robert  Morrison,  lieutenant-colonel. 

George  Todd,  major  Nineteenth  regiment  United 
States  Infantry. 

William  Trigg,  major  Twenty-eighth  regiment  Uni- 
ted States  Infantry. 

James  Smiley,  major  Twenty-eighth  regiment  United 
States  Infantry. 

Rd.  Graham,  major  Seventeenth  regiment  United 
States  Infantry. 

Geo.  Croghan,  major  Seventeenth  regiment  United 
States  Infantry. 

L.  Hukill,  major  and  assistant  inspector-general. 

Ed.  Wood,  major  engineers. 

But  still  Martin  Van  Buren's  "official  organ"  reiter- 
ates "coward,"  "granny"  and  "petticoat  hero." 

After  their  term  of  service  in  the  Northwestern 
army  had  expired,  the  following  officers  addressed 
General  Harrison  in  this  manner: 

"  On  retiring  from  service,  sir,  we  are  happy  in  as- 
suring you  of  our  fullest  confidence  and  that  of  our  re- 
spective commands  in  the  measures  you  have  taken; 
they  have  been  cautious  and  guarded,  such  as  would 
at  this  time  have  carried  our  arms  to  the  walls  of 
Maiden  had  not  the  unhappy  occurrences  at  the  river 
Raisin  checked  your  progress,  and  for  a  short  time 
thwarted  your  plans  of  operation.  That  you  may  soon 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  91 

teach  the  enemy  the  distinction  between  an  honorable 
and  savage  warfare  by  planting  our  standard  in  the 
heart  of  their  country  and  regain  the  honor  and  ter- 
ritory we  have  lost,  and,  as  a  just  tribute  to  valor,  toils 
and  suffering,  receive  the  grateful  thanks  of  a  gen- 
erous and  free  people,  is  among  the  first,  the  warmest 
wishes  of  our  hearts. 

*  EDWARD  W.  TUPPER,  Brigadier-General. 
'  SIMON  PERKINS,  Brigadier-General. 
'CHARLES  MILLER,  Colonel. 

'JoHN  ANDREWS,  Lieutenant-Colonel. 
4  WILLIAM  RAYAN,  Colonel. 

*  R.  SPAFFORD,  Lt.  Col.  2d  Regt.  Ohio  quota. 
'  N.  BEASLEY,  Major. 

'  JAMES  GALLOWAY,  Major. 
'  SOLOMON  BENTLEY,  Major. 
'GEORGE  D ARROW,  Major 
'  W.  W.  COTGREAVE,  Major. 
'JACOB  FREDERICK,  Major. 

"  His  Excellency,  WILLIAM  HENRY  HARRISON,  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  the  Northwestern  Army." 

Still,  Martin  Van  Buren's  "official  organ"  persists  in 
calling  General  Harrison  a  "coward,"  a  "granny,"  and 
a  "petticoat  hero." 

I  have  it  in  my  power,  sir,  to  adduce  many  other  valua- 
ble testimonials  in  relation  to  the  courage,  skill,  ability 
and  conduct  of  Gen.  William  Henry  Harrison,  and  par- 
ticularly the  statements  of  Gen.  John  O'Fallon,  of  St. 
Louis,  Colonel  Chambers,  of  Kentucky,  and  Majors 
Todd  and  Smith;  but  I  will  no  longer  test  the  patience 
of  the  committee  by  heaping  certificate  upon  certifi- 
cate, and  testimony  upon  testimony.  I  might  also  call 
upon  at  least  four  honorable  gentlemen  on  this  floor, 
who  gallantly  fought  at  the  side  of  the  hero  of  North 
Bend,  to  bear  their  testimony  in  favor  of  that  brave 
veteran  and  the  cause  of  truth.  But,  sir,  I  forbear;  for 
if  men  will  not  be  convinced  with  the  ample  evidence 
which  has  been  produced,  neither  would  they  be  con- 
vinced "though  one  rose  from  the  dead."  General 
Harrison  had  in  his  army  several  thousand  men  from 


92  Reminiscences  of  the 

Western  Pennsylvania.  Many  of  them  are  now  resid- 
ing in  my  district ;  men  as  bold  and  brave  as  ever 
breathed  the  "breath  of  life,"  and  if  the  gentleman  dared 
to  tell  them  that  William  Henry  Harrison  was  a  "petti- 
coat hero/'  he  would  very  quickly  have  his  mouth 
stopped.  Indeed,  I  never  in  my  life  saw  a  man  who 
had  fought  under  Harrison  that  was  not  his  warm 
friend.  But  stay,  I  almost  take  that  back;  I  did  hear 
once  of  six  men  in  the  county  of  Fayette,  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, who  had  been  in  his  army,  and  yet  were  vio- 
lently opposed  to  his  election;  but,  on  inquiry,  it  turned 
out  that  the  whole  six  had  been  deserters  and  noto- 
rious scamps,  insomuch  that  the  General  had  printed  a 
hand-bill  offering  a  reward  for  the  apprehension  of 
every  one  of  them.  These  men  who  deserted  the 
stars  and  stripes  of  their  country  are  the  only  political 
deserters  I  ever  heard  of  from  the  Harrison  standard. 

But  now  let  us  look  a  little  at  the  civil  qualifications 
and  services  of  General  Harrison,  for  he  is  still  more 
distinguished  for  his  capacity  and  conduct  in  the  civil 
offices  he  has  filled  than  for  his  qualifications  as  a  mil- 
itary chieftain.  As  the  governor  of  the  Northwestern 
Territory,  which  then  embraced  a  region  of  the  coun- 
try that  has  since  formed  five  States  of  this  Union,  and 
afterwards  as  governor  of  the  State  of  Indiana,  he  won 
for  himself  the  illustrious  title  of  the  "  Father  of  the 
Western  Country."  As  a  member,  both  of  this  House 
and  the  Senate,  and  not  less  when  Minister  to  the  Re- 
public of  Colombia,  he  conducted  himself  in  a  manner 
to  secure  his  own  reputation,  and  to  reflect  honor  upon 
his  country. 

In  every  situation  the  polar  star  that  governed  all 
his  actions  was  the  love  of  justice.  When  he  was  a 
member  of  Congress,  and  a  bill  was  up  to  increase  the 
pay  of  its  members,  he  refused  his  vote  to  take  up  this 
bill  until  justice  had  been  done  to  the  men  who  had 
been  his  companions  in  arms,  by  passing  that  pension 
bill  of  'which  he  was  the  earnest,  ardent,  inflexible,  per- 
severing advocate.  He  refused  to  do  justice  to  himself 
till  he  had  seen  justice  done  to  the  old  heroes  who  had 
fought  for  the  national  liberty.  Whoever  wishes  to 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  93 

form  a  correct  opinion  in  regard  to  this  portion  of  the 
life  of  General  Harrison,  and  to  peruse  a  compendium 
of  the  speeches  he  delivered,  and  the  principles  he  ad- 
vocated in  this  and  in  the  other  house,  has  only  to  con- 
sult a  series  of  editorial  articles,  which  were  prepared 
by  Mr.  Gales,  the  editor  of  the  Intelligencer,  where 
they  will  see,  as  in  a  picture,  the  honest,  manly,  patri- 
otic, feeling  character  of  the  venerated  hero  whom  the 
people  of  the  West  so  enthusiastically  admire.  Let 
any  man  consider  what  was  the  weight  of  responsi- 
bility imposed  on  General  Harrison  when  he  was  ap- 
pointed commander-in-chief  over  the  whole  North- 
western Territory  by  President  Madison,  whose  elec- 
tion Mr.  Van  Buren  so  zealously  opposed.  Hear  what 
the  Secretary  of  War,  by  direction  of  the  President, 
wrote  to  him  on  that  occasion:  "You  will  command 
such  means  as  may  be  practicable,  exercise  your  own 
discretion,  and  act  in  all  cases  according  to  your  own 
judgment." 

Here  is  carte  blanche  unlimited — discretionary  power 
over  the  whole  West;  the  country  and  its  interests 
were  placed  at  his  disposal.  Such  was  the  confidence 
reposed  in  him  by  James  Madison.  Subsequently  Mr. 
Monroe,  acting  Secretary  of  War,  wrote  General  Har- 
rison in  relation  to  the  invasion  of  Upper  Canada  as 
follows: 

"  No  person  can  be  so  competent  to  that  decision  as 
yourself,  and  the  President  has  great  confidence  in  the 
solidity  of  the  opinion  you  may  form.  He  wishes  you  to 
weigh  maturely  this  important  subject,  and  take  that 
part  which  your  judgment  may  dictate." 

Such  an  amount  of  power  was  never  intrusted  to 
any  other  officer  of  this  Government.  And  did  Harri- 
son betray  the  trust?  Did  he  basely  violate  this  confi- 
dence of  the  Chief  Magistrate?  No.  Never;  never 
in  a  single  instance. 

Do  you  know  how  it  was  that  this  same  man 
acquired,  in  so  eminent  a  degree,  the  afFections  and 
love  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  in  the  army?  He,  him- 
self, has  disclosed  the  secret  in  four  lines: 

"  By  treating  them  with  affection  and  kindness,  by 


94  Reminiscences  of  the 

always  recollecting  that  they  were  fellow-citizens, whose 
feelings  I  was  bound  to  respect,  and  by  sharing,  on 
every  occasion,  the  hardships  which  they  were  obliged 
to  undergo." 

General  Harrison  possessed  the  confidence  and 
approbation  of  every  President  of  the  United  States, 
from  George  Washington  down  to  the  election  of 
General  Jackson. 

In  1791,  when  nineteen  years  of  age,  he  was  ap- 
pointed by  Washington  an  ensign  in  our  army. 

In  1792  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  lieutenant. 

In  1795  he  was  made  a  captain  and  placed  in  com- 
mand of  Fort  Washington. 

In  1797  he  was  appointed  by  President  Adams  sec- 
retary of  the  Northwestern  Territory,  and  ex-office 
lieutenant-governor. 

In  1798  he  was  chosen  a  Delegate  to  Congress. 

In  1801  he  was  appointed  governor  of  Indiana,  and 
in  the  same  year  President  Jefferson  appointed  him 
sole  commissioner  for  treating  with  the  Indians. 

In  1803  and  1806  he  was  reappointed  governor  by 
President  Jefferson. 

In  1809  he  was  appointed  by  President  Madison 
governor  of  Indiana. 

In  1814  he  was  appointed  by  Madison  one  of  the 
commissioners  to  treat  with  the  Indians,  and  in  the 
same  year,  with  his  colleagues,  Governor  Shelby  and 
General  Cass,  concluded  the  celebrated  treaty  of 
Greenville. 

In  1815  he  was  again  appointed  such  commissioner, 
with  General  McArthur  and  Mr.  Graham,  and  nego- 
tiated a  treaty  at  Detroit. 

In  1816  he  was  elected  a  member  of  Congress. 

In  January,  1818,  he  introduced  a  resolution  in 
honor  of  Kosciusko  and  supported  it  in  one  of  the 
most  feeling  and  classical  and  eloquent  speeches  ever 
delivered  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 

In  1819  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Ohio  senate. 

In  1824  he  was  elected  Senator  in  Congress,  and 
was  apointed  in  1825  chairman  of  the  military  com- 
mittee in  place  of  General  Jackson,  who  had  resigned. 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  95 

In  1827  he  was  appointed  minister  to  Colombia,  and 
in  1829  wrote  his  immortal  letter  to  Bolivar,  the  deliv- 
erer of  South  America. 

These,  sir,  are  some  of  the  public  stations  which 
General  Harrison  has  filled  with  so  much  honor  to  his 
own  character  and  with  so  great  advantage  to  his 
country.  t 


RATIFICATION  CONVENTION. 


THE  YOUNG  MEN'S  WHIG  NATIONAL  CONVENTION 
AT  BALTIMORE  MAY  4 — ORDER  OF  THE  PROCES- 
SION, BANNERS,  ETC. 

Sunday  evening  it  rained,  and  the  appearance  of  the 
clouds  foretokened  an  unpleasant  Monday;  but  He, 
who  "tempers  the  wind"  dispersed  the  lowering  clouds. 
The  day  was  auspicious,  sufficiently  cool  to  prevent 
exhaustion,  and  sufficiently  warm  for  comfort.  The 
streets  were  filled  at  an  early  hour  in  the  morning  with 
notes  of  preparation — delegations  assembling  in  private 
meetings,  delegates  hurrying  to  and  fro  in  search  of 
friends  or  badges,  and  the  arrival  of  delegations  from 
the  country,  inspired  an  expectation  of  an  uncommonly 
interesting  day.  Before  8  o'clock  the  marshals  began 
to  ride  through  the  streets  to  their  various  appoint- 
ments; and  then  commenced  the  rush  of  thousands; 
the  sidewalks  of  Baltimore  street  for  two  miles  pre- 
sented an  almost  unbroken  mass  of  eager  expectants 
waiting  for  the  march  of  the  procession.  As  the  hour 
advanced  the  roofs  of  the  houses  were  scaled,  and  hun- 
dreds from  their  lofty  perches  looked  for  the  Whig 
array.  The  ladies,  the  bright-eyed  beautiful  ladies  of 
Baltimore,  filled  the  windows. 

At  half  past  nine  the  firing  of  the  national  salute, 
the  signal  for  the  march  of  the  procession,  began.  Be- 
fore it  was  concluded  the  delegation  from  Philadelphia 


96  Reminiscences  of  the 

City    and   county   arrived,  and,  with  their  baggage   in 
their  hands,  hastened  to  their  position  in  Cove  street. 
The  front  of  the  procession,  led  by  the  chief  marshal, 
accompanied  by  two  aids,  commenced  its  march. 

THE    PROCESSION. 

The  procession  was  led  by  Capt.  James  O.  Law, 
chief  marshal  of  the  day,  and  an  aid  on  each  side  on 
horseback.  He  had  appointed  five  assistants;  they 
were  Messrs.  James  II.  Milliken,  Washington  Booth, 
Charles  H.  Wilder,  Levi  Fahnestock  and  J.  W.  Os- 
borne.  A  fine  band  of  music  immediately  followed 
the  marshal,  playing  "Harrison's  March,"  as  composed 
by  Professor  Deilman.  Then  came  the  president  and 
officers  of  the  Baltimore  city  delegation,  bearing  a 
large  white  banner  on  a  frame,  with  the  following  ap- 
propriate inscription  from  a  new  and  popular  song: 

"The  people  are  coming  from  plain  and  from  mountain, 

To  join  the  brave  band  of  the  honest  and  free, 
Which  grows  as  the  stream  from  the   leaf-sheltered  fountain, 

Spreads  broad  and  more  broad  till  it  reaches  the  sea; 
No  strength  can  restrain  it,  no  force  can  retain  it, 
Whate'er  may  resist,  it  breaks  gallantly  through, 
And  borne  by  its  motion  as  a  ship  on  the  ocean 
Speeds  on  in  his  glory — 
Old  Tippecanoe! 

The  iron-arm'd  soldier,  the  true  hearted  soldier, 
The  gallant  old  soldier 

Of  Tippecanoe!" 

An  eagle  was  represented  at  the  head  of  the  inscrip- 
tion, and  beneath  it  was  a  barrel  of  •'  hard  cider." 

INVITED    GUESTS. 

A  number  of  barouches  followed,  containing  the  in- 
vited guests  of  the  convention,  in  the  first  of  which  we 
observed  the  Hon.  Daniel  Webster,  of  the  United  States 
Senate,  and  his  honor,  Sheppard  C.  Leakin,  mayor  of 
the  city  of  Baltimore. 

Next  to  the  carriages,  and  on  foot,  came  the  sub- 
committee of  arrangements,  the  Harrison  convention, 
and  the  central  committee,  distinguished  by  sashes  and 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  97 

appropriate  badges,  expressive  of  their  official  position 
in  the  duties  of  the  convention. 

The  above  composed  that  portion  of  the  line  resting 
on  Baltimore  street,  which,  as  it  passed  down,  was 
joined  by  the  delegation  from 

NEW    HAMPSHIRE. 

It  was  preceded  by  the  State  banner,  with  the 
motto,  "Crescit  Sub  Pondere  Virtus."  The  delegation 
was  larger  than  was  anticipated,  and  admirably  did 
the  fine  body  of  men  which  represented  the  "  Granite 
State"  sustain  their  distinctive  appellation. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

The  delegation  from  the  Old  Bay  State  was  alike 
imposing  for  the  strength  of  its  numbers  and  the  high 
respectability  of  those  arrayed  under  its  numerous  and 
significant  banners.  It  comprised  about  a  thousand 
delegates.  It  was  preceded  by  an  elegant  banner 
borne  by  the  Boston  members,  having  a  view  of  the 
city  of  Boston  writh  the  motto,  "We  are  Where  We 
Have  Been,  and  Ever  Mean  to  Be."  On  the  reverse  of 
the  banner,  "Sicut  Patribus  sit  Deus  Nobis.  Bostonia 
Condita,  Civitatis  Regime  Donata,  A.  D.  1822." 

The  various  sections  of  this  delegation  were  distin- 
guished by  banners  with  appropriate  devices  and 
inscriptions.  On  the  first  of  these  was  the  figure  of 
"Fame,"  and  inscribed  on  the  reverse,  "Harrison  and 
Tyler."  This  was  followed  by  one  representing  "The 
Book  of  Laws,"  and  on  the  reverse,  "  Honor  to  the 
Majesty  of  Law."  Two  richly  finished  silk  scrolls,  one 
representing  the  "  Constitution  of  the  United  States/' 
and  having  therefrom  a  sentence  in  letters  of  gold:  the 
other  the  ;t  Constitution  of  Massachusetts,"  with  a  sen- 
tence therefrom  in  the  same  letters.  A  silk  banner 
encircled  with  pictorial  illustrations  of  General  Harri- 
son's career,  closing  with  the  Presidency,  and  bearing 
the  words,  "The  Rising  of  Harrison." 

The  members  from  Bunker  Hill  with  a  banner  bear- 
ing those  two  words  only,  were  very  numerous,  and 
were  cheered  with  the  deepest  enthusiasm.  Succeed- 


98  Reminiscences  of  the 

ing  them  was  a  banner  with  a  device  of  a  golden  goblet 
overflowing  with  gold  pieces;  on  the  reverse  the 
words,  "  The  Golden  Humbug."  On  the  next  was 
represented  a  quantity  of  mechanics'  implements  of 
labor,  and  on  the  other  side  the  pithy  expression, 
"Buchanan;  Beware  of  Edge  Tools."  It  will  be  re- 
membered that  Mr.  Buchanan,  in  the  course  of  a  speech 
some  time  since,  exclaimed:  "  I  would  that  the  whole 
of  New  England  might  hear  my  voice."  They  appear 
to  have  heard  it,  and  Mr.  Buchanan  is  thus  honored  with 
their  reply.  New  England,  like  all  other  sections  of 
the  Union,  is  not  well  pleased  with  that  political 
theory  which  would  begin  its  practice  by  a  reduction 
of  the  price  of  labor.  A  banner  followed  with  the  de- 
vice of  the  sword  and  balance,  bearing  the  motto, 
"  Equal  Rights  and  Equal  Justice."  Amongst  others 
we  noticed  banners  with  the  following  inscriptions: 
"  Glad  Tidings  for  the  People;"  "  Union  for  the  Sake  of 
Union;"  "  Success  to  our  Cause."  The  device  of  an 
arm  and  hammer  with  the  motto,  "  Strong  Arms  and/ 
Stout  Hearts." 

The  Cape  Cod  delegation  were  distinguished  by 
banners  with  the  following  inscriptions:  "The  Fish- 
eries— By  These  We  Thrive."  "  Bounty  and  Prosperity 
to  the  Fishermen." 

The  banner  of  the  arms  of  the  State  was  borne  in  the 
rear  of  this  long  line  of  the  young  Whigs  of  Massa- 
chusetts, and  it  was  encircled  by  the  motto,  "  There  is 
Lexington,  and  Concord  and  Bunker  Hill,  and  There 
They  will  be  Forever." 

The  Massachusetts  delegation  was  accompanied 
with  a  remarkably  fine  band  of  music  which  came  on 
with  them,  and  whose  performances  excited  much  ad- 
miration. 

RHODE    ISLAND. 

This  gallant  little  State,  which  came  with  "victory 
yet  green  upon  her  brow,"  was  well  represented.  Her 
sons  moved  on  with  an  elastic  step  under  the  folds  of 
her  State  banner,  representing  an  anchor  hove,  with 
the  appropriate  motto,  "Fast  Anchored  to  Her  An- 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  99 

cient  Principles.1'     Her  representation  was  very  large 
for  her  population. 

CONNECTICUT. 

Connecticut,  too,  has  but  recently  added  a  new  leaf 
to  her  laurels,  and  on  the  present  occasion  was  repre- 
sented by  a  goodly  number  of  her  sons,  who  had  just 
reason  to  be  proud  of  the  station  which  she  has  per- 
manently assumed  among  her  Whig  sisters  of  the  na- 
tional confederacy.  She  followed  her  State  banner, 
inscribed  with  the  motto,  "Connecticut  Has  Said,  and 
Connecticut  Has  Done  It." 

A  fine  band  of  music  occupied  the  interval  in  the 
line,  and  was  followed  by  the  delegation  from 

NEW    YORK. 

The  proud  "  Excelsior"  of  the  Empire  State  met  the 
eye  in  the  van  of  the  long  line  of  intelligent,  enterpris- 
ing and  patriotic  citizens  who  composed  her  numer- 
ous delegation.  Almost  every  one  of  her  many  counties 
was  represented,  and  at  the  head  of  the  delegation  we 
recognized  its  chairman,  J.  N.  Reynolds,  Esq.  The 
eyes  of  the  spectators  appeared  to  sparkle  with  new 
interest  and  pleasure  as  the  long  line  passed  before 
them,  "the  observed  of  all  observers."  The  cry  of 
"Rescue"  is  in  the  shouts  of  her  sons  ;  we  know  "she 
can;"  we  hope  "she  will;"  may  we  live  to  write  "she 
has!"  The  motto  on  the  armorial  banner  consisted  of 
the  words,  "New  York,  the  Ebbs  and  Flows  of  Whose 
Single  Soul  are  Tides  to  the  Rest  of  Mankind." 

NEW   JERSEY. 

The  wronged  New  Jersey  next  appeared,  and  with 
the  free  air  and  fearless  port  of  men  who  know  their 
rights  and  dare  maintain  them,  followed  that  banner 
which  they  have  preserved  in  the  hands  of  the  undis- 
mayed defender  of  their  rights,  their  worthy  gover- 
nor. The  State  banner  bore  the  significant  inscrip- 
tion, "The  Next  Impression  of  Her  Broad  Seal  Will 
Be  Respected."  A  very  elegant  banner  represented  a 
fac- simile  of  the  seal  of  the  State  over  which  were 
the  words,  "  Our  State  Sovereignty  Shall  Not  Be 


ioo  Reminiscences  of  the 

Violated."  Around  it,  "  The  Great  Seal  of  the  State 
of  New  Jersey."  We  cannot  doubt  but  that  it  will 
make  a  due  impression  in  the  fall. 

The  Nottingham  delegation  displayed  a  rich  silk 
banner  inscribed,  "Our  Cause  is  Our  Country,  Our 
Candidate  Its  Gallant  Defender;  Presented  by  the 
Young  Ladies  at  Mill  Hill,  April  8,  1840."  Each 
corner  was  beautifully  embroidered  with  roses. 

A  banner  in  the  West  Jersey  delegation  contained 
the  motto,  "Jerseymen  Choose  Their  Own  Represent- 
atives." 

The  members  from  Princeton,  whose  ranks  were 
well  rilled,  were  distinguished  by  a  rich  silk  banner 
representing  the  American  eagle,  with  the  words, 
"  Princeton  Whig  Association,"  and  on  the  reverse, 
"  Harrison  and  Tyler." 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

The  delegation  from  the  Keystone  State  was  im- 
mense, and  presented  a  scene  that  in  itself  would 
dignify  the  name  of  a  procession.  Its  approach  was 
indicated  by  a  large  white  banner,  on  which  was 
inscribed,  "Keystone  State.  It  is  Coming."  Then 
followed  the  "Philadelphia  City  and  County  Delega- 
tion," with  a  banner  signifying  the  same,  and  another 
rich  one  bearing  the  arms  of  the  State. 

Another  banner  had  on  it  a  ship  with  the  sentence 
above,  "  Labor  is  Wealth,"  and  below,  "  Don't  Give 
Up  the  Ship."  In  the  rear  of  the  Philadelphia  mem- 
bers was  carried  a  transparency,  being  a  full-length 
portrait  of  General  Harrison,  encircled  by  the  words, 
"  Honor  Be  to  Him  Who  Defends  Our  Homes  and 
Friends."  On  the  reverse  it  stated  that,  "This  trans- 
parency was  displayed  in  Philadelphia  in  1813,  by  the 
people,  after  the  defeat  of  Proctor  by  the  gallant  Har- 
rison." A  relic  of  the  time  when  people  en  masse 
offered  honor  to  the  victorious  soldier. 

York  county  was  represented  by  about  1 50  "good 
men  and  true"  with  their  six  marshals.  In  front  of 
the  delegation  from  Democratic  York  was  borne  a 
beautiful  banner,  on  which  was  tastefully  displayed  a 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  101 

white  rose  with  the  motto,  "  The  White  Rose  of 
Pennsylvania  Defends  the  Fair  Fame  of  Harrison. " 
On  the  reverse  was  inscribed  the  "  York  County  Dele- 
gation." 

Cumberland  county  was  also  strongly  represented. 
Among  her  highly  respectable  delegation  we  noticed 
the  Hon.  Charles  B.  Penrose,  late  Speaker  of  the 
Senate,  who  afterwards  addressed  the  convention  with 
great  effect,  at  Monument  Square.  On  the  banner  in 
front  of  the  delegation  was  inscribed  these  expressive 
words:  "Old  Mother  Cumberland — She'll  bag  the 
Fox." 

From  Schuylkill  county  a  large  number  were  pres- 
ent; their  banner,  "W.  H.  H. — In  peace  the  Farmer 
and  His  Plowshare:  in  War  the  Soldier  and  his  Sword." 
On  the  reverse,  "  Harrison  and  Tyler." 

The  Dauphin  county  delegation  exhibited  an  elegant 
banner,  on  one  side  of  which  she  announced  her  prin- 
ciples as  "  First  for  Jackson;  First  for  Harrison. 
Always  Honest — She  Gave  Up  Caesar  for  Rome,  and 
Now  to  the  Aid  of  Rome  She  Calls  the  Cincinnatus  of 
the  West."  On  the  other  side  was,  "  Pro  Patria— 
Harrison  and  Tyler." 

In  the  same  delegation  there  was  also  a  beautiful 
banner,  which  attracted  particular  notice.  This  ban- 
ner was  got  up  by  two  members  of  the  Harris- 
burg  Tippecanoe  Club,  Messrs.  A.Jones,  and  T. 
Fenn.  On  one  side  of  the  banner,  the  body  of  which 
was  black  satin,  was  a  log  cabin,  in  gilt,  surrounded 
with  thirteen  stars,  indicative  of  the  thirteen  original 
States;  and  attached  to  the  cabin  was  a  barrel  of  hard 
cider,  also  in  gilt.  The  string  of  the  door  of  the  cabin 
was  not  drawn  in.  On  the  same  side  was  "  Harrison, 
Tyler  and  True  Democracy,"  and  "The  Ball  is  Roll- 
ing," all  also  in  gilt.  On  the  other  side  was  the  Penn- 
sylvania coat  of  arms,  and  the  inscription,  "To  Preserve 
Their  Liberties  the  People  Must  Do  Their  Own  Fight- 
ing and  Voting,"  all  also  in  gilt.  The  banner  was 
splendidly  decorated  and  trimmed. 

The  delegation  from  Fayette  county  conveyed  a  por- 
tion of  its  members  in  a  complete  log  cabin,  built 


1O2  Reminiscences  of  the 

upon  wheels  and  drawn  by  six  horses.  Upon  the  roof 
a  banner  was  displayed,  inscribed  "Laurel  Mountain 
Boys,  from  Fayette  County,  Pennsylvania,  Head  of  the 
Mississippi  Valley."  Deer  and  fox  skins,  buck-horns, 
with  sundry  implements  of  husbandry,  adorned  the 
sides  and  roof  of  the  cabin,  and  boughs  of  green  trees 
decorated  the  top.  The  appearance  of  such  a  thing  in 
our  streets  was  not  a  little  interesting  to  many  as  a 
curiosity  in  the  way  of  architecture,  and  of  novelty  to 
all.  A  barrel  of  hard  cider  was  placed  in  the  rear 
of  the  cabin,  and  a  gourd  was  suspended  by  it.  A  flag 
in  front  announced  whence  it  came,  "From  Fort 
Necessity,  Washington's  First  Battle  Ground." 

The  Bucks  county  delegation  followed  it  with  the 
banner,  brief  but  expressive,  "Huzza  for  Old  Tippe- 
canoe." 

Lancaster  county  was  preceded  by  a  banner  that 
announced  herself  as  "  The  Gibraltar  of  the  Keystone 
State,  Good  for  4,000  Majority  for  Old  Tip."  A  club 
from  Lancaster  city  had  a  beautiful  flag  bearing  the 
words  of  General  Harrison  to  his  soldiers  at  parting 
with  them. 

MifHin  county  with  an  appropriate  flag  followed, 
and 

Adams  county  was  largely  represented,  her  banners 
having  a  variety  of  devices.  On  the  first  banner  was 
"Adams  County,  Pennsylvania,  Opposed  to  Reducing 
the  Wages  of  the  Laborer  and  Mechanics."  On 
another,  "  Harrison  the  Conqueror  of  Proctor  Shall 
Lead  Us  to  Victory." 

The  Delaware  county  delegation  carried  a  banner 
bearing  the  motto,  "Tippecanoe;  No  Reduction  of 
Wages." 

From  Pittsburgh  the  delegation,  was  large  and  con- 
sisted of  substantial  looking  men,  the  iron  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. They  carried  a  banner  consisting  of  a  painting 
representing  Harrison  and  his  staff,  and  on  the  reverse 
a  log  cabin  with  Harrison  at  the  plow  in  the  fore- 
ground. 

Mercer  county  was  well  represented.  The  banner 
of  the  delegation  presented  a  likeness  of  Harrison  and 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  103 

around  it,  "Our  Candidate,  Fort  Meigs,  The  Thames, 
Tippecanoe,  William  Henry  Harrison,  the  Poor  Man's 
Friend."  On  the  reverse,  "Our  Candidates,  Harrison 
and  Tyler." 

DELAWARE. 

The  delegation  of  this  gallant  little  State  reached  the 
city  at  an  early  hour  yesterday  morning.  It  comprised 
representatives  from  all  the  counties.  The  banner 
borne  in  front  had  on  it  the  arms  of  the  State,  and  on 
the  reverse  the  motto,  "  The  First  to  Adopt — the  Last 
to  Abandon  the  Constitution."  On  another  banner 
was  the  motto,  "  Our  Country — Our  Rights."  The 
New  Castle  Tippecanoe  Club  had  its  appropriate  ban- 
ner, as  had  also  the  Sussex  and  Kent  members. 

The  banners  of  the  Kent  county  delegation  had  on 
them  the  "Blue  Hen's  Chickens;"  a  name  given  to  the 
Delaware  line  in  the  glorious  war  of  the  Revolution. 
As  the  worthy  sons  of  worthy  sires  have  arrayed 
themselves  under  this  banner,  its  appropriateness  will 
be  seen  from  the  following  explanation,  furnished  by 
one  who  took  part  in  the  struggle  for  our  National  In- 
dependence: 

"  In  the  Revolutionary  war  Delaware  was  among 
the  most  densely  populated  portions  of  our  country, 
and  is  said  to  have  furnished  five  thousand  fighting 
men  to  the  Revolutionary  army.  The*  regiment  of 
'Delaware  Blues'  was  so  called  from  their  blue  uni- 
forms. When  they  marched  from  Wilmington,  in  1776, 
they  were  indeed  a  gallant  sight.  Eight  hundred  men, 
with  such  perfect  discipline  in  their  march  that  when 
advancing  in  line,  it  was  said  a  bullet  might  have  passed 
from  one  end  of  the  regiment  to  the  other  between  the 
ankles  of  every  soldier  without  touching  a  man,  ex- 
hibited a  spectacle  such  as  has  not  bqen  exceeded  since 
that  day. 

"They  were  exposed  in  every  action  from  Long 
Island  to  Charleston,  and  as  fast  as  they  fell  in  battle 
their  ranks  were  recruited  from  Delaware  alone.  Ja- 
quett,  who  was  one  of  their  officers,  used  to  say  that 
he  could  march  all  day  with  them,  from  sunrise  to  sun- 


104  Reminiscences  of  the 

set,  and  when,  on  Green's  retreat,  everybody  else  was 
tired  and  asleep,  his  Sussex  soldiers  alone  would  get  a 
fiddle  and  dance  around  their  watch  fires.  They  were 
engaged  in  thirty -two  pitched  battles,  and  were  al- 
ways the  last  to  retreat.  It  was  natural  that  they 
should  have  been  then  the  pride  and  boast  of  the  State 
in  which  scarcely  a  man  was  left  who  had  not  a  re- 
lation or  friend  in  the  regiment. 

"  Captain  Caldwell  had  a  company  recruited  from 
Kent  and  Sussex  called  '  Caldwell's  Game  Cocks/  and 
the  regiment  after  a  time  in  Carolina  was  nicknamed 
from  this  'The  Blue  Hen's  Chickens,'  and  'The 
Blue  Chickens,'  as  the  fun  and  fancy  of  their  comrades 
preferred  the  phrase.  But  after  they  had  been  dis 
tinguished  in  the  South  the  name  of  the  Blue  Hen  was 
applied  to  the  State  whenever  aiitr  a  battle  the  re- 
cruiting officers  were  sent  home  to  get  more  chickens 
of  her  raising,  and  those  who  came  from  Kent  were 
chiefly  taken  from  her  forests  of  white  oak.  The  poor 
fellows  for  the  most  part  died  in  the  battles  of  the  Rev- 
olution, and  but  a  very  few  of  those  who  returned  ever 
received  any  reward  for  their  services,  being  paid  off 
in  Continental  money.  But  the  Whigs  of  the  Revolu- 
tion never  ceased  to  boast  of  the  Blue  Hen  and  her 
chickens,  and  to  this  day  their  descendants  will  often 
boast  in  Kent  that  they  are  the  cocks  of  that  brood, 
and  were  taken  from  the  stooping  white  oak." 

At  this  point  of  the  procession  was  another  log 
cabin,  with  its  appendages  of  dried  skins  and  emblems 
of  the  agricultural  life,  and,  as  an  indispensable  accom- 
paniment, a  barrel  of  hard  cider  with  its  pendent  gourd. 

An  elegant  full-length  portrait  of  General  Harrison, 
by  Otis,  was  borne  in  front  of  the  cabin. 

Maryland  occupied,  of  course,  a  large  portion  of  the 
line,  and  was  rich  in  devices  and  decorations.  The 
Baltimore  city  delegation,  und^r  the  banner  of  the 
State,  with  the  motto,  "Religious  Toleration  and  Pub- 
lic Liberty,"  was  in  the  van;  they  also  carried  an  ele- 
gant banner  representing  the  "Battle  Monument." 

The  delegation  from  St.  Mary's,  which  followed, 
was  distinguished  by  a  'large  banner  inscribed,  "  Old 


Political  Campaign  of  ISJfi.  105 

St.  Mary's,  the  Adopted  Land  bf  Lord  Baltimore,  and 
Now  the  Advocate  of  Old  Tippecanoe."  They  were 
accompanied  by  a  very  neatly  finished  log  cabin, 
drawn  by  eight  gray  horses,  and  having  a  variety  of 
tasteful  decorations  in  character.  It  was  the  favorite 
establishment  of  the  kind  with  the  ladies,  and  was 
particularly  honored  with  their  attention.  A  banner 
in  the  rear  of  the  delegation  exhibited  the  words,  "Tip, 
Tyler  and  the  Tariff." 

Worcester  county  followed  with  a  banner  represent- 
ing a  log  cabin  and  having  the  inscription,  "Harrison 
and  Tyler;  Worcester  County  is  Pledged  to  Support 
Maryland." 

A  portion  of  the  Frederick  City  delegation  occupied 
a  well-built  log  cabin  drawn  by  six  horses;  on  the  side 
a  placard  was  suspended  with  the  words,  "The  Cabin' 
in  Which  This  Morns  Multicaulis  Administration  May 
Winter,"  on  another,  "Sweep  the  Augean  Stable,"  for 
which  purpose  a  most  ominous  broom  discovered  itself 
at  the  chimney  top.  On  the  branch  of  a  tree  on  the 
roof  of  the  cabin  was  perched  a  mountain  eagle,  which 
produced  an  excellent  effect. 

The- new  made  Howard  district,  victorious  in  their 
first  election,  carried  a  banner  inscribed  "  The  Young 
Whigs  of  Young  Howard  District,  the  True  Blood  of 
the  Old  Maryland  Line."  On  the  other  side  was  "  No 
Reduction  of  Wages." 

A  large  log  cabin  from  Sharpsburg  here  diversi- 
fied the  line;  it  was  a  most  substantial  one,  built  on  a 
frame  fixed  on  six  wheels  and  drawn  by  eight  beauti- 
ful horses,  each  wearing  a  set  of  bells.  In  this  cabin  a 
delegation  of  forty  came  down  from  Washington 
county,  and  from  a  peep  into  the  interior  their  quarters 
were  quite  comfortable. 

A  man  was  seated  on  a  barrel  of  hard  cider  be- 
hind; on  the  sides  were  a  number  of  skins  of  various 
animals;  in  one  of  the  windows  a  hat  without  a  crown 
was  thrust;  cooking  utensils  and  farming  implements, 
with  tools  peculiar  to  the  labor  of  the  log-cabin  occu- 
pants abounded  about  it,  and  upon  the  roof  an  opossum 
was  seen  clinging  to  a  branch  of  a  gum  tree.  This 


106  Reminiscences  of  the 

was  the  favorite  of  the  men,  and  a  capital  specimen  it 
was. 

Carroll  county  also  came  in  with  a  log  cabin 
similar  to  those  we  have  described. 

Talbot  county  delegation  was  distinguished  by  an 
appropriat^  flag. 

The  delegates  from  Queen  Anne's  carried  a  hand- 
some flag,  bearing  the  motto,  "  When  Our  Country 
Calls,  Obey — Cincinnatus." 

A  large  delegation  from  the  Laurel  Factory  followed 
with  a  magnificent  and  very  costly  banner.  This 
splendid  ornament  of  the  procession  contains  forty 
yards  of  silk;  its  principal  picture  represents  the  Fac- 
tory village,  including  the  river  and  all  the  prominent 
buildings  connected  with  it.  Its  motto  above  was, 
"  Protect  American  Industry,"  below  the  words 
"  Laurel  Factory,  Prince  George's  County,  Maryland, 
May  4th,  1840."  „  On  the  reverse,  a  screw-and-lever 
press,  under  which  is  a  figure  intended  to  represent  the 
President,  and  a  laboring  man  at  the  lever;  above  is 
the  quotation,  "A  pressure  which  no  honest  man  need 
regret."  The  banner,  trimmed  in  superb  style  by  Sisco, 
is  suspended  from  a  gilt  spear  across  the  top,  the 
feather  projecting  at  one  end  and  the  point  at  the 
other;  this  supported  by  gold  cord  attached  to  gilt- 
banner  poles.  It  was  borne  in  the  procession  by  six 
persons.  Mr.  A.  C  Smith,  was  the  painter.  A  large 
gilt  eagle  is  at  the  cap  of  the  banner. 

A  delegation  followed  bearing  the  motto,  "  Old 
Kent  Co.;  Union  for  the  Sake  of  the  Union." 

The  next  made  the  candid  acknowledgment,  "  The 
Whigs  of  Cecil — Often  Beaten,  Never  Conquered." 
Another  banner  was  inscribed,  "Hard  Cider — Harrison 
and  Reform;"  and  on  the  other  side,  "  Retrenchment 
and  Reform — No  Standing  Army  of  200,000  Men." 

A  curious  affair  followed  here,  which  was  immedi- 
ately preceded  by  a  flag  announcing  that  "Alleghany 
is  Coming."  It  was  a  huge  ball,  about  ten  feet  in  di- 
ameter, which  was  rolled  along  by  a  number  of  the 
members  of  this  delegation;  the  ball  was  apparently  a 
wooden  frame  covered  with  linen  painted  divers  col- 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  107 

ors,  and  bearing  a  multitude  of  inscriptions,  apt  quota- 
tions, original  stanzas  and  pithy  sentences,  which  it  was 
impossible  to  collect  in  consequence  of  the  motion  of 
the  ball.  We  think  there  was  other  evidence  yester- 
day that  "the  ball  is  in  motion." 

The  Cumberland  delegation  was  preceded  by  an  ele- 
gant satin  flag,  worked  by  the  ladies  of  that  town.  On 
another  flag  of  the  same  delegation  was  the  motto: 
"  Buff  and  Blue — Good  and  True — For  Tippecanoe." 

Hartford,  Cecil,  Kent  and  other  counties  were  desig- 
nated by  their  appropriate  banners. 

The  Govanstown  district  displayed  a  banner  repre- 
senting a  log  cabin,  with  the  inscription  "  General  Har- 
rison Elected  to  the  Presidency  by  the  Hard-Handed 
Yeomanry." 

DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA. 

The  delegation  from  the  "Ten-Mile  Square"  was 
numerous.  The  members  from  Washington  headed 
the  delegation  with  a  banner  representing  the  Capitol, 
and  a  motto,  "  Insensible  Alike  to  Blandishments  or 
Threats."  A  very  beautiful  banner,  having  a  painting 
of  the  genius  of  Columbia,  and  the  inscription,  "  Co- 
lumbia the  Sentinel  of  the  Republic,"  was  second  in 
order.  This  was  followed  by  a  flag  with  the  signifi- 
cant motto,  "The  Liberty  of  Speech,  if  No.t  the  Right 
of  Suffrage." 

Georgetown  came  next,  and  exhibited  a  banner,  hav- 
ing thereon  the  appropriate  sentences,  "As  Sentinels 
on  the  Tower  of  Liberty  We  Sound  the  Alarm.  Young 
Whigs  to  the  Rescue,"  and  on  the  reverse,  "  Under  the 
Shadow  of  the  Throne,  the  Throb  of  Liberty  Still 
Beats  On." 

From  Alexandria  the  delegation  was  large.  Their 
banner,  which  was  very  beautiful,  represented  a  figure 
on  a  pedestal,  and  bore  the  motto,  "  Public  Good  Our 
Only  Aim/1 

.      VIRGINIA. 

Virginia — just  fresh  from  the  encounter  in  which 
she  has  added  to  her  renown  and  given  a  new  zest  to 
the  hopes  of  the  American  people,  and  to  their  confi- 


io8  Reminiscences  of  the 

clence  in  her  strength  and  ability — brought  her  own 
good  welcome  with  her  welcome  news  The  delega- 
tion was  very  large.  In  every  respect  the  flag  of  the 
"  Old  Dominion  "  and  its  followers  did  justice  to  the 
place  of  the  nativity  of  the  gallant  Harrison. 

The  Norfolk  borough  delegation  bore  a  large  ban- 
ner with  the  picture  of  the  balance,  over  which  were 
the  words  of  warning  first  given  to  Belshazzar,  u  Mene, 
mene,  Tekel  Upharsin — Thou  Art  Weighed  in  the 
Balance  and  Found  Wanting."  On  the  opposite  side 
the  significant  expression,  "  Treasury  Pap  Inopera- 
tive." 

From  Hampshire  county  there  was  a  considerable 
delegation  with  an  appropriate  banner,  and  lively 
green  badges. 

There  was  a  delegation  quite  numerous  bearing  a 
banner  whose  familiar  motto  especially  belonged  to 
them.  On  the  front  an  eagle  was  painted  among  the 
clouds  and  lettered  above,  "  Wise's  District;"  on  the 
reverse  the  hand-in-hand,  with  the  well-known  ex- 
pression which  originated  with  Mr.  Wise,  and  was  so 
interestingly  exemplified  yesterday,  "  The  Union  of 
the  Whigs  for  the  Sake  of  the  Union." 

NORTH   CAROLINA. 

This  delegation  was  comprised  in  one  body  under 
the  banner  of  the  arms  of  the  State,  the  motto  upon 
which  was,  "On,  Stanly!  On!" 

SOUTH   CAROLINA. 

A  similar  deputation  from  this  State  took  its  place 
in  the  line,  and  hoisted  the  State  banner  in  the  cause. 
It  bore  the  motto,  "The  Palmetto  Resists  Oppression." 

GEORGIA. 

The  enthusiasm  which  has  circulated  like  electricity 
throughout  so  large  a  portion  of  the  Union,  has  not 
been  more  thoroughly  felt  than  among  the  warm  tem- 
peraments of  the  sons  of  the  South.  Georgia,  but  a 
short  time  since  avowing  her  apathy  in  the  Presiden- 
tial campaign,  has  felt  the  kindly  influences  of  a  re- 
newed hope,  and  sends  forth  her  representatives  to 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  109 

the  convention;  while  at  home  the  name  of  Harrison 
is  cherished  as  the  talisman  that  is  to  protect  the  Union. 
Her  banner  bore  the  motto,  "  She  Has  Aroused  From 
Her  Lethargy." 

VERMONT 

Came  next,  preceded  by  her  armorial  standard,  and 
presented  a  goodly  array  both  in  numbers  and  appear- 
ance. The  Green  Mountain  boys  who  have  ever 
proved  the  inflexible  supporters  of  the  doctrine  of 
equal  rights,  received  a  hearty  welcome.  We  know 
Vermont  and  can'rely  on  her.  and  in  the  language 
they  have  adopted  on  their  flag,  we  feel  assured  that 
"The  Green  Mountain  Boys  Will  Do  Their  Own 
Voting  and  Their  Own  Fighting." 

TENNESSEE 

Came  with  the  sable  weeds  of  solemn  mourning  on 
her  flag  for  one  of  her  great  and  good  men  who  had 
just  passed  away.  This  token  of  respect  to  the  mem- 
ory of  the  talented  and  virtuous  Hugh  L.  White, 
produced  a  deep  sympathy  of  feeling  on  the  beholder. 
The  motto  of  the  standard  was,  "  Not  that  She  Loved 
Ca3sar  Less,  but  Rome  More." 

KENTUCKY. 

There  was  a  full  delegation  from  this  State,  and 
larger  than  was  expected.  The  standard  bore  the 
name  of  "Henry  Clay"  and  the  Latin  passage  "Tanto 
Nomine  Nullem  per  Eulogium."  It  was  no  doubt  a 
great  gratification  to  the  gentlemen  from  Kentucky  to 
have  the  pleasure  of  meeting  their  distinguished  repre- 
sentative in  the  Senate,  Mr.  Clay,  at  the  convention, 
as  it  was  to  many  others. 

A  band  of  music,  as  in  the  order  of  the  procession, 
followed  Kentucky,  and  preceded  a  large  delegation 
from 

OHIO. 

The  banner  of  the  State  with  the  well-selected 
motto.  "She  Offers  Her  Cincinnatus  to  Redeem  the 
Republic,"  led  the  procession  from  Ohio. 

A    large    body    of*  men    from   Hamilton    county,  in 


1 10  Reminiscences  of  the 

which  General  Harrison  resides,  followed,  bearing  a 
beautiful  banner  representing  Harrison  at  the  plow: 
on  the  reverse  a  view  of  Cincinnati,  the  Ohio  river 
and  the  landing.  They  also  brought  on  with  them  a 
miniature  log  cabin,  built  of  the  buckeye,  grown 
on  the  farm  at  North  Bend. 

Next,  a  miniature  log  cabin,  built  of  buckeye  timber, 
taken  from  North  Bend,  and  brought  here  by  the 
Cincinnati  boys. 

Next,  flag,  an  eagle;  above,  "Franklin  County, 
Ohio,"  under,  "  Harrison,  Tylei;  and  Reform — One 
Term;"  on  the  reverse,  above  the  eagle,  "  Our  Country's 
Good  is  all  Our  Aim,"  and  under,  "The  Buckeyes  of 
Columbus,  Ohio." 

Next,  a  small  flag,  representing  a  barrel  of  hard 
cider  with  the  name  of  the  Franklin  County  Reform 
Club,  "  Straight  Outs." 

And  last,  a  large  painting  from  Muskingum  county 
representing  the  demand  made  by  the  British  general 
Proctor,  upon  General  Harrison  for  the  surrender  of 
Fort  Meigs.  Above,  "  General  Proctor  Demands  the 
Surrender  of  This  Post,"  underneath,  "  Tell  Your 
General  Its  Capture  Will  Do  Him  More  Honor  Than 
a  Thousand  Surrenders."  On  the  reverse,  "  William 
Henry  Harrison  Has  Done  More  for  His  Country,  and 
Received  Less,  Than  any  Man  Now  Living." — Met- 
calf,  of  Kentucky.  "The  People  of  the  United  States 
— May  They  Ever  Remember,  that  to  Preserve  Their 
Liberties,  They  Must  Do  Their  Own  Voting  and 
Their  Own  Fighting." — Harrison. 

LOUISIANA. 

The  convention  received  some  addition  to  its  mem- 
bers from  tjhis  State  under  their  coat  of  arms,  and  the 
motto  "  Sans  Peur  et  Sans  Reproch-e,"  upon  a  banner 
with  a  pelican  feeding  her  young. 

INDIANA. 

A  very  fine  delegation  was  in  attendance  from  the 
"Buffalo"  State,  whose  sons  have  cause  to  be  known 
and  to  appreciate  the  gallantry  of  the  man  they  have 
thus  publicly  honored.  The  flag  was  inscribed,  "  She 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  1 1 1 

Will  Cherish   in  Her  Manhood  the    Defender  of  Her 
Infancy." 

MISSISSIPPI. 

The  banner  of  Mississippi,  which  preceded  a  liberal 
delegation,  bore  the  motto,  "  Once  More  To  the  Rescue 
— We  Honor  Him  Who  Gave  up  Office  for  Our  Sake." 

A  band  of  music  here  varied  the  procession;  and  it 
was  followed  by  the  delegation  from 

ILLINOIS. 

The  banner  was  inscribed,  "  She  will  Teach  Palace 
Slaves  to  Respect  the  Log  Cabin;"  at  the  base,  "  The 
Prairies  Are  on  Fire!  " 

ALABAMA. 

This  delegation  followed  under  the  banner  of  their 
State  with  the  pithy  motto,  "  She  will  Soon  Renounce 
Allegiance  to  a  King." 

MAINE. 

The  delegation  from  Maine  was  very  full.  A  fine 
body  of  men  supported  the  banner  which  bore  the  apt 
sentences,  "  Her  Honor  is  Our  Honor — Her  Quarrel 
Shall  be  Our  Quarrel." 

MISSOURI. 

From  this  State  the  delegates  followed  their  banner, 
which  was  inscribed,  "  Missouri  Remembers  her  Early 
Friend." 

MICHIGAN. 

The  delegation  was  limited  in  number,  but  not  the 
less  welcome  on  that  account.  The  banner  had  the 
motto,  "Oh  May'st  Thou  Ever  Be  what  Thou  Now 
Art,"  a  sentence  to  which  we  all  respond,  amen. 

ARKANSAS.  , 

From  this  State  there  was  a  small  delegation  to 
unite  with  their  brethren  in  the  distinguished  honors 
of  a  day  that  will  ever  be  brilliant  in  the  civil  annals  of 
American  history.  Under  a  banner  with  the  words, 
"  We  Remember  Him  Who  Gave  Up  Office  for  Our 
Sake." 


U2  Reminiscences  of  the 

BALTIMORE  CITY  TIPPECANOE  CLUBS, 

Came  next,  from  the  First  to  the  Twelfth  ward,  in- 
clusive. 

The  club  of  each  ward  had  an  appropriate  banner. 

As  the  procession  moved  on  through  the  city  and 
stretched  out  a  lengthened  line,  the  array  was  most 
imposing.  Such  an  immense  concourse  moving  like 
an  "army  with  banners,"  never  before  on  such  an  occa- 
sion thronged  the  avenues;  while  from  one  end  of  the 
mighty  column  to  the  other  loud  acclamations  ran,  re- 
newed from  rank  to  rank,  and  bespeaking  the  strong 
enthusiasm  which  prevailed  in  every  heart.  Balti- 
more street  was  one  long  gallery  of  beauty.  Innu- 
merable white  handkerchiefs  waved  by  fair  hands 
greeted  each  advancing  pennon,  and  to  the  waving  of 
handkerchiefs  and  to  smiles,  and  bright  glances  from 
the  windows,  the  }roung  Whigs  returned  loud  cheers 
with  uplifted  hats.  It  may  be  safely  calculated  that 
for  every  three  rounds  given  for  the  Whig  cause  gen- 
erally, one  was  especially  devoted  to  the  ladies  of 
Baltimore.  From  Baltimore  street  bridge  the  view  of 
the  coming  procession  was  in  the  highest  degree  strik- 
ing, and  gave  a  very  comprehensive  sight  of  the  multi- 
tude, inasmuch  as  from  Cove  street  to  this  point  the 
avenue  is  perfectly  straight,  while  a  slight  elevation  at 
the  bridge  afforded  a  commanding  view  of  the  whole 
distance  westward.  The  wide  thoroughfare  of  Balti- 
more street,  viewed  from  that  point,  seemed  wedged 
by  a  solid  mass  of  men,  and  no  end  could  be  seen  to 
the  lengthened  column.  The  extent  of  the  procession 
could  not  have  been  less  than  two  miles,  marching  in 
platoons  six  to  ten  abreast. 

Throughout  the  whole  course  of  the  procession  as 
far  as  the  extremity  of  the  city,  the  most  cheering 
demonstrations  were  given  from  windows,  doors,  and 
crowded  balconies.  In  several  of  the  streets  flags  and 
mottoes  were  suspended  across,  and  on  one  house  in 
Market  street  F.  P.  a  splendid  oil  painting  of  General 
Harrison  was  suspended  amidst  patriotic  decorations. 
The  procession  loudly  cheered  it  as  it  passed. 

In  entering  the  inclosed    ground    appropriated   for 


Political  Campaign  of'  1840.  113 

the  meeting  of  the  convention,  the  procession  passed 
through  a  triumphal  arch  decorated  with  flags.  This 
spot,  known  as  the  Canton  race-course,  is  even  and 
smooth  and  covered  with  a  rich  grassy  sward.  On 
the  right  of  the  entrance  stood  a  log  cabin,  constructed 
in  the  backwoods  style,  the  crevices  betsveen  the  logs 
being  well  plastered  with  clay,  a  stick  chimney  at  each 
extremity,  and  a  door  well  provided  with  a  latch,  and 
the  string  outside.  Across  the  lawn  at  some  distance 
a  representation  of  Fort  Meigs  appeared  in  the  shape 
of  a  fortress,  with  port-holes  and  guns  and  surmounted 
by  the  national  flag  waving  gallantly  in  the  breeze,  a 
sight  which  required  no  great  stretch  of  fancy  to  bring 
to  mind  the  thought  of  the  memorable  day  when  the 
stars  and  stripes  floated  over  no  emblematical  struct- 
ure amid  the  smoke  and  roar  of  artillery,  and  the  shouts 
of  brave  men  fighting  valiantly.  Towards  the  western 
end  of  the  ground  a  pavilion  rose,  inclosing  the  trunk 
of  a  large  tree,  above  the  top  of  which  ascended  a  flag- 
staff bearing  the  broad  banner  of  the  Union. 

The  invited  guests,  distinguished  strangers,  clergy- 
men, members  of  Congress,  several  Revolutionary  sol- 
diers, and  others,  were  conducted  to  one  of  the  plat- 
forms, over  which  floated  the  "stars  and  stripes  of 
liberty/'  The  other  was  reserved  for  the  president 
and  officers  of  the  convention.  The  various  delega- 
tions, with  banners  flying  and  bands  playing,  ranged 
themselves  around,  amidst  a  salute  of  twenty-six  guns 
from  Fort  Meigs.  While  the  extreme  of  the  proces- 
sion was  drawing  near  the  distinguished  strangers  on 
the  platform  were  severally  introduced  to  the  assembled 
multitude,  and  greeted  with  long  and  deafening 
cheers. 

Among  those  who  were  thus  particularly  distin- 
guished, were  Mr.  Henry  Clay,  Mr.  Webster,  Mr. 
Preston  and  Mr.  Crittenden,  of  the  United  States  Sen- 
ate; Mr.  Montgomery,  of  Pennsylvania;  Mr.  Graves, 
of  Kentucky  ;  Mr.  Gushing,  of  Massachusetts:  Mr. 
Grinnell,  of  New  York;  Mr.  Bond,  of  Ohio;  Mr.  Pen- 
rose,  of  Pennsylvania;  Mr.  Crary,  of  Michigan;  Mr. 
Monroe,  Mr.  Ogden  Hoffman,  Mr.  Carter,  Mr.  Granger 


1 14  Reminiscences  of  the 

and  Mr.  Fillmore,  of  New  York;  Mr.  C'/rvv:  .Ohio; 
Mr.  Jenifer,  of  Maryland;  Ex-Goverm  i  I!  \.urd,  Col. 
G.  C.  Washington,  and  some  others. 

Not  the  least  interesting  part  of  1'r.j  ceremony  was 
the  introduction  to  the  convention  from  the  rostrum 
of  Mr.  Ely,  of  Philadelphia,  a  soldie.  ^t  the  Revolution, 
now  in  the  eighty-fourth  year  of  i.  -ore.  As  this 
venerable  man,  with  an  energy  arisi..  , /,  of  the  en- 
thusiasm of  the  occasion,  bared  his  w!...i-  ied  head  to 
the  multitude  in  approval  of  the  cause  wr..ch  they  had 
assembled  to  promote,  a  triumphant  sL  i  ->t  applause 
showed  how  much  they  valued  the  presence  and 
approbation  of  their  hoary-headed  fellow-citizen. 

The  Reverend  Henry  B.  Bascom,  of  Kentucky,  then 
fervently  and  eloquently  addressed  the  Throne  of 
Divine  Grace,  after  which  the  Hon.  Henry  A.  Wise, 
of  Virginia,  introduced  John  B.  Thompson,  Esq.,  of 
Kentucky,  the  chairman  of  the  committee  of  chairmen 
of  the  several  delegations  represented,  by  whom  the 
convention  was  called  to  order.  Mr.  Thompson,  on 
behalf  of  the  same  committee,  then  announced  the  fol- 
lowing nominations  for  president,  vice-presidents  and 
secretaries,  which  nominations  were  agreed  to  by 
acclamation. 

President:  John  V.  L.  McMahon,  of  Maryland. 

Vice-Presidents:  W.  Willis,  of  Maine;  J.  W.Emory, 
of  New  Hampshire;  R.  Babcock,  Jr.,  of  Rhode  Island; 
J.  B.  Eldridge,  of  Connecticut;  Charles  Hopkins,  of 
Vermont;  Thomas  E.  Sawver,  of  New  Hampshire; 
D.  P.  King,  of  Massachusetts;  J.  N.  Reynolds,  of 
New  York;  J.  M.  Keim,  of  Pennsylvania;  Charles  H. 
Black,  of  Delaware;  William  Irick,  of  New  Jersey; 
A.  Wilson,  of  Virginia;  T.  O.  Edwards,  of  Ohio;  J. 
H.  Crozier,  of  Tennessee;  G.  R.  Clark,  of  Missouri; 
J.  Dillet,  of  Alabama;  G.  Mason  Graham,  of  Louisana; 
J.  H.  Wright,  of  Indiana;  J.  Constable,  of  Illinois;  J. 
R.  Gilliam,  of  North  Carolina;  Thomas  Allen,  of  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia;  F.  M.  Robertson,  of  Georgia;  R. 
Wickliffe,  Jr.,  of  Kentucky;  M.  Gooding,  of  Michigan; 
Henry  Page,  of  Maryland;  Edward  Gamage,  of  South 
Carolina. 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  115 

SECRETARIES. 

M.  S.  Appleton,  of  Maine;  S.  E.  Gatrfield  Jr.,  of  New 
Hampshire;  B.  C.  Hill,  of  Rhode  Island;  Austin 
Baldwin,  of  Connecticut;  E.  P.  Walton,  Jr.,  of  Ver- 
mont; E.  G.  Austin,  of  Massachusetts;  Alexander 
Kelsey,  of  New  York;  J.  Wash.  Tyson,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania; J.  Burton,  of  Delaware;  Jos.  H.  Nicholson,  of 
Maryland;  N.J.  Winder  of  Virginia;  J.  A.  Corwin. 
of  Ohio;  C.  C.  Norvell,  of  Tennessee;  J.  White,  of 
Missouri;  W.  S.  Oliver,  of  Alabama;  J.  Warfield,  of 
Louisiana;  John  Hutton,  of  Indiana;  C.  J.  Randall, 
of  Illinois;  W.  M'Phitees,  of  North  Carolina;  A.  C. 
M.  Pennington,  of  New  Jersey;  George  Dawson,  of 
Michigan;  R.  L.  Brent,  of  District  of  Columbia;  F. 
Cooper,  of  Kentucky;  J.  E.  Harvey,  of  South  Caro- 
lina; R.Clarke,  of  Georgia. 

The  following  resolutions,  recommended  to  the 
adoption  of  the  convention  by  the  committee  of 
chairmen,  were  then  read  by  Mr.  Thompson  of  the 
committee,  and  unanimonsly  adopted: 

Resolved,  By  the  Convention  of  the  Whig  Young 
Men  assembled  at  Baltimore,  the  fourth  day  of  May, 
1840,  that  the  nomination  of  William  Henry  Harrison, 
of  Ohio,  for  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  of  John  Tyler,  of  Virginia,  for  the  office  of  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States,  by  the  late  Whig  con- 
vention at  Harrisburg,  is  hereby  cordially  approved 
and  ratified,  and  earnestly  recommended  to  the  sup- 
port of  the  people  of  the  United  States. 

Resolved,  That  to  sustain  the  said  nomination,  the 
young  men  of  the  Union  should  unite  their  zeal,*enthu- 
siasm,  and  vigor,  to  the  wisdom,  experience  and  judg- 
ment of  their  seniors;  and  to  insure  its  triumph  and 
success,  they  should  immediately  adopt  thorough  and 
efficient  organization. 

Resolved,  That  for  that  purpose  it  be  recommended 
to  Democratic  Whigs  everywhere  to  form  Democratic 
Tippecanoe  clubs,  or  Harrison  associations,  in  the  re- 
spective towns,  counties  and  cities  of  the  States 
which  shall  establish  and  maintain  an  active  political 


u6  Reminiscences  of  the 

correspondence,  and  procure  and  circulate  political 
information. 

Resolved,  That  these  clubs  and  associations,  when 
formed,  shall  select  and  appoint  the  ablest  and  most 
efficient  orators  to  address  the  people  on  all  proper  oc- 
casions, as  may  be  deemed  advisable,  to  proclaim  the 
truths  of  Republican  liberty,  and  to  expose  the  abuses 
and  corruptions  of  a  spoils  party  which  would  enslave 
the  people  by  an  odious  and  insufferable  Federal  des- 
potism in  the  form  of  an  unchecked  and  unbalanced 
executive,  arrogantly  assuming  the  purse,  dictating  laws 
of  revenue  and  finance,  recommending  standing  armies 
in  time  of  peace,  demolishing  the  co-ordinate  depart- 
ments of  the  Federal  Government,  proscribing  individ- 
ual citizens,  and  daringly  attacking  the  rights  and 
sovereignty  of  the  States. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  not  yield  or  relax  until  the 
great  work  of  reform  and  of  redress  of  grievances  be 
finished;  and  to  insure  perseverance  to  the  end  of  this 
noble  but  arduous  struggle  for  civil  and  political  lib- 
erty, we  will  meet  in  our  clubs  at  stated  times,  regu- 
larly; we  will  print  and  publish  useful  matter;  we  will 
address  ourselves  in  every  reasonable  and  respectful 
form  to  our  fellow-countrymen;  and,  finally,  we  will 
immediately  preceding  the  Presidential  election  in  the 
fall,  at  such  times  as  the  central  clubs  of  the  respective 
States  may  appoint,  assemble  in  State  conventions 
throughout  the  Union  to  consider  of  preparations  for 
the  coming  contest. 

Resolved,  That  to  carry  out  these  resolutions  the 
"Republican  Committee  of  Seventy-six,"  appointed  by 
apponents  of  the  present  administration,  at  public 
meetings  in  the  city  of  Washington,  February  I5th  and 
1 8th,  1840,  and  the  "  Young  Men's  Committee  of  Forty - 
one"  be,  and  the  same  are  hereby,  constituted  the  cent- 
ral Democratic  Tippecanoe  club  of  the  Union;  and  the 
central  Whig  committee  of  the  States,  respectively,  be, 
and  they  are  hereby,  constituted  the  Democratic  Tip- 
pecanoe clubs  or  Harrison  associations,  whose  duty  it 
shall  be  to  correspond  immediately  for  the  formation 
of  city,  town  and  county  clubs,  and  to  superintend  all 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  117 

the  other  interests  of  the  great  and  glorious  cause,  to 
which  we  here  pledge  our  dearest  devotion  and  most 
patriotic  exertions. 

Resolved,  That  it  be  recommended  to  each  delega- 
tion to  raise  a  free  contribution  of  one  dollar  from  each 
of  its  members  to  support  the  opposition  press  at  the 
city  of  Washington,  and  generally  to  oppose  the  tyran- 
nical tax  upon  the  office-holders  of  the  Presidential 
party. 

Resolved,  That  the  fund  thus  raised  shall  be  placed 
in  the  hands  of  the  executive  committee  of  Seventy- 
six  at  Washington. 

These  resolutions  were  unanimously  adopted  by  the 
convention,  and  the  following  was  then  offered  and 
adopted  also: 

Resolved,  That  the  president  of  this  convention  be 
requested  to  call  on  the  several  States,  through  their 
vice-presidents,  for  brief  statements  of  their  present 
political  condition  and  prospects. 

In  pursuance  of  this  resolution,  the  president  of  the 
convention  severally  called  on  the  following  gentlemen, 
who  addressed  the  convention  in  regard  to  the  current 
of  popular  opinion  in  their  several  States,  the  ruin  of 
business  and  destruction  of  trade  growing  out  of  the 
measures  of  the  administration,  the  necessity  that  was 
felt  for  a  change,  and  the  convictyDn  experienced  that 
nothing  but  the  election  of  General  Harrison  could 
arrest  the  disasters  that  threatened  to  overwhelm  them. 
The  names  of  the  speakers  were: 

Mr.  Babcock,  of  Rhode  Island. 

Mr.  Eldridge,  of  Connecticut. 

Mr.  Clarke,  of  Missouri. 

Governor  Duncan,  of  Illinois. 

Mr.  Emory,  of  New  Hampshire. 

The  Hon.  Henry  A.  Wise  was  called  for,  and  ap- 
pearing at  the  front  of  the  stand,  thanked  the  conven- 
tion for  the  honor  they  had  done  him,  and  assured 
them  that  it  would  afford  him  great  pleasure  to  address 
them  on  an  occasion  so  deeply  interesting  to  his  feel- 
ings. He  was  sorry  to  say  that  the  state  of  his  health 
would  not  permit  such  an  effort.  On  Saturday  last  he 


1 1 8  Reminiscences  of  the 

had  almost  worn  himself  down  in  addressing  twenty- 
five  hundred  of  his  fellow-citizens  of  Delaware,  and  he 
now  found  himself  totally  inadequate  to  the  task  of  ad- 
dressing twenty-five  thousand.  He  hoped,  however, 
that  his  health  would  improve,  and  that  he  should  yet 
be  able  successfully  to  war  against  that  system  of  gov- 
ernment which  had  entailed  on  us  so  many  evils. 

The  following  gentlemen  were,  by  the  committee 
appointed  for  the  purpose,  introduced  to  the  thousands 
who  were  present.  They  appeared  on  the  stand  in 
the  order  in  which  their  names  follow: 

Henry  Clay,  Daniel  Webster,  Messrs.  Wise,  Hoff- 
man, Preston,  Graves,  Curtis,  Wm.  Cost  Johnson, 
Williams,  North  Carolinia.  Fillmore,  Saltonstall,  Jeni- 
fer and  Kennedy.  Another  shout  for  Clay  and  Web- 
ster brought  both  of  these  gentlemen,  arm-in-arm,  to 
meet  the  salutations  of  the  people.  Nine  cheers  greeted 
them.  Then  followed  Crittenden,  of  Kentucky;  Hall, 
of  Vermont;  Colonel  Ely,  of  Philadelphia  (who  was  at 
the  battles  of  Bunker  Hill  and  Lexington);  ex-Gover- 
nor Thomas  and  Colonel  Washington,  of  Maryland, 
and  numerous  other  distinguished  gentlemen,  all  of 
whom  were  recognized  and  welcomed  by  the  thou- 
sands of  men  determined  to  be  free,  assembled  from 
the  sea-shore  and  the  mountain-top. 

"  OLD     MASSACHUSETTS." 

Daniel  B.  King  spoke  for  the  "Old  Bay  vState." 
Twelve  hundred  men  had  come  500  miles  to  represent 
her.  He  told  the  people  that  her  present  governor 
had  been  elected  by  only  one  majority,  but  that  he 
should  go  out  by  a  vote  of  ten  thousand  majority 
against  him. 

NEW   YORK, 

The  Empire  State.  Mr.  Reynolds,  of  her  delega- 
tion, said  that  all  who  knew  her  history  for  three  years 
past  required  no  pledge  of  her  devotion  to  the  cause 
of  "•  Harrison  and  reform."  "  Wake  her  up  at  two 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  she  can,  whilst  rubbing 
her  eyes,  vote  down  Martin  Van  Buren." 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  119 

VERMONT. 

Mr.  Hopkins  said  the  "  Green  Mountain  boys"  had 
a  thousand  majority  for  Harrison,  and  that  they  could 
"do  their  own  voting  and  righting." 

PENNSYLVANIA, 

The  Keystone  State.  Mr.  Brady  proclaimed  that 
next  fall  Pennsylvania  should  be  found  "right  side 
up,"  that  "she  never  was  a  Van  Buren  State."  That 
"when  Van  Buren  was  a  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presi- 
dency, she  threw  away  her  vote  rather  than  to  vote 
for  him."  He  pledged  th'at  she  would  give  20,000 
majority  for  old  Tippecanoe  at  the  next  Presidential 
election. 

Mr.  Southard,  for  the  "Jersey  Blues,"  said  they 
were  not  yet  subdued.  "She  was  not  depressed  in 
the  Revolution,  she  was  not  depressed  now.  When 
she  speaks  again  it  will  be  in  no  small  voice,  and  she 
will  teach  a  lesson  to  the  wretched  men  who  have 
dared  to  insult  her  they  will  never  forget. 

"Corruption,"  said  Mr.  Southard,  "has  made  the  party 
in  power  deaf,  but  the  noise  from  Fort  Meigs  will 
open  their  ears."  • 

VIRGINIA. 

Mr.  Wilson  of  the  "  Old  Dominion,"  appeared  for 
her.  He  said  she  had  just  spoken  for  herself.  A 
shout  for  Wise  brought  him  out  again.  Though  he 
was  evidently  in  ill-health,  the  people  were  almost 
crazy  to  see  and  hear  him.  "  I  have,"  said  Mr.  Wise, 
"been  speaking  so  long  against  this  wicked  and  corrupt 
administration,  that  I  have  worn  out  the  best  pair  of 
lungs  ever  given  to  man." 

Mr.  Edwards  from  Ohio,  the  Buckeye  State,  re- 
marked that  as  speeches  were  all  the  go,  he  would  give 
a  song.  And  he  did  so,  and  a  good  speech  also.  He 
said  they  had  a  barrel  of  hard  cider  to  bet  that  Ohio 
would  give  the  largest  majority  for  Harrison  of  any. 
State  in  the  Union.  Who'll  take  that  bet? 

Mr.  Humes,  of  Tennessee,  was  in  mourning  for 
Hugh  Lawson  White.  He  commenced  by  remarking 


12O  Reminiscences  of  the 

that  "  On  the  mountains  of  Tennessee,  the  Whig  fires 
were  blazing."  When  he  spoke  in  memory  of  Judge 
White,  who,  he  stated  had  "died  a  martyr  to  free- 
dom," the  convention  felt  the  justness  and  propriety 
of  the  remark. 

Ex-Governor  Duncan,  from  Illinois,  appeared  for 
that  noble  State.  When  he  said  the  "Prairies  were  on 
fire "  and  that  the  alarm  was  sounded,  the  shout  of 
the  multitude  responded  to  the  declaration  that  Van 
Burenism  was  extinguished  in  that  "Jackson  State." 
Said  Governor  Duncan,  she  was  formerly  Jackson  and 
Van  Buren,  the  latter  of  whom  is  now  entirely  repu- 
diated, so  ruinous  are  the  measures  of  his  administra- 
tion. 

While  the  gentlemen  mentioned  above  were  ad- 
dressing the  convention,  a  portion  of  the  delegations 
withdrew  to  the  side  of  the  second  rostrum,  and  called 
upon  several  of  the  gentlemen  upon  it,  who  succes- 
sively addressed  them. 

The  first  speaker  was  Mr.  Clay,  a  sketch  of  whose 
address  we  subjoin.' 

MR.  CLAY'S  ADDRESS. 

Mr.  Clay  commenced  by  reference  to  the  northwest 
wind,  which  blew  almost  a  gale,  and  compared  it  hap- 
pily to  the  popular  voice  of  the  immense  multitude 
who  were  present.  Difficult  as  it  was  to  be  heard  by 
such  a  throng,  he  said  he  could  not  refrain  from  obey- 
ing the  general  summons  and  responding  to  the  call. 
He  was  truly  grateful  for  the  honor  conferred  upon 
him.  "This,"  said  he,  "is  no  time  to  argue;  the  time 
for  discussion  has  passed;  the  nation  has  already  pro- 
nounced its  sentence.  I  behold  here  the  advance 
guard.  A  revolution  by  the  grace  of  God  and  the  will 
of  the  people  will  be  achieved.  William  Henry 
Harrison  will  be  elected  President  of  the  United 
States. 

"We  behold,"  continued  Mr.  Clay,  in  his  emphatic 
and  eloquent  manner,  "the  ravages  brought  upon  our 
country  under  the  revolutionary  administrations  of  the 
present  and  the  past.  We  see  them  in  a  disturbed 


Political   Campaign  of  IS 40.  121 

country,  in  broken  hopes,  in  deranged  exchanges,  in 
the  mutilation  of  the  highest  Constitutional  records  of 
the  country.  All  these  are  the  fi  uits  of  the  party  in 
power,  and  a  part  of  that  revolution  which  has  been 
in  progress  for  the  last  ten  years.  But  this  party,"  Mr. 
Clay  thought  he  could  say,  "had  been  or  was  demolished. 
As  it  had  demolished  the  institutions  of  the  country,  so  it 
had  fallen  itself.  As  institution  after  institution  had 
fallen  by  it;  and  with  them  interest  after  interest,  until 
a  general  and  wide-spread  ruin  had  come  upon  the 
country,  so  now  the  revolution  was  to  end  in  the 
destruction  of  the  party  and  the  principles  which  had 
been  instrumental  in  our  national  sufferings. 

"This,"  said  Mr.  Clay,  "is  a  proud  day  for  the  patriot. 
It  animated  his  own  bosom  with  hope,  and  I,"  he 
added,  "am  here  to  mingle  my  hopes  with  yours,  my 
heart  with  yours,  and  my  exertions  with  your  exertions. 
Our  enemies  hope  to  conquer  us,  but  they  are  deluded 
and  doomed  to  disappointment." 

Mr.  Clay  then  alluded  most  happily,  and  amid  the 
cheers  of  all  around  him,  to  the  union  of  the  Whigs. 
"We  are,"  said  he,  "all  Whigs;  we  are  all  Harrison 
men.  We  are  united.  We  must  triumph. 

"One  word  of  myself,"  he  said,  referring  to  the  na- 
tional convention  which  met  at  Harrisburg  in  Decem- 
ber last.  "That  convention  was  composed  of  as  en-, 
lightened  and  as  respectable  a  body  of  men  as  were 
ever  assembled  in  the  country.  The}  met,  deliberated, 
and  after  a  full  and  impartial  deliberation,  decided  that 
William  Henry  Harrison  was  the  man  best  calculated 
to  unite  the  Whigs  of  the  Union  against  the  present 
executive.  General  Harrison  was  nominated,  and 
cheerfully  and  without  a  moment's  hesitation  I  gave  my 
hearty  concurrence  in  that  nomination.  From  that 
moment  to  the  present,  I  have  had  but  one  wish,  one 
object,  one  desire,  and  that  to  secure  the  election  of  the 
distinguished  citizen  who  received  the  suffrages  of  the 
convention. 

"Allow  me  here  to  say,"  continued  Mr.  Clay,  "that 
his  election  is  certain.  This  I  say,  not  in  any  boasting 
or  over-confident  sense;  far  from  it.  But  I  feel  sure 


122  Reminiscences  of  the 

that  there  are  twenty  States  who  will  give  their  votes 
for  Harrison.  Do  not  the  glories  of  this  day  authorize 
the  anticipation  of  such  a  victory?  I  behold  before 
me  more  than  twenty  thousand  freemen,  and  is  it  an- 
ticipating too  much  to  say  that  such  an  assembly  as  this 
is  a  sign  ominous  of  triumph?" 

Mr.  Clay  then  warned  his  friends  of  two  great  errors 
in  political  warfare — too  much  confidence  and  too 
much  despondency.  Both  were  to  be  feared.  There 
should  be  no  relaxation.  The  enemy  were  yet  power- 
ful in  numbers  and  strong  in  organization.  It  became 
the  Whigs,  therefore,  to  abstain  from  no  laudable  ex- 
ertion necessary  to  success.  Should  we  fail,  he  added, 
should  Mr.  Van.  Buren  oe  re-elected,  which  calamity 
God  avert,  though  he  would  be  the  last  man  to  despair 
of  the  Republic,  he  believed  the  struggle  of  restoring 
the  country  to  its  former  glory  would  be  almost  a  hope- 
less one.  That  calamity,  however,  or  the  alternative, 
was  left  with  the  twenty  thousand  Whigs  here  assem- 
bled. 

"  We  received  our  liberty."  said  Mr.  Clay  in  con- 
clusion, "from  our  Revolutionary  ancestors,  and  we  are 
bound  in  all  honor  to  transfer  it  unimpaired  to  our 
posterity.  The  breeze  which  this  day  blows  from  the 
right  quarter  is  the  promise  of  that  popular  breeze 
which  will  defeat  our  adversaries  and  make  William 
Henry  Harrison  the  President  of  the  United  States." 

MR.  WEBSTER'S    ADDRESS. 

Mr.  Webster  was  now  loudly  called  for,  and  ad- 
dressed the  multitude  from  another  quarter  of  the 
stage  to  the  following  effect: 

Mr.  Webster  said  that  he  ''feared  the  attempt  to  make 
himself  heard  would  be  a  vain  one.  Never  before 
had  the  land  in  which  we  lived  seen  a  spectacle  like 
the  present.  We  count  men  by  the  thousands,  and 
they  are  here  from  the  borders  of  Canada  and  the 
rivers  of  Georgia.  They  are  here  from  the  sea-coast 
and  the  heart  of  .the  country.  The  States  are  here — 
every  one  of  them  through  their  representatives.  The 
*  Old  Thirteen'  of  the  Republic  are  here  from  every 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  123 

city  and  every  county,  between  the  hills  of  Vermont 
and  the  rivers  of  the  South.  The  new  thirteen,  too, 
are  here,  without  a  blot  or  stain  upon  them.  The 
twenty-six  States  are  here.  No  local  or  limited  feeling 
has  brought  them  here — no  feeling  but  an  American 
one — a  hearty  attachment  to  the  country.  We  are 
here  with  the  common  sentiment  and  the  common 
feeling  that  we  are  one  people.  We  may  assure 
ourselves  that  we  belong  to  a  country  where  one  part 
has  a  common  feeling  and  a  common  interest  with  the 
other. 

"  The  time  has  come,"  continued  Mr.  Webster,  "when 
the  cry  is  change.  Every  breeze  says  change.  Every 
interest  of  the  country  demands  it-.  The  watch  worid 
and  the  hope  of  the  people  is  that  William  Henry 
Harrison  should  be  placed  at  the  head  of  affairs.  We 
may  assure  ourselves,"  said  Mr.  Webster,  "that  this 
change  will  come — come  to  give  joy  to  the  many,  and 
sorrow  only  to  the  few.  Mr.  Van  Buren's  administra- 
tion is  to  be  of  one  term  and  of  one  project,  and  that 
project,  new  to  us,  not  yet  consummated.  It  is  new  to 
our  country,  and  so  novel  that  those  with  whom  it 
originated,  after  hammering  it  for  years,  have  not  been 
able  to  give  form  or  shape  to  the  substance. 

"All  agree, "continued  Mr.Webster,"that  we  have  hard 
times,  and  many,"  he  amusingly  remarked,  "supposed 
the  remedy  to  be  hard  cider."  Changing  his  subject  and 
his  manner,  he  exhorted  in  a  strong  and  stentorian 
voice  the  members  of  the  convention  to  go  hence  fully 
impressed  with  a  solemn  sense  of  the  obligations  they 
owed  to  the  country.  "We  were  called  upon  to  accom- 
plish not  a  momentary  victory,  but  one  which  should 
last  at  least  half  a  century.  It  was  not  to  be  expected 
that  every  year,  or  every  four  years,  would  bring 
together  such  an  assemblage  as  we  have  now  before  us. 
The  revolution  should  be  one  which  should  last  for 
years,  and  the  benefits  of  which  should  be  felt  forever. 
Let  us,  then,  act  with  firmness.  Let  us  give  up  our- 
selves entirely  to  this  new  revolution.  When  we  see 
the  morning  light  grow  bright  it  is  the  sign  of  the 
noon-day  sun.  This  sign  around  me  is  no  less  lumin- 


124.  Reminiscences  of  the 

uusofthe  brightness  which  is  to  succeed  the  present 
rays  of  light. 

"Go  to  your  work,  then,"  said  Mr.  Webster,  in  con- 
clusion;" "I  will  return  to  mine.  When  next  we  meet, 
and  wherever  we  meet,  I  hope  to  say  that  this  Conven- 
tion has  been  the  means  of  good  to  you  and  to  me  and  to 
all.  I  go  to  my  appropriate  sphere  and  you  to  yours — 
each  to  act,  I  trust,  for  the  good  of  the  country  in  the 
advancement  of  the  cause  we  all  have  so  much  at 
heart." 

Mr.  Webster  retired,  as  Mr.  Clay  did,  amidst  the 
plaudits  of  the  thousands  in  hearing. 

Mr.  John  Sergeant,  of  Pennsylvania,  succeeded  Mr. 
Webster  upon  the  rostrum.  "What  have  you  come  here 
for?"  said  Mr.  Sergeant.  "I  will  answer.  To  bring  back 
to  the  people,  and  through  the  log  cabins  of  the  coun- 
try the  neglected  and  lost  Constitution.  In  the  man 
you  have  selected  for  your  suffrages,  you  have  one  pos- 
sessing those  qualifications  in  which  the  head  of  this 
administration  is  most  deficient — political  integrity. 
He  is  the  disciple  of  Washington — of  his  school  and  of 
his  instruction.  In  his  hands  the  country  will  be  safe, 
that  which  has  been  lost,  in  him  will  be  found  again. 
The  unjust  and  unskillful  men  in  power  have  run  our 
national  engine  from  the  track  made  by  George  Wash- 
ington. He,  the  father  of  the  Republic,  left  good  ad- 
vice to  his  successors,  but  some  of  them,  alas!  have  dis- 
regarded it,  and  driven  this  engine  from  the  track.. 

"  It  is  for  the  disciple  of  Washington  to  place  it  on 
again.  As  Harrison  received  from  Washington  les- 
sons of  wisdom  which  he  regarded  when  young,  so  he 
will  maintain  them  when  called,  like  Washington,  to 
maintain  the  honor  of  the  country.  No  change,"  said 
Mr.  Sergeant,  "can  be  for  the  worse.  Through  Har- 
rison we  shall  be  brought  to  safety.  In  the  history  of 
the  world  there  is  hardly  a  calamity  recorded  greater 
than  our  own  in  the  mal-administration  of  public  offi- 
cers. In  war  there  has  been  no  greater  calamity. 

"  Let  us,  then,  go  back  as  near  as  we  can  to  the  times  of 
that  illustrious  man,  George  Washington,  whom  Gen- 
eral Harrison,  both  in  his  private  and  public  life,  so 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  125 

much  resembles.  Washington  when  a  young  man  was 
a  surveyor.  Harrison  when  quite  a  youth  was  a  pio- 
neer in  the  wilderness  and  a  companion  of  the  brave 
General  Wayne.  It  was  the  name  of  Harrison  which 
had  brought  more  than  twenty  thousand  people  here; 
of  Harrison  who  had  fought  and  gained  the  battle  of 
the  country.  The  people  will  elect  him,  for  he  is  the 
candidate1  of  the  people." 

The  Hon.  William  C.  Preston,  the  eloquent  and  dis- 
tinguished senator  from  South  Carolina,  next  re- 
sponded to  the  call  of  the  convention.  '•  This,"  said 
he,  "is  the  happiest  day  of  my  life.  I  see  here  the  con- 
summation of  almost  all  that  I  had  hoped  for  from  the 
earliest  day  I  entered  public  life.  I  hate  tyranny,  and 
from  my  infancy  was  taught  to  despise  a  Tory.  I  was 
born  a  Whig,  and  am  yet  a  Whig.  The  Whigs  have 
met  here,"  continued  Mr.  Preston,  "to  bring  peace  and 
prosperity  to  the  land,  and  I  take  pleasure  in  express- 
ing the  belief  that  the  man  of  their  choice  will  main- 
tain and  strengthen  and  consolidate  the  great  national 
institutions  and  enterprises  of  the  country." 

Continuing  his  remarks,  Mr.  Preston  alluded  to  the 
self-denying,  magnanimous  and  patriotic  conduct  of 
Henry  Clay.  The  eulogium  was  the  most  eloquent  we 
have  heard,  and  the  audience  heard  it  with  interest  and 
delight.  Returning  to  General  Harrison,  he  said,  "  I 
will  devote  to  him  my  labor,  my  thoughts,  my  person 
and  my  purse.  I  regard  the  Ohio  farmer  as  a  true  and 
devoted  patriot,  and  I  would  the  news  of  this  day's 
meeting  could  be  borne  to  him  upon  the  wings  of  the 
wind." 

Mr.  Preston,  in  concluding  his  remaks,  said  he  was  a 
Southern  man,  and  happily,  in  connection  with  this 
subject,  did  he  allude  to  the  recent  demonstration  of 
opinion  from  the  "  Old  Dominion."  "Harrison,  too,"  he 
was  proud  to  say,  "was  a  Virginian  born  and  a  son  of  a 
signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  He  sprung, 
too,  from  the  best  of  the  Anglo  Saxon  blood.  He  was 
a  descendant  of  that  Harrison  who,  in  the  reign  of  the 
tyrant  Charles,  said  that  'as  he  was  a  tyrant  I  slew 
him."  Who,"  said  Mr.  Preston,  "can  boast  of  better 


126  Reminiscences  of  the 

blood  in  his  veins  than  this  descendant  of  the  king-de- 
stroying, despot-killing,  tyrant-hating  Harrison?1' 

Mr.  Preston,  in  a  manner  peculiar  to  himself,  after 
exhorting  the  Whigs  to  use  their  anticipated  triumph 
as  not  abusing  it,  left  the  grave  for  a  moment  for  the 
gay.  "Alas,  poor  Democrats!  farewell,  dear  Loco 
Focos!  you  have  had  your  day.  Every  dog  has  his 
day!  It  is  necessary,  Mr.  Van  Buren,  that  you  should 
go  for  diminished  wages,  and  the  country  says  you  shall 
go  for  diminished  wages !  "  Again,  Mr.  Preston  drew  a 
happy  picture  of  the  4th  of  March,  1841.  He  supposed 
that  Prince  of  Democrats,  Martin  Van  Buren,  to  be 
here  in  his  coach  and  four  horses.  Following  him 
comes  Amos  Kendall,  and  succeeding  him  Levi  Wood- 
bury  with  his  empty  bags,  and  still  behind  these  worth- 
ies, the  head  of  the  War  Department,  Mr.  Poinsett,  the 
author  of  the  system  for  two  hundred  thousand  militia 
and  thirty-four  bloodhounds.  "  I  see  them  now,"  said 
Mr.  Preston,  "in  my  mind's  eye.  They  come  from 
Washington,  are  seen  at  Fell's  Point,  now  at  Canton, 
and  some  one  says  to  the  party,  there  is  the  race-course 
where  met  the  national  convention  in  May  last." 

Again  Mr.  Preston  changed  his  manner  and  in  a 
burst  of  eloquence  which  electrified  his  hearers,  ex- 
horted them  to  go  into  the  possession  of  the  adminis- 
tration of  public  affairs  with  clean  hands  and  honest 
hearts;  and  first  of  all  to  proscribe  that  system  of  pro- 
scription which  had  dishonored  the  country.  "Let  us 
wash  the  ermine  and  purify  the  seats  of  government." 
Mr.  Preston  also  made  a  happy  allusion  to  Cincinnatus 
the  plowman,  citizen  and  general.  In  many  respects 
Harrison  was  like  him,  but  the  spectacle  of  selecting 
the  humble  American  citizen  to  rule  over  the  nation 
was  of  the  moral  sublime,  and  far  eclipsed  anything  in 
Grecian  or  Roman  history. 

•'  In  General  Harrison,"  said  Mr.  Preston,  in  conclu- 
sion, "I  believe  in  after  time  we  may  be  able  to  say 
that  the  country  has  a  second  Washington  in  the  sec- 
ond Harrison.  When  this  day  comes,  and  God  speed 
the  time,  for  one,  I  will  be  content,  rest  satisfied,  leave 
the  field  of  labor  and  say,  like  one  of  old,  'Now,  Lord, 


Political  Campaign  of  18 40.  127 

lettest  Thy  servant  depart  in  peace,  for  mine  eyes  have 
seen  Thy 'glory.'" 

Mr.  Preston  was  followed  by  Hon.  S.  Southard,  of 
New  Jersey,  who  made  a  brief  and  eloquent  address. 
His  allusions  to  New  Jersey  were  very  happy,  and  we 
regret  that  we  are  without  room  to  publish  them. 

Mr.  Graves,  of  Kentucky,  followed  with  a  forcible 
and  stirring  appeal.  Others  would  have  spoken,  but 
the  hour  admonished  an  adjournment. 

The  president  then  announced  that  the  lateness  of 
the  hour  and  the  fatigue  which  they  had  undergone 
rendered  it  necessary  to  suspend  further  proceedings 
for  the  day,  and  he  submitted  a  motion  that  the  con- 
vention adjourn  to  meet  on  Tuesday  morning,  5th  inst., 
in  Monument  Square,  at  nine  o'clock. 

The  convention  adjourned  accordingly,  at  4  o'clock. 

MEETING  IN  MONUMENT  SQUARE  TUESDAY,  MAY  5,  1840. 

Monument  square  was  thronged  through  the  morn- 
ing and  the  day.  The  president  of  the  convention, 
John  V.  L.  McMahon,  Esq.,  presided  with  great  dig- 
nity, and  perfect  order  prevailed  among  the  mass. 

Pursuant  to  the  adjournment  of  yesterday,  thousands 
assembled  to  hear  the  further  deliberations  of  the  con- 
vention. 

The  crowd  was  so  great  that  it  was  impossible  for 
those  on  the  outskirts  to  hear  the  speakers  from  the 
rostrum  elevated  in  front  of  the  court-house,  and  a  sepa- 
rate rostrum  being  erected,  several  distinguished  Whigs 
came  forward  at  the  call  of  the  people  and  addressed 
them  from  it. 

•Mr.  McMahon,  the  president  of  the  convention,  an- 
nounced that  in  furtherance  of  the  resolution  adopted 
yesterday,  the  several  vice-presidents  or  other  persons 
representing  them  from  the  several  States,  would  in- 
form them  of  the  prospects  of  the  Whig  party  in  the 
State  from  whence  they  came,  and  be  accordingly  in- 
troduced: 

Mr.  Dillett,  Alabama  ;  Mr.  Thompson,  Delaware  ; 
Mr.  Stanley,  North  Carolina;  Mr.  Willis,  Maine;  Mr. 
Graham,  Louisiana;  Mr.  WicklifFe,  Kentucky;  Mr. 


128  Reminiscences  of  the 

Allen,  District  of  Columbia;  Mr.  Robertson,  Georgia; 
Mr.  Emory,  New  Hampshire;  Mr.  Proffit,  Indiana; 
Mr.  Dawson,  Micnigan;  Mr.  Bryan.  South  Carolina; 
Mr.  Tyler  (a  grand-son  of  General  Putnam),  Con- 
necticut;   ,  Rhode  Island;  Mr.  Wise,  Virginia; 

Mr.  Stannard,  Virginia,  who  addressed  the  convention 
with  great  power  and  effect.  Their  speeches  were  re- 
sponded to  by  repeated  cheers  from  the  assembled 
multitude,  who  presented  a  living  mass  covering  a 
large  space  of  ground  as  far  as  the  voice  could  reach, 
and  who  remained  upon  the  ground  from  early  in  the 
morning  until  the  convention  adjourned  for  dinner. 

INDIANA. 

Mr.  Proffit  spoke  eloquently  and  effectively  for  this 
State.  He  called  upon  the  Whigs  of  the  Union  to 
reason  mildly  and  kindly  with  their  political  oppo- 
nents. He  said  the  patriotism  of  the  American  people 
was  sound  to  the  core,  and  he  earnestly  hoped  every 
delegate  to  this  convention  would  go  to  his  home  and 
endeavor  to  reason  with  and  conciliate  his  neighbor. 
Such  a  course,  and  such  a  course  only,  was  the  proper 
one.  Whilst  he  lived  he  was  for  the  Whigs. 

NEW    YORK. 

Mr.  King  spoke  eloquently   this  morning  for  those 
he  represented.     "All  the  local  differences  of  that  State 
were  settled,"  said  Mr.  King,  "and  she  would,  on  the 
day  of  election,  be  foremost  in  the  ranks." 
OHIO. 

Mr.  Frazier  said  he  was  from  North  Bend,  Harri- 
son's own  log  cabin,  where  the  string  of  the  latch  was 
never  pulled  in,  and  if  he  were  Loco  Foco  to  the  core, 
he  would  be  compelled  to  hurrah  for  Harrison's  mili- 
tary achievements,  as  he  used,  when  a  boy,  to  hurrah 
for  General  Jackson.  In  his  county,  at  the  recent  elec- 
tion, there  were  sixty-four  Van  Buren  candidates,  only 
one  of  whom  was  elected,  and  he  avowed  afterwards 
that  he  was  elected  by  Whig  votes. 

KENTUCKY. 

Governor  Pope,  of  Kentucky,  being  called  for,  ad- 
dressed the  assemblage  for  a  considerable  length  of 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  129 

time,  in  a  peculiarly  happy  manner.  He  said  he  was 
once  a  Jackson  man,  but  that  he  "had  now  come  to 
atone  for  past  mistakes." 

The  speaking  went  on  during  the  day  from  several 
stands.  We  can  but  briefly  refer  to  the  speakers. 

Among  the  members  of  Congress  were  Henry  Clay 
and  Wm.  C.  Preston,  of  the  Senate 

Both  of  these  distinguished  gentlemen  spoke  with 
that  feeling  of  popular  enthusiasm  to  be  expected  from 
the  cheering  signs  and  congratulations  around  them. 

Mr.  Clay  was  received  with  enthusiastic  demonstra- 
tions of  applause,  and  his  stirring  appeals  and  forcible 
pictures  of  the  sad  experiments  brought  upon  the  coun- 
try, prompted  a  response  in  every  bosom. 

Mr.  Preston,  of  South  Carolina,  was  hardly  less  elo- 
quent than  on  Monday,  and  none  the  less  interesting 
to  those  who  heard  him,  for  many  now  heard  him  for 
the  first  time. 

Mr.  Legare,  of  South  Carolina,  also  made  an  elo- 
quent and  spirited  address.  Few  men  in  the  country 
have  more  power  to  interest,  and  no  one  has  a  more 
brilliant  imagination  with  which  to  illustrate  the  good 
or  bad  principles  of  a  government. 

Mr.  Stanley,  of  North  Carolina,  spoke  eloquently 
from  the  court-house  rostrum,  and  after  a  stirring 
address  of  an  hour,  the  cry  was,  "  On,  Stanley,  on!  " 

Henry  A.  Wise,  of  Virginia,  was  also  called  for,  and 
introduced  to  the  convention  by  the  president.  The 
appearance  of  the  bold  and  talented  Virginian  was 
responded  to  by  the  thousands  present  in  loud  and 
repeated  cheers.  Mr.  Wise,  though  much  indisposed, 
spoke  with  great  energy  and  power,  and  especially  in 
reference  to  the  many  national  peculiarities  of  his  own 
district,  one  of  the  most  national  of  the  Old  Dominion. 
"'There  Harrison  and  Tyler  both  were  born.  There,  too, 
old  Ben.  Harrison,  the  signer  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  and  Patrick  Henry,  the  renowned  cham- 
pion of  our  national  independence,  had  their  homes. 
There  also  was  fought  the  last  naval  battle  of  the  Rev- 
olution, and  there  sprung  up  Bacon's  rebellion.  The 
history  of  the  district  was  eventful,  and  it  was  a  Whig 


130  Reminiscences  of  the 

district.  The  Old  Dominion,  God  bless  her!  had  now 
joined  his  district,  and  Virginia  was  a  Whig  State, 
ready  to  give  her  electoral  vote  to  William  Henry  Har- 
rison and  John  Tyler."  Mr.  Wise  spoke  eloquently  and 
with  great  effect.  Retiring,  he  was  greeted  with  the 
hearty  and  unanimous  applause  of  the  convention. 

Mr.  Willis,  of  Maine,  was  introduced  to  the  assem- 
bled thousands  by  the  president,  and  as  one  of  the 
vice-presidents,  gave  a  good  account  of  the  Northeast 
State.  In  the  name  of  the  Whigs  of  Maine  he 
promised  ten  electoral  votes  for  Harrison  and  Tyler 
upon  the  "ides  of  November." 

No  less  interesting  were  the  speech  and  pledge 
given  by  Mr.  Graham,  another  vice-president,  from 
the  State  of  Louisiana.  He,  too,  promised  the  electoral 
vote  of  the  Southwestern  border  State  for  Harrison 
and  Tyler. 

Mr.  Allen,  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  made  a 
report  of  the  popular  movements  in  the  District,  and 
gave  his  reasons  for  the  demonstration  of  public  feel- 
ing among  a  people  who  are  unjustly  deprived  of  the 
right  of  suffrage. 

Mr.  J.  N.  Emory  spoke  for  New  Hampshire.  The 
work  in  the  Granite  State,  he  said,  was  an  up-hill 
business,  but  the  delegates  here  present  would  promise 
at  least  a  spirited  contest. 

Mr.  E.  S.  Thomas  from  North  Bend,  Ohio,  and 
formerly  of  Baltimore,  made  a  spirited  address,  and 
many  happy  illustrations  drawn  from  the  history  of 
the  Government  and  the  times. 

Mr.  Reynolds,  of  New  York  city,  delighted  his 
hearers  with  a  sensible  and  practical  address  upon  the 
character  and  importance  of  the  contest. 

Mr.  Robertson,  of  Georgia,  a  true  Southron,  spoke 
eloquently  of  Georgia.  His  address  was  brief,  and 
one  of  the  best  made  in  the  convention.  "  Georgia," 
he  said,  "was  awake  to  the  importance  of  the  coming 
contest,  and  the  fires  kindled  within  her  were  of  her 
own  irresistible  and  spontaneous  lighting." 

Mr.  Wickliffe,  of  Kentucky;  Mr.  Bryan,  of  South 
Carolina;  Mr.  Dawson,  of  Michigan;  Mr.  Tyler,  of 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  131 

Connecticut;  Mr.  Profrlt,  of  Indiana,  Mr.  Thompson, 
of  Delaware;  Mr.  Stannard,  of  Virginia,  and  others 
also  spoke,  but  in  the  crowd  it  was  impossible  to  hear 
the  names  of  half  who  spoke  or  of  the  thousandth  of 
what  was  said. 

Mr.  Penrose,  of  Pennsylvania,  offered  the  following 
resolutions,  which  were  seconded  by  Mr.  Myers,  of 
the  same  State,  and  unanimously  adopted: 

Resolved,  That  the  delegates  from  each  State  repre- 
sented in  this  convention  be,  and  they  are  hereby,  re- 
quested to  raise  by  contribution  of  not  exceeding  one 
dollar  for  each  person,  a  sum  of  money  for  the  use  of 
the  bereaved  family  of  Thomas  H.  Laughlin,  carpen- 
ter, of  the  Eighth  ward  of  the  city  of  Baltimore,  and  a 
member  of  the  convention,  who  was  killed  in  the  pro- 
cession of  yesterday,  while  in  the  exercise  of  the  un- 
doubted right  of  freemen  peaceably  to  assemble  and 
deliberate  upon  the  conduct  of  the  officers  of  govern- 
ment, "a  right  inestimable  to  them  and  formidable  to 
tyrants  only." 

Resolved,  That  the  sum  so  raised  be  paid  to  the  pres- 
ident of  the  convention,  to  be  by  him  applied  for  the 
relief  of  the  widow  and  children  of  our  deceased  fel- 
low member,  to  whom  we  hereby  tender  our  condol- 
ence for  his  death  in  the  glorious  cause  of  his  country. 

At  the  close  of  the  addresses  the  convention  unani- 
mously resolved  to  attend  the  funeral  of  the  lamented 
Laughlin,  at  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 

The  convention  then  adjourned   until  5  o'clock  p.  M. 

FUNERAL  OF  THOMAS  H.  LAUGHLIN. 

The  solemn  duty  of  committing  the  remains  of  Mr. 
Laughlin  to  the  grave  was  performed  by  the  delegates 
to  the  convention  in  a  body.  The  procession,  accom- 
panied by  a  band  of  music  playing  a  dead  march, 
moved  from  the  late  residence  of  the  deceased,  at  the 
corner  of  Light  street  and  Guilford  alley,  between  4 
and  5  o'clock,  p.  M.,  to  the  burial  ground  of  the 
Methodist  Episcopal  congregation.  The  chief  marshal 
of  the  convention,  Capt.  James  O.  Law,  supported  the 
weeping  and  bereaved  widow  of  the  deceased  from 


132  Reminiscences  of  the 

the  carriage  to  the  grave,  where  her  condition  was 
most  pitiable,  as  she  stood  convulsed  with  an  agony  of 
grief  at  her  sudden  and  irreparable  loss.  The  ceremo- 
nies, by  the  officiating  clergyman,  Dr.  Baker,  of  New 
York,  were  brief  and  impressive,  at  the  close  of  which 
the  immense  concourse  returned  to  the  city. 

AFTERNOON. 

At  five  o'clock  the  convention  reassembled.  The 
president  having  taken  the  chair,  the  committee  of 
chairmen  of  the  State  delegations  reported  the  follow- 
ing resolution,  which  was  seconded  and  advocated  by 
Mr.  C.  L.  Talfourd,  of  Ohio,  and  unanimously  agreed 
to.  The  speech  of  Mr.  Talfourd  was  one  of  great 
beauty,  exhibiting  eloquence  of  the  highest  order,  and 
drew  from  the  crowd  loud,  repeated  and  enthusiastic 
cheers: 

Resolved,  That  the  president  be  directed  to  transmit 
to  Gen.  William  Henry  Harrison  and  John  Tyler,  the 
compliments  of  this  convention,  together  with  a  copy 
of  its  proceedings,  signed  by  the  president  and  secre- 
taries. 

The  people  called  for  more  speakers,  and  thereupon 
the  vast  assemblage  was  severally  addressed  by  dis- 
tinguished gentlemen  from  the  different  States. 

Mr.  Bradford,  of  Baltimore  city,  said  it  required 
stronger  nerves  and  cooler  blood  than  his  to  withstand 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  present  occasion.  As  one  of  the 
delegation  from  Baltimore,  he  had  intended  to  remain 
silent  and  listen  to  his  brethren  from  abroad;  but  his 
bosom  was  full  of  the  inspiration  which  he  had  caught 
from  the  scenes  before  him,  and  he  could  no  longer 
hold  his  peace.  His  speech  throughout  was  full  of 
thrilling  and  patriotic  sentiments,  expressed  with  force 
and  listened  to  with  attention. 

Mr.  S.  T.  Hurd,  of  Ohio,  followed  in  an  eloquent 
and  effective  speech,  some  portions  tof  which  were 
particularly  sarcastic  and  amusing. 

"After  listening,"  said  Mr.  Hurd,  "  to  the  eloquent 
speeches  of  the  most,  talented  men  in  the  nation,  he 
had  lost  all  confidence  in  his  ability  to  entertain,  for  a 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  133 

single  moment,  the  vast  assemblage  before  him.  They 
had  been  hearing  big  guns;  he  could  not  hope  to  enter- 
tain them  with  a  mere  pistol  shot.  But  when  called  to 
raise  his  voice  on  an  occasion  like  this,  he  would  not 
shrink  from  a  duty  which  he  owed  to  those  who  had 
sent  him  here,  because  he  might  not  be  able  to  perform 
his  duty  so  acceptably  as  others." 

He  "felt  proud  to  stand  there  as  the  representative  of 
a  portion  of  that  State  which  would  claim  the  distin- 
guished honor  of  'offering  her  Cincinnatus  to  redeem 
the  Republic,'  and  in  and  near  which  were  laid  the 
scenes  of  many  of  his  brilliant  achievements. 

His  brother  delegates  from  the  Buckeye  State  had 
given  "eloquent  and  stirring  accounts  of  her  southern 
and  central  counties,  and  it  devolved  upon  him  to  say  a 
word  for  old  Cuyahoga,  who  never  slumbered  at  home; 
and  he  would  be  sorry  to  find  her  napping  here.  She 
and  her  sister  counties,  constituting  the  'Western  Re- 
serve,' of  which  he  could  speak  more  definitely  than 
of  other  portions  of  the  State,  were  'under  bonds' 
to  give  '  Old  Tip'  a  heavy  majority  in  the  coming  con- 
test. No  one  could  calculate  on  the  number  that  might 
slip  the  collar  between  this  and  November." 

He  knew  of  "many  in  his  vicinity  whose  necks  had  be- 
come so  sore  from  wearing  the  iron  collar  of  the  admin- 
istration that  they  found  it  extremely  difficult  to  swal- 
low their  accustomed  doses  of  Loco  Focoism.  They 
began  to  acknowledge  that  they  felt  also  an  extreme 
pressure  about  the  chest.  The  doctors  had  recom- 
mended Harrison  plasters  (not  shin  plasters)  applied 
to  the  parts  affected,  and  think  they  will  find  perfect 
relief  by  the  fourth  of  March  next. 

Mr.  Hurd  retired  from  the  stand  amid  the  deafening 
cheers  of  the  immense  multitude,  and  was  succeeded 
by  Mr.  Grund,  of  Philadelphia,  who  stated  that  "he  was 
a  native  German;  that  like  others  of  his  countrymen, 
he  had  come  here  from  his  native  land,  with  a  bosom 
swelling  with  the  love  of  liberty.  There  was  a  charm 
in  the  name  of  Democracy — that  name  had  long  de- 
ceived his  countrymen  who  had  emigrated  hither,  but 
thank  God,  the  scales  were  falling  from  their  eyes, 


134  Reminiscences  of  the 

and  they  were  beginning  to  distinguish  between  the 
substance  and  the  shadow.  The  Germans  in  his  vicin- 
ity were  coming  over  by  hundreds  to  the  Harrison 
standard.  He  had  been  the  political  friend  and  the 
biographer  in  German  and  English  of  Martin  Van  Bu- 
ren.  He  was  now  the  friend  and  biographer  of  Gen- 
eral Harrison". 

Mr.  English,  of  Philadelphia,  next  took  the  stand. 
"He  had,"  he  said,  "heretofore  been  a  supporter  of  the 
administration  of  General  Jackson  and  Martin  Van 
Buren;"  he  had  "listened  to  their  promises  of  re- 
trenchment and  reform;"  he  had  "pondered  upon  the 
seductive  arguments  which  the  party  had  put  forth  to 
gull  and  deceive  the  people;"  he  had  "witnessed  the 
manner  in  which  those  promises  had  been  fulfilled,  or 
rather  in  which  they  had  failed;  and,  as  a  true  Ameri- 
can and  friend  of  his  country,  he  could  no  longer  wink 
at  the  corruptions  of  the  present  administration." 

The  committee  of  chairmen  of  the  State  delegations 
also  submitted  the  following  resolutions,  which  were 
seconded  by  Mr.  McQuern,  of  North  Carolina,  and 
unanimously  adopted  by  the  convention: 

Resolved,  That  the  members  of  this  convention  en- 
tertain a  most  grateful  sense  of  the  generous  hospitality 
of  the  citizens  of  Baltimore,  who  have,  by  receiving 
us  as  guests,  evinced  their  devotion  to  the  cause  in 
which  we  are  engaged,  and  given  to  the  country  an- 
other evidence  of  their  enlightened  and  zealous  pa- 
triotism; and  that  we  shall  return  to  our  homes  cheered 
by  their  confidence  and  resolved  individually  to  imi- 
tate their  patriotic  example. 

Resolved,  That  the  generous  liberality,  the  untiring 
devotion,  and  the  judicious  plans  of  the  Baltimore  com- 
mittee of  arrangements  demand  their  most  hearty  ac- 
knowledgments. 

The  president  having  temporarily  retired  from  the 
chair,  Mr.  Gill,  of  Ohio,  on  behalf  of  the  committee  of 
chairmen,  offered  the  following  resolution;  which  was 
adopted  by  acclamation: 

Resolved,  That  the  unanimous  thanks  of  this  con- 
vention be  and  they  are  hereby  tendered  to  John  V.  L. 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  135 

McMahon,  Esq.,  president  of  the  convention,  for  the 
prompt,  dignified  and  successful  manner  in  which  he 
has  presided  over  its  deliberations. 

After  the  adoption  of  this  resolution,  Mr.  McMahon 
again  appeared  before  the  people,  and  expressed  his 
acknowledgments  for  the  distinguished  honor  which 
had  been  conferred  upon  him  in  elevating  him  to  the 
dignity  of  presiding  over  this  convention  of  the  elite  of 
the  young  men  of  our  country,  and  for  the  additional 
maik  of  kindness  which  had  been  shown  in  the 
adoption  of  the  last  resolution.  He  then  proceeded  to 
address  the  large  assemblage  before  him  with  a  fervor 
and  energy  of  eloquence,  which,  we  believe,  he  never 
surpassed;  and  which  called  forth,  at  every  sentence, 
the  most  rapturous  and  hearty  applause.  He  closed 
by  saying  that  as  the  organ  of  the  convention,  he  had 
hitherto  not  felt  at  liberty  to  present  any  resolution  or 
proposition  of  his  own,  but  now  as  they  were  about 
to  separate,  after  two  days  spent  in  such  a  manner 
that  would  long  make  every  member  recall  the  recol- 
lections of  this  time  with  a  glow  of  pleasure  and 
pride  ;  and  as  he  sincerely  wished  that  all  those  now 
before  him  should  meet  together  once  more  in  this 
world,  he  would  submit  for  their  adoption  a  resolution 
that  when  this  convention  adjourns,  it  should  adjourn 
to  meet  in  Washington  on  the  4th  day  of  March,  1841, 
to  attend  the  inauguration  of  President  William  Henry 
Harrison.  This  resolution,  we  need  scarcely  say,  was 
adopted  unanimously,  and  amidst  the  most  enthusiastic 
cheering.  The  convention  then  adjourned. 

OTHER     MEETINGS     AND     INCIDENTS. 

After  the  adjournment  of  the  great  meeting  on 
Monday  at  the  Canton  ground,  a  large  number,  con- 
sisting of  portions  of  various  delegations,  guests  at 
the  Eutaw  House,  spent  the  remainder  of  the  after- 
noon in  the  social  enjoyments  of  the  table,  rendered 
doubly  refreshing  by  the  active  exercise  and  excite- 
ment of  the  previous  part  of  the  day.  After  the  cloth 
was  removed,  General  McDonald,  of  Virginia,  was 
called  to  the  chair,  and  at  his  right  was  placed  Mr. 


136  Reminiscences  of  the 

Homer,  of  New  Jersey,  who  was  introduced  to  the 
company  as  the  gentleman  who,  at  the  Harrisburg 
convention,  last  December,  offered  the  resolution 
which  gave  birth  to  the  Young  Men's  Whig  Conven- 
tion of  the  4th  of  May  in  Baltimore. 

Upon  this  announcement,  the  company  all  rose  and 
received  Mr.  Homer  with  cheers.  The  toasts,  speeches, 
and  songs  were  all  good,  and  were  worthy  of  being 
specially  particularized,  if  the  means  were  at  hand 
of  preserving  them.  The  Hon.  C.B.  Penrose,  of  Penn- 
sylvania, being  present,  a  toast  was  offered  allud- 
ing to  him  as  a  Pennsylvania  senator,  expelled  by 
lawless  violence  from  the  senate  chamber.  In  reply 
to  this  toast,  Mr.  Penrose  spoke  with  great  eloquence. 
He  referred  to  the  incident  alluded  .to  in  the  toast,  and 
spoke  of  it  as  an  act  perpetrated  by  the  same  hand 
which  had  recently  obliterated  New  Jersey  from  the  gal- 
axy of  States,  and  which  before  had  expunged  the  sacred 
record  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  He  dwelt 
upon  the  fearful  prevalence  of  the  spirit  thus  rife 
throughout  the  land,  and  threatening  destruction  to  all 
principles  of  Constitutional  liberty,  dear  to  every  true 
American  heart.  Mr.  Penrose  spoke  twice  during  the 
festival,  being  called  up  by  special  allusions,  and  in  both 
addresses  he  gave  an  able  exposition  of  the  Demo- 
cratic-Whig principles  which  are  the  real  basis  of  the 
present  organized  opposition  to  the  administration. 
In  reference  to  his  own  course  during  the  Harrisburg 
riots,  he  showed  how  his  conduct  had  been  in  strict 
accordance  with  the  law  of  the  Commonwealth.  He 
spoke  of  the  state  of  feeling  now  prevailing  in  Penn- 
sylvania: of  the  great  reaction  which  was  going  on 
among  the  sensible  yeomanry  of  that  State.  "Virginia 
and  Pennsylvania,"  said  Mr.  Penrose,  "have  always 
gone  together;  and  now  that  the  Old  Dominion  has 
thrown  off  the  yoke,  the  hour  of  Pennsylvania's  deliv- 
erance is  at  hand. 

Speeches  were  made  by  gentlemen  from  Alabama, 
Tennessee,  New  Jersey  and  other  States,  according  as 
delegates  from  abroad  happened  to  be  present,  the 
wrhole  affair  being  without  previous  arrangement  and 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  137 

most  of  the  company  being  strangers  personally  to  one 
another.  Yet,  as  each  knew  his  neighbors  to  be  good 
Whigs,  it  was  not  long  before  a  cordial  fellowship 
united  all  in  excellent  concord  and  good  humor,  so  that 
everything  passed  off  in  a  very  spirited  manner.  There 
were  no  doubt  similar  festivals  in  other  parts  of  the 
city,  the  particulars  of  which,  if  known,  would  tend 
still  further  to  give  some  adequate  idea  of  the  general 
state  of  things  existing  in  the  city  during  the  last  few 
days. 

AND    STILL    THE    PEOPLE     CALL    FOR    MORE    SPEECHES. 

Tuesday  evening  about  7  o'clock  Monument  Square 
was  again  filled  with  an  assemblage  of  five  or  six 
thousand,  consisting  of  large  detachments  from  the 
different  delegations  and  citizens,  all  animated  by  the 
same  desire  to  hear  the  distinguished  speakers  whom  the 
occasion  has  brought  here,  which  they  had  displayed 
the  foregoing  day. 

They  were  successively  addressed  by  a  number  of 
gentlemen.  Among  the  speakers  were  Mr.  Wickliffe, 
Jr.,  of  Kentucky;  Mr.  Patterson,  of  New  York;  Mr. 
Crittenden,  of  Kentucky ;  Mr.  Bell,  of  Tennessee;  Mr. 
A.  W.  Bradford,  Mr.  Charles  H.  Pitts,  Mr.  Wallis,  Mr. 
Jenifer  and  Mr.  Pope,  of  Kentucky.  Mr.  Reverdy 
Johnson  closed  the  series  of  speeches  with  a  most  vig- 
orous and  eloquent  address,  and  the  assemblage  dis- 
persed to  their  several  quarters  about  1 1  o'clock. 

THE  MURDER  OF  LAUGHLIN. 

The  circumstances  connected  with  the  killing  of 
Laughlin  show  the  malicious  and  vicious  opposition 
to  General  Harrison,  and  hence  we  copy  the  following 
from  the  Baltimore  American  of  May  6,  1840: 

"  The  shocking  outrage  which  was  perpetrated  last 
Monday  on  a  respectable  citizen  of  Baltimore,  em- 
ployed in  the  lawful  exercise  of  his  rights  as  a  free- 
man, will  awaken  a  feeling  of  just  and  strong  indigna- 
tion, if  we  mistake  not,  throughout  the  whole  country. 
The  Sun  of  yesterday,  whose  account  corresponds 
with  the  facts  of  the  case  so  far  as  we  have  been  able 
to  ascertain  them,  says: 


138  .        Reminiscences  of  the 

"  '  The  particulars  of  this  melancholy  and  disgraceful 
affair,  are  these:  As  the  procession  was  proceeding 
down  Baltimore  street,  a  gang  of  half-grown  boys  was 
marching  up,  carrying  on  the  top  of  a  pole  a  stuffed 
figure,  representing  General  Harrison  as  a  petticoat 
hero,  and  when  they  arrived  near  Howard  street  they 
attempted  to  form  in  with  the  procession;  Mr.  Laughlin 
stepped  out  of  the  ranks  with  the  view  to  stop  them, 
when  he  received  the  blow  over  the  head  from  a  stick, 
which  deprived  him  of  life.  An  inquest  was  held  over 
the  body  by  A.  H.  Greenfield,  Esq.,  coroner,  and  the 
jury  returned  as  a  verdict  that  "  he  came  to  his  death  by 
a  blow  from  a  stick,  in  the  hands  of  some  persons  un- 
known to  the  jurors."  If  these  fellows  came  out  for 
the  purpose  of  insulting  and  disturbing  the  procession, 
they  ought  to  have  been  arrested  and  severely  punished 
for  their  insolence  and  blackguardism.'" 

Mr.  Laughlin  has  left  a  wife  and  four  children,  one 
an  infant.  He  was  a  respectable  mechanic,  a  carpen- 
ter, residing  on  Federal  Hill.  The  excitement  in  the 
city  is  very  great  at  this  wanton  and  brutal  murder. 
We  feel  at  present  unprepared  to  comment  upon  it. 
The  act  itself  speaks  in  a  language  than  which  we  can 
add  none  stronger,  nor  is  it  easy  to  find  any  terms  fit 
to  convey  the  feelings  of  indignation  and  horror  which 
such  an  outrage  naturally  inspires. 


PETTICOAT  SLANDER  REBUKED. 

The  following  letter  from  Gen.  William  S.  Murphy, 
in  reply  to  a  letter  of  inquiry,  to  the  citizens  of  Erie, 
Pennsylvania,  sets  at  rest  the  vile  slander  put  in  circu- 
lation by  Major  Allen: 

Chillicothe,  May  2,  1840. 

GENTLEMEN:  The  only  candid  and  true  statement 
of  the  matter  that  can  be  made,  is  this:  that  the  charge 
which  was  thus  first  made  by  Major  Allen,  of  the  Sen- 
ate of  the  United  States,  whilst  he  was  a  subordinate 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  139 

officer  of  my  brigade,  is,  and  was,  utterly  and  absolutely 
false.  It  has  no  sort  of  foundation  whatever.  Such  a 
thing  never  was  done,  never  was  intended  to  be  done, 
and  never  entered  into  the  heads  or  the  hearts  of  the 
fair,  virtuous  and  patriotic  ladies  of  Chillicothe  to  do. 
It  was  a  falsehood  in  the  beginning.  It  was  concocted 
and  conceived  as  a  falsehood,  told  and  uttered  as  a 
falsehood,  published  as  a  falsehood,  and  republished 
as  a  falsehood,  known  to  be  false,  received  as  false,  and 
talked  about  as  false,  ail  over  the  Union,  for  years  since 
it  was  uttered. 

In  the  convention  of  this  State,  held  in  Columbus, 
not  long  after  the  publication  of  that  falsehood,  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  delegates  (if  my  memory  serves 
me  as  to  this  number)  from  this  county,  branded  the 
charge  as  false,  and  their  solemn  attestation  was  re- 
ceived and  made  part  of  the  proceedings  of  the  con- 
vention; and  the  oldest  and  most  respectable  of  our 
citizens  have  done  the  same  in  their  often-published 
certificates. 

With  my  best  wishes  for  your  welfare,  I  am,  gentle- 
men, yours,  very  respectfully, 

W.  S.  MURPHY. 

THJt     PETTICOAT     HERO. 

It  is  too  true  General  Harrison,  as  will  be  seen  by 
the  following  letter,  has  had  something  to  do  with  the 
"petticoats:" 

A  CARD. 

Headquarters  St.  Mary's,  Sept.  29, 1812. 
General  Harrison  presents  his  compliments  to  the 
ladies  of  Dayton  and  its  vicinity,  and  solicits  their 
assistance  in  making  shirts  for  their  brave  defenders 
who  compose  his  army,  many  of  whom  are  almost 
destitute  of  that  article,  so  necessary  to  their  health  and 
comfort.  The  materials  will  be  furnished  by  the 
quartermaster;  and  the  general  confidently  expects 
that  the  opportunity  for  the  display  of  female  patriot- 
ism and  industry  will  be  eagerly  embraced  by  his  fair 
countrywomen. 

WILLIAM  HENRY  HARRISON. 


140  Reminiscences  of  the 

In  consequence  of  this  call,  the  ladies  of  Dayton  and 
its  neighborhood,  within  ten  days  after  it  was  received, 
made  up  about  eighteen  hundred  shirts  for  the  use  of 
the  army.  They  were  made  of  calico  furnished  by  the 
Indian  department,  and  from  the  annuities  which  had 
been  withheld  from  the  tribes  that  had  taken  up  arms 
against  the  Americans. 


A  CURIOUS  DOCUMENT. 


A  gentleman  of  the  highest  respectability,  says  the 
editor  of  the  Louisville  Journal,  has  sent  us  the  an- 
nexed document,  which  he  vouches  for  as  genuine. 
It  was  handed  to  him  by  one  of  the  signers  of  it,  a 
half-breed  Indian  and  a  relative  of  Tecumseh. 

Council  Bluffs,  March  23,  1840. 
To  GENERAL  HARRISON'S  FRIENDS:  The  other  day. 
several  newspapers  were  brought  to  us,  and  peeping 
over  them,  to  our  astonishment  we  find  the  hero  of 
the  late  war  called  coward.  This  would  have  sur- 
prised the  tall  braves,  Tecumseh  of  the  Shawnees  and 
Round  Head  and  Walk-in-the- Water  of  the  Wyan- 
dots.  If  the  departed  could  rise  again  they  would  say 
to  the  white  man  that  General  Harrison  was  the  terror 
of  the  late  tomahawkers.  The  first  time  we  got  ac- 
quainted with  General  Harrison,  it  was  at  the  council 
fire  of  the  late  old  Tempest  (General  Wayne),  at 
Greenville,  on  the  headwaters  of  the  Wabash,  1796. 
From  that  period  until  1811,  we  had  many  friendly 
smokes  with  him,  but  from  1812  we  changed  our  to- 
bacco smoke  into  powder  smoke;  then  we  found  Gen- 
eral Harrison  was  a  brave  warrior  and  humane  to  his 
prisoners,  as  reported  to  us  by  two  of  Tecumseh's 
young  men  who  were  taken  in  the  fleet  with  Captain 
Barclay  on  the  loth  of  September  1813;  and  on  the 
Thames,  where  he  routed  both  the  British  and  red  men, 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  141 

and  where  he  showed  his  courage  and  his  humanity  to 
his  prisoners  both  white  and  red — report  of  Adam 
Brown  and  family  taken  the  morning  of  the  battle, 
October  5,  1813.  We  are  the  only  two  surviving  of 
that  day  in  this  country.  We  hope  the  good  white 
men  will  protect  the  name  of  General  Harrison. 
We  remain  your  friends  foreveV, 

CHAMBLEE,  Aid  to  Tecumseh, 
B.  CALDWELL,  Captain. 


IN  MISSOURI. 


THE  LOG  CABIN  RAISIN' — GLORIOUS  DAY  FOR  ST. 
LOUIS  AND  THE  STATE — THE  PEOPLE  HAVE 
COME! 

Wre  recognize  among  those  who  bore  a  prominent 
part  the  names  of  some  who  were  the  supporters  of 
Colonel  Benton  and  original  Jackson  men.  There 
were  signs  of  a  breaking  up  of  the  old  party  lines, 
and  of  a  reorganization  of  the  people  to  assert  their 
own  power,  and  to  enforce  their  authority  that  could 
not  be  understood.  The  following  report  is  from  the 
St.  Louis  New  Era: 

We  cannot  believe  that  any  friend  of  Harrison 
could,  in  his  most  sanguine  moments,  have  anticipated 
so  glorious  a  day,  such  a  turn-out  of  the  people,  as  was 
witnessed  on  Tuesday  last  in  this  city.  Everything 
was  auspicious.  The  heavens,  the  air,  the  earth,  all 
seemed  to  have  combined  to  assist  in  doing  honor  to 
the  services,  the  patriotism  and  the  virtues  of  William 
Henry  Harrison.  Never  have  we  seen  so  much  enthu- 
siasm, so  much  honest,  impassioned  and  eloquent 
feeling  displayed  in  the  countenances  and  bursting 
from  the  lips  of  freemen.  It  was  a  day  of  jubilee. 
The  people  felt  that  the  time  had  come  when  they 
could  breathe  freely — when  they  were  about  to  cast 


142  Reminiscences  of  the 

from  them  the  incubus  of  a  polluted  and  abandoned 
party,  and  when  they  could  look  forward  to  better 
and  happier  days  in  store  for  them  and  for  the  country. 
The  city  itself  bore,  in  some  respects,  the  remarkable 
character  of  a  Sabbath  day.  By  the  Whigs,  and  even 
among  the  Democrats,  there  was  little  work  done. 
The  doors  of  all  places  of  business  were  closed,  and 
nothing  was  thought  of  on  this  carnival  dav  but  joy 
and  gratitude.  We  noticed  upon  the  ground  people 
from  all  parts  of  the  State  and  of  the  Union,  and  they 
can  give  to  their  neighbors  and  friends  a  true  descrip- 
tion of  what  they  saw  and  heard.  We  shall,  ourselves, 
give  such  an  account  of  the  proceedings  as  our  time 
and  opportunities  permitted  us  to  gather,  leaving  it 
to  the  imagination  to  fill  up  the  tout  ensemble  of  the 
picture.  Any  sketch  of  this  kind  must  be  necessarily 
imperfect,  for  it  is  impossible  for  any  one  person  to 
see,  hear,  and  describe  everything  that  occurred. 

Preparations  had  been  made  for  the  reception  and 
entertainment  of  the  company,  by  the  proper  com- 
mittees, at  Mrs.  Ashley's  residence.  The  extensive 
park  was  so  arranged  as  to  accommodate  the  throng 
of  persons  who  were  expected.  Seats  were  erected 
for  the  officers  of  the  day,  for  the  speakers  and  for  the 
ladies.  At  the  hour  appointed  by  the  marshal  of  the 
day,  the  people  commenced  to  assemble  at  the  court 
house,  and  several  associations  and  crafts  were  formed 
in  the  procession  as  they  advanced  on  the  ground. 
While  this  was  going  on,  the  steamboats  bringing  del- 
egations from  St.  Charles,  Hannibal,  Adams  county, 
111.,  and  Alton,  arrived  at  the  wharf,  with  banners 
unfurled  to  the  breeze,  and  presenting  a  most  cheering 
sight.  The  order  of  procession,  so  far  as  we  have  been 
able  to  obtain  it,  was  as  follows: 

Music  :  Brass  band. 

1.  Banner,  borne  by  farmers  from  the  northern  part 
of  St.  Louis  township.     This  banner  represented  the 
"  Raising  of  the  Siege  of  Fort  Meigs  "  and  bore  as  its 
motto,  "It  Has  Pleased  Providence,  We  Are  Victor- 
ious."    (Harrison's  dispatch.) 

2.  Officers  and    members  of  the  Tippecanoe  club, 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  143 

preceded  by  the  president,  Col.  John  O'Fallon.  with  a 
splendid  banner,  representing  a  hemisphere  surmounted 
by  an  American  eagle,  strangling  with  his  beak  a  ser- 
pent, its  folds  grasped  within  its  talons,  and  its  head 
having  the  face  of  a  fox  in  the  throes  of  death.  Above 
was  a  rainbow,  emblematic  of  hope,  in  which  was  the 
name  of  the  club.  Below  the  hemisphere  was  the  motto,, 
"The  Victor  iiTu,  Will  be  the  Victor  in  '40."  On  the 
reverse  side,  the  letters  ".T.  C."  The  members  six 
abreast. 

3.  Log  cabin  committee,  six  abreast. 

4.  The  president    and  vice-presidents  of  the  day. 

5.  Soldiers    who  served  under   Harrison  in  the  late 
war — in  a  car,  adorned  with    banners    on    each  side — 
one,  a  view  of  a  steamboat  named  Tippecanoe,  with  a 
sign  board,  "  For  Washington  City."     On  the  other,  a 
view  of  the  cabin  at  North    Bend,   the    farmer   at    his 
plow,    with    the    inscription,  "  Harrison,    the  Old  Sol- 
dier, Honest  Man,  and  Pure  Patriot." 

6.  Invited  guests  in  carriages. 

7.  Citizens  on  foot,  six  abreast,  bearing  banners  in- 
scribed, "  Harrison,  the  Friend  of  Pre-emption  Rights," 
"  One  Term  for  the  Presidency;"  "Harrison,  the  Peo- 
ple's Candidate;"  "Harrison,  the  People's  Sober  Sec- 
ond Thought;"  "Harrison,  He  Never  Lost  a  Battle;" 
"  Harrison,  the  Protector  of  the  Pioneers  of  the  West;" 
"  Harrison,  Tyler  and  Reform;"  "Harrison,  the  Poor 
Man's  Friend;"  "Harrison,  the  Friend  of  Equal  Laws 
and  Equal  Rights." 

8.  Citizens  on  horseback,  six  abreast. 

9.  Delegation  from  Columbia  Bottom. 

10.  Canoe,  "  North  Bend." 

11.  Boys  with  banners,  upon  one  of  which  was  in- 
scribed, "  Our  Country's  Hope,"  and  on  another,  "Just 
as  the  Twig  is  Bent,  the  Tree's  Inclined." 

These  boys  belonged  to  the  several  schools  of  the 
city;  were  regularly  marshaled,  and  presented,  by  the 
regularity  of  their  conduct,  a  most  interesting  spec- 
tacle. 

12.  Laborers,  with   their  horses  and  carts,  shovels, 
picks,    etc.,    with    a    banner   bearing   the    inscription. 


144  Reminiscences  of  the 

"  Harrison,  the  Poor  Man's  Friend— We  Want  Work." 

13.  A  printing  press  on  a  platform  with  banners,  and 
the  pressman   striking   off  Tippecanoe  songs,  and  dis- 
tributing them  to  the  throng  of  people  as  they  passed 
along,  followed  in  order  by  the  members  of  the  craft. 

14.  Drays,  with  barrels  of  hard  cider. 

15.  A  log  cabin  mounted  on  wheels,  and  drawn  by 
six  beautiful  horses,  followed  by  the  craft  of  carpenters 
in  great  numbers.       Over  the   door   of  the  cabin,   the 
words,  "The  String  of  the  Latch  Never  Pulled  In." 

16.  The -blacksmiths,     with     forge,     bellows,    etc., 
mounted  on  cars,  the   men  at   work.       Banner,   "  We 
Strike  for  Our  Country's  Good." 

17.  The  joiners  and  cabinet-makers;  a  miniature  shop 
mounted  on  wheels;  men  at  work;  the  craft  following  it. 

17.  A  large  canoe,   drawn  by   six  horses,  and  filled 
with  men. 

19.  Two  canoes,  mounted,  and  filled  by  sailors. 

20.  Fort  Meigs,  in  miniature.  40  by  15  feet,  drawn  by 
nine  yoke  of  oxen.     The  interior  filled  with  soldiers, 
in  the  usual  dress  of  that  day,  hunting  shirts,  leggins, 
leather  breeches,  etc.;  and  one  of  the  men  a  participant 
in   the   defense  of  Fort   Meigs.     At   every   bastion  of 
the  fort  the  muzzle  of  a  piece    of  ordnance   protruded 
itself,  and  from  another   point  a  piece  of  artillery  was 
fired,  at  short  intervals,  during  the  day.     The   whole 
was  most  admirably   got   up,  and  reflects  much  credit 
upon  the  friends  of  "  Old  Tip,"  to  be  found  at  the  "  Float- 
ing Dock." 

21.  Delegation  of  brickmakers,  with  apparatus,  clay, 
etc.,  and  men  at  work. 

22.  Delegation  of  bricklayers,  with   a  beautiful  ban- 
ner, representing    a    log  cabin,  brick   house  going  up, 
etc.,  and  followed  by  the  craft,  six  abreast. 

Band  of  music. 

23.  Delegation  from  Carondelet. 

24.  Delegation  from  Belleville,  111.,  with  banners. 
2^.  Delegation    from   Alton,  with   canoe,   drawn  by 

four  horses,  and  banners  representing  the  state  of  the 
country,  the  peculiar  notions  of  the  Loco  Foco  party 
about  the  reduction  of  the  prices  of  labor  to  the  stand- 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  145 

ard  of  the  hard-money  countries  of  Europe  and  of  Cuba; 
a  sub-treasury  box,  with  illustrations,  etc.  One  of  the 
banners  bore  the  inscription,  "  Connecticut  Election, 
4,600  Majority;  Rhode  Island,  1,500  Majority;"  and  a 
cunning  looking  fellow,  with  his  thumb  on  his  nose, 
and  twisting  his  fingers  in  regular  Samuel  Weller 
style,  saying,  "You  Can't  Come  It,  Matty."  This  dele- 
gation numbered  about  two  hundred  men. 

26.  Delegations   from  Hannibal  and    Pike  counties 
with  banners,  etc. 

27.  Delegation    from    Rockport   with    a   log   cabin, 
canoe,  banners,  etc. 

28.  Delegation  from  St.  Charles,  with  banners  bear- 
ing the   names  of  the  twenty-six   States,  borne  by  as 
many  individuals,  and  having  with  them   a   handsome 
canoe  drawn  by  four  horses. 

Arrived  at  the  southern  extremity  of  the  park,  the 
procession  halted  and  formed  in  open  order,  the  rear 
passing  to  the  front.  The  president  of  the  day,  John 
F.  Darby,  Esq.,  Mayor  of  St.  Louis,  soon  afterwards 
took  his  seat,  assisted  by  J.  Russel,  J.  P.  Gratiot,  J. 
Perry,  William  Tyler,  Robert  Walsh,  Dr.  James  W. 
Moss,  Thomas  Sappington,  H.  Von  Paul,  Edward 
Tracy,  L.  J.  Chauvin,  James  Clemens,  Jr. .John  Porcelle, 
John  K.  Walker,  James  McDonald,  Samuel  Mount, 
John  D.  Daggett,  James  J.  Wilkinson,  William  Carr 
Lane,  Frederick  Hyatt,  Thomas  D.  Yeats,  John  W. 
Johnson,  Stewart  Matthews,  John  Bobb,  William  H. 
Boyce,  George  Bushy,  and  Peter  Lindell,  as  vice-presi- 
dents. Charles  D.  Drake,  Esq.,  then  arose  and  ad- 
dressed the  assembled  multitude. 

The  people  were  then  successively  addressed  by  Mr. 
John  Hogan,  of  Illinois,  who,  as  was  also  Mr.  Baker, 
was  called  out  several  times  during  the  day;  by  L.  V. 
Bogy,  Logan  Hunton,  Lewis  F.  Thomas,  Wilson 
Primm,  Benj.  Lawhead,  Jas.  Denny,  J.  J.  Hardin,  of 
Jacksonville,  and  J.  L.  Dorsey. 

Colonel  John  O'Fallon  was  then  called  for,  and 
mounted  on  Fort  Meigs,  he  thus  addressed  the  people: 

"My  FELLOWT  CITIZENS:  I  feel  deeply  sensible  of 
the  honor  you  confer  upon  me  by  calling  me  to  ad- 

10 


146  Reminiscences  of  the 

dress  this  vast  concourse  of  intelligent  freemen.  My 
pursuits  in  life  have  led  me  into  retirement;  I  am 
wholly  unused  to  speaking  in  public.  This  fact,  al- 
though well  known  to  many  of  you,  I  had  reason  to 
believe,  would  not  excuse  me  on  the  present  occasion. 
Aware  that  my  known  acquaintance  with  the  eventful 
scenes  which  we  have  this  day  assembled  to  commem- 
orate, is  the  only  reason  for  this  call,  I  shall,  conse- 
quently, in  responding  to  it,  state  something  of  what  I 
know  in  relation  to  them. 

"It  was  on  the  first  day  of  February,  1813,  that  the 
army  of  General  Harrison  pitched  their  tents  upon, 
and  adjacent  to,  the  ground  where  Fort  Meigs  was 
erected,  and  commenced  the  construction  of  a  stock- 
ade, which  was  afterwards  surrounded  by  a  ditch  and 
embankments,  embracing  several  acres  of  ground. 
The  snow  was  deep  upon  the  ground,  and  the  weather 
extremely  cold;  and  although  the  troops  were  raw  and 
greatly  unaccustomed  to  such  severe  exposure,  their 
.ardor  never  abated.  Under  many  deprivations,  they 
performed  their  several  duties  with  zeal  and  alacrity; 
that  zeal  and  alacrity  which  spring  from  the  soldier's 
deep  confidence  in  the  tried  skill  and  courage  of  his 
commander,  and  his  warm  attachment  to  his  person. 
Early  in  April,  1813,  the  garrison  of  Fort  Meigs  num- 
bered about  1,000  effective  men;  two  brigades  of 
militia  having  been  discharged  in  consequence  of  the 
termination  of  their  period  of  service.  This  fact  being 
early  ascertained  by  the  British  general  commanding 
at  Maiden,  an  expedition  against  Fort  Meigs  was  im- 
mediately projected.  His  army  of  British  and  Indians 
was  near  4,000  strong,  and  he  gave  his  Indian  allies  the 
most  confident  assurances  that  he  could  carry  the 
fort  by  storm,  should  his  invitation  to  General  Harri- 
son to  surrender  with  the  honors  of  war  be  refused. 
He  had  a  heavy  park  of  artillery,  and  this,  with  im- 
agined weakness  of  our  defenses,  he  fancied  would 
give  him  a  ready  and  easy  conquest  of  the  fort.  And 
it  was  even  stipulated  between  the  British  general  and 
the  celebrated  Tecumseh,  that,  should  the  garrison  be 
taken  and  General  Harrison  remain  alive,  the  Ameri- 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  147 

can  commander  was  to  be  delivered  to  the  Indian,  who 
designed  to  wreak  upon  him  his  savage  vengeance  for 
the  death  of  his  many  braves  and  warriors  who  fell  at 
the  battle  of  Tippecanoe.  Vain  calculation!  Vain, 
this  premediated  purpose  of  base  and  barbarous 
malice!  The  god  of  battles  was  with  the.  brave 
American  general,  and  he  was  reserved  by  a  wise  and 
far-seeing  Providence,  to  be,  in  after  times,  the  proud 
hope,  the  high  blessings,  the  bright  prospects,  the 
noble  deliverer  of  his  country. 

"  Fort  Meigs  was  invested  and  cannonaded  with 
bombs  shells  and  red-hot  balls  for  seven  days,  during 
all  which  time  General  Harrison  was  ever  at  the  point 
of  danger,  planning  and  directing  the  defense,  and  by 
his  manner,  his  .voice,  his  sagacious  conduct,  and  his 
undaunted  courage,  inspiring  his  officers  and  men  with 
an  abiding  confidence  of  ultimate  victory.  General 
Proctor  was  at  length  driven  to  confess  that  he  was 
contending  with  a  commander  whose  courage  and 
military  talents  were  equal  to  any  emergency;  and 
despairing  of  redeeming  the  pledge  he  had  given  to 
his  army,  to  make  an  easy  conquest  of  the  garrison, 
and  being  informed  by  intercepted  communication 
that  General  Harrison  was  in  daily  expectation^  of 
re-enforcements,  he  determined  to  effect  that  by  strata- 
gem which  he  now  despaired  of  accomplishing  by 
open  warfare.  He  calculated  by  a  timely  and  well 
concerted  deception  to  decoy  into  an  ambuscade  a 
large  detachment  of  our  garrison — then  scarcely  suffi- 
cient effectually  to  man  the  defenses.  Should  he 
succeed  in  this  the  ready  sacrifice  of  the  fort  would 
inevitably  follow.  Suddenly  a  brisk  and  sharp  firing 
was  heard  in  a  thick  wood  near  the  fort,  through 
which  passed  the  road  to  the  interior.  The  alarm 
strongly  represented,  as  it  was  designed  to  do,  an 
Indian  engagement.  Shortly  afterwards  loud  wailing 
and  groans  were  heard,  as  would  naturally  proceed 
from  wounded  and  dying  men.  The  whole  garrison, 
at  once  concluded  that  an  attack  was  made  on  our 
brothers  in  arms  on  their  way  to  our  relief,  and  who 
had  the  strongest  claim  to  our  assistance.  Not  so, 


148  Reminiscences  of  the 

however,  with  General  Harrison.  He  alone  was 
incredulous.  Many  of  his  officers  waited  upon  him, 
and  almost  demanded  permission  to.  fly  to  the  rescue. 
For  a  time  the  greatest  excitement  prevailed  in  the 
garrison  at  the  idea  of  the  sacrifice  of  their  gallant 
comrades  without  an  attempt  to  save  them.  General 
Harrison's  sagacity  caught  the  design  of  the  enemy  in 
a  moment,  and  it  required  the  exercise  of  all  his  pow- 
erful influence  and  authority  to  subdue  the  impetuosity 
of  his  officers  and  men,  and  to  convince  them  of  this 
cunning  device  of  the  enemy  planned  for  their  desruc- 
tion. 

"About  2  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  5th  of  May, 
1813,  two  officers  came,  expresses  from  Gen.  Green 
Clay,  who  had  passed  the  Indian  lines,  under  cover  of 
the  night,  at  the  most  imminent  hazard  of  their  lives. 
They  brought  information  that  General  Clay,  with  his 
brigade  of  Kentucky  militia,  was  encamped  on  the 
river,  a  few  miles  above  the  fort,  to  which  he  would 
proceed  early  that  morning.  This  was  most  cheering 
intelligence  to  General  Harrison;  and  with  this  addi- 
tion to  his  force  he  determined  at  once  to  commence 
offensive. operations  by  attacking  the  enemy  at  every 
assailable  point,  dislodge  them  from  their  position, 
destroy  their  batteries,  and  thus  terminate  the  siege  of 
Fort  Meigs.  With  this  view,  two  officers  were 
immediatety  dispatched  to  General  Clay  with  orders 
to  land  about  a  mile  above  the  fort,  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  river,  a  detachment  of  800  men  under  one 
of  his  most  trustworthy  officers — to  move  upon  the 
British  batteries,  to  carry  them,  spike  the  cannon, 
destroy  the  ammunition  with  their  carriages,  and 
immediately  upon  the  accomplishment  of  this,  to  cross 
the  river  to  the  fort  under  cover  of  our  artillery. 

"The  brave  Colonel  Dudley  did,  in  a  most  gallant 
manner,  take  the  British  batteries  and  spiked  some 
pieces  of  their  cannon;  but.  too  confident  of  his  own 
strength,  and  ignorant  of  that  of  the  enemy,  to  be  soon 
made  available,  he  was  induced,  in  violation  of  his  in- 
structions, to  occupy  the  ground  taken  until  the  enemy 
had  time  to  collect  their  forces  in  an  adjacent  wood,  into 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  149 

which  he  was  cunningly  enticed  by  a  partial  firing  of 
a  few  Indians,  where,  after  a  bloody  conflict,  the  larg- 
est of  his  command  was  taken. 

"  General  Harrison  displayed,  in  the  judgment  of  all 
his  officers,  the  highest  order  of  military  talent  during 
the  siege,  for  his  efficient  plans  of  defense,  by  traveses 
through  and  across  the  encampment,  as  a  cover  for  his, 
the  manner  of  protecting  his  magazine,  the  object  of 
constant  attack,  as  well  as  for  the  plan,  direction  and 
most  opportune  execution  of  the  grand  objects  of  the 
two  sorties,  made  by  detachments  from  the  garrison  of 
Fort  Meigs  on  the  5th  of  May,  1813. 

"  The  first  sortie  was  directed  against  that  portion  of" 
the  Indians  and  Canadian  militia  investing  the  south  and 
west  end  of  the  fort,  for  the  purpose  of  drawing  them 
from  the  river,  whilst  General  Clay's  detachment  was 
effecting  their  entrance  into  the  fort. 

"The  second  sortie  commenced  its  movement  just  at 
the  moment  of  their  appearance,  on  the  opposite  side  of 
Dudley's  detachment,  advancing  upon  the  British  bat- 
teries, having  the  double  effect  of  engaging  the  Indians 
and  preventing  them  from  crossing  the  river  to  co-op- 
erate against  Dudley,  and  accomplishing  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  enemy's  batteries  on  the  southeast  side  of 
the  river. 

"On  no  occasion  during  the  last  war  were  greater 
honors  acquired  than  by  General  Harrison,  who  con- 
ceived and  directed,  and  the  gallent  men  who  executed 
his  orders  in  these  two  brilliant  sorties. 

"  In  both  engagements  our  troops,  wrhilst  utterly  ex- 
posed, advanced  upon  and  repulsed  the  enemy,  shel- 
tered as  he  was  by  his  position,  and  outnumbering  our 
men  four  to  one. 

"  In  the  last  sortie  our  men  marched  as  firmly  as  vet- 
erans to  the  very  mouths  of  the  British  cannon,  receiv- 
ing, unmoved,  their  constant  fire  of  grape  shot,  accom- 
panied by  a  most  galling  and  destructive  fire  from 
thousands  of  Indians  and  militia  on  our  front  and  flanks. 
Although  a  large  number  of  our  men  fell  and  perished 
upon  the  field  of  honor,  their  surviving  comrades  never 
paused  in  their  forward  march  until  the  batteries,  with 


150  Reminiscences  of  the 

a  large  portion  of  the  British  regulars  in  charge  of 
them,  were  captured,  and  the  whole  Indian  and  militia 
force  was  dispersed  and  routed.  Thus  ended  the 
memorable  siege  of  Fort  Meigs. 

"In  conclusion,  fellow-citizens,  allow  me  to  say  that 
I  had  the  honor  of  serving  under  General  Harrison  at 
the  battle  of  Tippecanoe,  during  the  siege  of  Fort  Meigs, 
and  at  the  battle  of  the  Thames.  I  can  say  that,  from  the 
commencement  to  the  termination  of  his  military  serv- 
ices in  the  last  war,  I  was  almost  constantly  by  his  side. 
I  was  familiar  with  his  conduct  as  governor  and  super- 
intendent of  Indian  affairs  of  the  Territory  of  Indiana, 
'and  after  the  return  of  peace,  as  commissioner  to  treat 
with  all  the  hostile  Indians  of  the  last  war  in  the 
Northwest,  for  the  establishment  of  a  permanent  rec- 
onciliation and  peace.  I  saw  also  much  of  General 
Harrison  whilst  he  was  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States. 

"Opportunities  have  thus  been  afforded  me  of  know- 
ing him  in  all  the  relations  of  life,  as  an  officer  and  as  a 
man,  and  of  being  enabled  to  form  a  pretty  correct 
estimate  of  his  military  and  civil  services,  as  well  as  his 
qualifications  and  fitness  for  office.  I  know  him  to  be 
open  and  brave  in  his  disposition,  of  active  and  indus- 
trious habits,  uncompromizing  in  his  principles,  above 
all  guile  and  intrigue,  and  a  pure,  honest,  noble-minded 
man,  with  a  heart  ever  overflowing  with  warm  and 
generous  sympathies  for  his  fellow-man.  As  a  military 
man,  his  daring,  chivalrous  courage  inspired  his  men 
with  confidence  and  spread  dismay  and  terror  to  his  ene- 
mies. In  all  his  plans  he  was  successful.  In  all  his 
engagements  he  was  victorious.  He  has  filled  all  the 
various  civil  and  military  offices  committed  to  him  by 
his  country,  with  sound  judgmentand  spotless  fidelity. 
In  every  situation  he  was  cautious  and  prudent,  firm 
and  energetic,  and  his  decisions  always  judicious.  His 
acquirements  as  a  scholar  are  varied  and  extensive,  his 
principles  as  a  statesman  sound,  pure  and  republican. 

"  If  chosen  President  he  will  be  the  President  of  the 
people  rather  than  of  a  party.  The  Government  will 
then  be  administered  for  the  general  good  and  welfare. 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  151 

His  election  will  be  the  dawn  of  a  new  era!  The 
reform  of  the  abuses  of  a  most  corrupt,  prolifigate  and 
oppressive  Government.  Then  will  end  the  ten  years' 
war  upon  the  currency  and  institutions  of  the  country. 
The  hard-money  cry  and  hard  times  will  disappear 
together.  Then  will  cease  further  attempts  to  increase 
the  wages  of  the  office-holders  and  reduce  the  wages 
of  the  people  to  the  standard  of  European  labor. 

"  Then  shall  we  see  restored  the  general  prosperity 
of  the  people,  by  giving  them  a  sound  local  currency, 
mixed  with  a  currency  of  a  uniform  value  throughout 
the  land.  The  revival  of  commerce,  of  trade,  enterprise 
and  general  confidence.  Then  the  return  of  happier, 
more  peaceful  and  more  prosperous  days,  when  cheer- 
fulness and  plenty  will,  once  more,  smile  around  the 
poor  man's  table." 

About  sunset  Fort  Meigs  was  brought  into  the  city 
and  stationed  opposite  the  court-house,  and  an  adjourn- 
ment took  place  until  after  supper.  At  that  time  a  con- 
siderable portion  of  the  toughest  of  the  multitude  re- 
assembled, and  were  addressed  until  eleven  o'clock  by 
Messrs.  Geyer,  Tunstall,  Logan,  John  Bobb,  Drake  and 
Captain  Mallet  in  animated  speeches,  which  were  re- 
sponded to  with  undiminished  enthusiasm.  About  the 
close  of  the  meeting  the  following  resolutions  were  of- 
fered by  Mr.  Drake,  and  adopted  with  three  cheers: 

Resolved,  That  the  Whig  young  men  of  St.  Louis 
county  will  respond  to  the  call  for  a  young  men's  con- 
vention at  Rocheport  on  the  2oth  of  June,  and  that  the 
cause  of  old  Tippecanoe  shall  not  suffer  because  they 
are  not  on  the  ground. 

Resolved,  That  five  hundred  of  the  real  "log  cabin 
and  hard  cider  boysr'  of  St.  Louis  county  will  stand  at 
a  corner  of  the  Rocheport  cabin  on  the  i8th,  and  join 
in  the  convention  of  the  zoth,  when  they  hope  to  meet 
ten  thousand  of  their  brethren  and  join  with  them  in 
doing  honor  to  the  farmer-statesman  of  the  West. 

Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  twenty  be  appointed 
to  select  the  five  hundred  who  shall  go. 

After  the  adoption  of  these  resolutions,  a  song  was 
sung,  and  the  company  dispersed. 


152  Reminiscences  of  the 

Thtis  ended  this  day's  proceedings.  Such  a  day  of 
political  excitement  never  has  been  known  in  Missouri. 
Such  an  assemblage  of  people  has  never  taken  place 
within  her  borders.  We  do  not  wish  to  mislea'd  bv 
exaggerating  the  number  who  were  in  the  park,  but 
we  are  certain  that  we  fall  short  of,  rather  than  over- 
estimate it,  when  we  put  it  at  from  eight  to  ten  thou- 
sand. This  glorious  day  cannot  soon  be  forgotten  by 
those  who  were  present.  The  young  and  the  old  will 
speak  of  it  with  mingled  delight  and  wonder;  and  we 
hope  and  believe  that  it  is  but  the  precursor  of  many 
such  meetings  in  Missouri,  by  which  she  may  yet  be 
saved  from  the  reproach  of  being  the  last  State  to  de- 
sert the  fortunes  of  Mr.  Van  Buren. 


TOM.  CORWIN  AT  PORTSMOUTH. 


The  Hon.  Thomas  Corwin  came  down  the  river  last 
Wednesday  in  the  steamer  General  Scott.  So  retired 
and  unassuming  is  he  in  his  deportment,  that  the  captain 
and  passengers  were  not  aware  who  he  was.  But 
scarce  had  the  boat  landed  at  our  wharf  before  he  was 
recognized  by  some  of  our  citizens.  The  word  was 
soon  spread,  and  a  crowd  of  our  people  gathered  to- 
gether at  the  American  House,  anxious  to  shake  the 
hand  of  this  distinguished  and  talented  son  of  Ohio. 
The  number  soon  became  too  large  to  enter  any  room 
of  the  hotel,  and  they  took  their  position  on  the  paver 
ment  in  front  of  the  hotel  and  called  for  "  Tom  Cor- 
win." This  call  brought  Mr.  Corwin  to  the  platform 
in  front  of  the  house,  from  which,  for  an  hour  and  a 
half,  he  addressed  the  assemblage  in  that  eloquent  and 
forcible  style  so  peculiarly  his  own,  upon  the  leading 
political  topics  of  the  day.  He  most  justly  sustained 
his  high  reputation  as  a  stump  speaker,  and  left  the 
Whigs  of  Portsmouth  proud  of  their  candidate  for 
governor. 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  153 

It  is  due  to  Captain  Dustam*  of  the  General  Scott, 
that  it  should  be  known,  that  as  soon  as  he  was  in- 
formed who  his  passenger  was  he  kindly  lay  at  the 
wharf  long  enough  to  enable  Mr.  Corwin  to  receive  the 
visits  of  our  people  and  to  address  them. 

On  leaving  the  wharf  the  boat  passed  up  the  river 
near  the  opposite  shore  until  above  the  upper  part  of  our 
town,  when  she  turned  round  and  passed  down  close 
to  the  wharf.  When  opposite  the  hotel,  her  engine 
was  stopped  for  a  few  moments,  and  while  floating  in 
the  stream,  the  citizens  along  the  street  gave  three 
cheers  for  "Tom  Corwin." 

Mr.  Corwin  is  on  his  way  home  to  visit  his  family, 
having  obtained  leave  of  absence  for  three  weeks.  He 
has  not  yet  resigned;  and  whether  he  resigns  at  all  de- 
pends upon  the  action  of  his  constituents. — Portsmouth 
Tribune. 


WILLIAM  C.  RIVES, 

A  PATRIOTIC  SON  OF  THE  OLD  DOMINION,  COMES 
STRAIGHT  OUT. 

Hon.  William  C.  Rives,  of  Virginia,  on  the  22d  of 
February,  ably  addressed  his  fellow-citizens  upon  the 
leading  political  topics  of  the  day.  having  specially  in 
view  the  exhibition  of  Mr.  Van  Buren's  unworthiness 
for  the  executive  office,  and  the  propriety  of  sustaining 
General  Harrison  in  opposition  to  him.  He  sums  up 
his  reasons  for  supporting  Harrison  in  this  manner: 

"  Regarding  General  Harrison,  for  reasons  I  have 
mentioned,  as  the  true  Republican  candidate  for  the 
Presidency  of  the  two  now  presented  to  the  choice  of 
the  country,  I  shall  unhesitatingly  give  him  my  support. 
I  shall  do  so  with  the  more  cheerfulness  because,  while 
best  consulting  thereby,  as  I  honestly  believe,  those 
great  Republican  principles  which  I  have  ever  consid- 
ered to  be  inseparably  united  with  the  happiness  of  my 
country,  I  shall  assist  to  confer  its  highest  meed  on  an 


154  Reminiscences  of  the 

eminent  citizen  who  has  rendered  it  the  most  signal 
and  important  services  *at  a  time,  when,  to  serve  meant 
something  far  other  than  merely  to  receive  the  emolu- 
ments of  office;  on  one  who,  having  successively  en- 
joyed the  confidence  of  Washington,  Jefferson  and 
Madison,  would  be  naturally  prompted  to  emulate  their 
high  example,  who,  in  all  the  various  and  delicate  trusts 
he  has  held,  has  ever  shown  that  he  preferred  his 
country  to  himself,  and  has  retired  from  all,  amid  the 
numerous  and  alluring  temptations  they  presented  to 
private  gain,  with  clean  hands  and  unsuspected  honor, 
neither  guilty  of  infidelity  himself  nor  winking  at  it 
in  others:  and  who  now  in  the  honorable  retirement 
of  private  life,  combining  the  ennobling  pursuits  of  the 
agriculturist,  the  scholar  and  the  patriotic  citizen,  is 
emphatically  one  of  the  people,  knowing  how  to  ap- 
preciate their  interests,  as  well  as  to  maintain  and 
defend  their  rights. 


MEETINGS  IN  MAY. 

GREAT  WHIG    MEETINGS  IN  MASSACHUSETTS  AND 

VERMONT. 

Thousands  of  people  from  Springfield,  Amherst, 
Northampton  and  the  adjacent  country  met  at  Green- 
field on  May  10.  More  than  six  thousand  farmers 
were  there  with  their  sunburnt  faces  and  horny  hands, 
marching  in  procession  that  they  might  testify  their 
devotion  to  the  cause  of  old  Tippecanoe.  The  Deer- 
field  farmers  wheeled  into  the  procession  with  a  team 
of  thirteen  yoke  of  prime  cattle,  banners  streaming  from 
the  head  of  each.  Bunches  of  ears  of  corn  hung  from 
the  sides  of  the  huge  car.  But  the  most  interesting 
sight  in  the  line  was  a  company  of  five  Revolution- 
ary soldiers  from  Coleraine — their  ages  averaging  86 — 
with  these  impressive  words  on  their  banner,  "The 
Last  Blood  of '76."  There  was  an  immense  assemblage 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  155 

of  ladies  and  others  on  the  brow  of  the  hill,  which 
cheered  each  delegation  as  it  passed.  One  of  the  ban- 
ners had  a  Florida  blood-hound  dressed  in  military. 
A  large  company  of  Vermont  mountaineers  were  pres- 
ent with  a  log  cabin. 

The  convention  was  organized  in  a  beautiful  field  in 
the  rear  of  the  First  Congregational  church,  Hon. 
George  Grinndl  presiding.  Patriotic  speeches  were 
made  by  General  Maltoon,  a  Revolutionary  sage  of  86 
years,  I.  C.  Bates,  Myron  Laurence,  and  General  Wil- 
son, of  New  Hampshire.  At  the  close  of  the  services 
the  assembly  partook  of  "the  soldier's  fare"  for  the 
old  soldier's  friend,  at  the  log  cabin.  The  highest  en- 
thusiasm prevails  through  the  hills  and  valleys  of  New 
England. 

At  old  Feneuil  Hall,  Boston,  there  was  a  grand  meet- 
ing on  the  1 2th  of  May  to  hear  the  report  of  the  dele- 
gates to  the  young  men's  national  convention  at  Balti- 
more. Speeches  were  made  by  Crozier  and  Hosmer, 
of  Tennessee,  Wickliffe,  of  Kentucky,  Governor  Ever- 
ett, and  others.  Hon.  Edward  Everett  presided. 

At  a  Whig  meeting  at  Bennington,  Vermont,  on  the 
nth,  there  was  a  procession  several  miles  long.  In  it 
a  wagon  drawn  by  twenty-five  yoke  of  oxen,  and  a 
wagon  containing  one  hundred  ladies  and  drawn  by 
twenty-five  horses,  with  the  banner  flying,  "Vermont, 
the  Star  that  Never  Sets." 


VARIOUS  MEETINGS. 


THE  TIPPECANOE  CLANS  ARE  RALLYING  FOR  BATTLE 

EVERYWHERE. 

On  the  2d,  3d,  and  4th  of  June,  there  was  a  big 
camp  meeting  of  the  friends  of  Harrison  and  reform  at 
Springfield,  Illinois.  It  was  largely  attended  by  the 
people  of  Sangamon,  and  all  the  surrounding  counties, 
and  also  from  Missouri,  Indiana,  and  Illinois,  and  was 


156  Reminiscences  of  the 

addressed  by  Edwards,  Lincoln,  Stewart,  Linder,  and 
others.  Upwards  of  20,000  people  were  present,  and 
the  zeal  and  enthusiasm  kindled  a  flame  that  fairly  set 
the  prairies  on  fire. 

On  the  i5th  there  was  a  grand  rally  in  Philadelphia. 
The  Pennsylvania  Inquirer  says: 

"  The  meeting  was  one  of  the  largest  and  most 
enthusiastic  ever  held  on  any  occasion  in  Philadelphia. 
The  hardy  Democracy  turned  but  in  thousands,  deter- 
mined to  omit  no  opportunity  for  the  expression  of 
their  sentiments  against  the  existing  dynasty,  with  its 
sub-treasury  and  standing  army,  and  in  favor  of 
the  long  tried  and  deeply  cherished  hero  and  civilian, 
whom  the  people  are  about  to  elevate  to  the  Chief 
Magistracy  of  the  nation.  Citizens  of  every  class  and 
rank  in  society  mingled  in  the  multitude,  all  devoted  to 
the  same  cause,  all  animated  by  the  same  feeling,  all 
looking  forward  to  the  results  of  the  coming  struggle,, 
as  to  the  bright  future  which  is  to  renerve  the  prostrate 
arm  of  enterprise,  and  once  more  rouse  the  mechanic 
and  the  manufacturer  into  activity  and  business.  The 
feeling  throughout  was  of  the  right  kind  indeed — earn- 
est and  harmonious." 

Among  the  banners  were  the  following  inscriptions: 
"Third  District— We  Set  the  Ball  in  Motion;"  on  an- 
other, "Kensington  is  Coming;"  on  a  third,  "This 
Banner  Was  Displayed  in  1813,  by  the  People,  After 
the  Defeat  of  Proctor,  by  General  Harrison." 

Spring  Garden,  Germantown.  and  Southwark, 
turned  out  in  great  force;  the  Cohocksink  boys  were 
also  present  with  a  neat  banner;  so  also  a  deputation 
from  Delaware  county,  and  from  various  parts  of  the 
county  of  Philadelphia.  When  arrived  at  the  square, 
the  scene  was  exciting,  gratifying,  and  imposing  in  an 
extraordinary  degree.  Even  the  most  sanguine  of 
our  friends,  who  expected  a  great  meeting,  "did  not 
venture  to  hope  that  a  popular  display,  called  at 
a.  brief  notice,  would  have  surpassed  anything  of 
the  kind  that  had  taken  place  in  Pennsylvania  since 
the  commencement  of  the  present  Presidential  cam- 
paign." 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  157 

The  venerable  John  Ely,  a  soldier  of  the  Revo- 
lution, presided,  assisted  by  a  number  of  vice-presi- 
dents. 

A  series  of  resolutions  were  offered  by  W.  B.  Reed, 
Esq.,  and  unanimously  adopted.  They  went  to  ex- 
press the  sentiments  of  those  present,  in  reference  to 
the  abuses  of  the  administration;  the  prostration  of 
credit  and  confidence  produced  by  the  policy  of  the 
executive;  the  necessity  for  a  change  of  rulers  before 
the  country  can  be  again  made  prosperous  and  happy; 
the  confidence  of  the  people  in  the  wisdom,  the  sa- 
gacity, and  patriotism  of  William  Henry  Harrison  and 
John  Tyler,  and  the  fixed  resolve  to  use  every  honor- 
able effort  to  promote  the  elevation  of  those  distin- 
guished citizens  to  the  highest  offices  in  the  gift  of  a 
free  people. 

After  the  adoption  of  the  resolutions,  the  celebrated 
"Ohio  Blacksmith,"  Mr.  Bear,  made  his  appearance, 
and  was  received  with  shouts  of  applause.  He  threw 
off  his  coat,  rolled  up  his  sleeves,  and,  for  the  space  of 
nearly  two  hours  held  the  attention  of  the  meeting  in 
a  speech  of  great  argumentative  power  and  effect,  en- 
livened and  illustrated  by  choice  and  appropriate 
anecdotes. 

The  meeting  was  further  addressed  by  Major 
Conover,  of  North  Bend;  the  Hon.  Waddy  Thompson, 
of  South  Carolina;  Mr.  Pope,  of  Tennessee;  Mr.  Jeni- 
fer, of  Maryland;  Mr.  Grinnell,  of  New  York,  and  sev- 
eral other  gentlemen. 

There  was  a  grand  rally  at  St.  Louis,  July  16,  at 
which  Hon.  S.  S.  Prentiss  delivered  one  of  the 
most  eloquent  speeches  that  ever  fell  from  the  lips 
of  ma'n. 

The  Whigs  of  Vermont  met  in  a  monster  conven- 
tion on  the  4th,  and  chose  Hon.  Solomon  Foot  presi- 
dent, and  fourteen  vice-presidents.  Hon.  Samuel  C. 
Craft  and  Hon.  Ezra  Meek  were  chosen  electors  for 
the  State-at-large.  The  old  State  officers  were  nomi- 
nated with  entire  unanimity.  The  Whitehall  Chroni- 
cle says: 

The  assemblage  was,  by  far,  the  largest  ever  known 


158  Reminiscences  of  the 

in  Vermont,  and  variously  estimated  at  from  10,000  to 
15,000. 

This  vast  assemblage,  from  every  county  in  the 
State,  was  early  erganized  under  the  direction  of  Col. 
H.  Thomas,  marshal  of  the  day,  in  procession  and 
marched  through  the  principal'streets  of  the  village, 
then  to  College  hill,  thence  north  to  Pearl  street,  down 
which  to  the  square,  at  which  time  the  last  of  the  pro- 
cession were  just  falling  into  line.  It  was  more  than 
three  miles  long. 

In  the  afternoon  the  people  were  addressed  from  a 
platform  in  front  of  the  court  house  by  Messrs.  Adams 
and  Upham,  of  Vermont;  E.  D.  Culver,  of  New 
York,  and  General  Wilson  of  New  Hampshire,  with 
their  usual  eloquence  and  ability,  for  more  than  six 
hours.  Acres  of  men  were  listening  to  them  with  an 
intensity  of  interest  commensurate  with  the  great 
objects  for  which  they  were  assembled. 

At  Worcester,  Massachusetts,  there  was  a  mighty 
gathering  of  Whigs.  The  following  electors  were 
chosen:  Isaac  M.  Bates,  Peleg  Sprague,  Robert  G. 
Shaw,  Stephen  C.  Phillips,  Rufus  Longley,  Sydney 
Willard,  Ira  M.  Benton,  George  Grennell,  Thaddeus 
Pomeroy,  Samuel  Mixter,  Thomas,  French,  Wilks, 
Wood,  Joseph  Tripp  and  John  B.  Thomas. 

There  was  a  large  meeting  at  Westminster,  Mary- 
land. Jacob  Matthias  was  president;  Thomas  Hook 
vice-president,  and  Elias  Youghing.  which  was  ad- 
dressed by  William  Pitts  and  others. 

At  Tuscaloosa,  Alabama,  June  ist,  over  one  thousand 
Whigs  met  in  convention,  and  were  presided  over  by 
Judge  Hunter,  who  had  headed  the  Van  Bure,n  elec- 
torial  ticket  in  1836,  and  had  voted  the  party  ticket 
since.  They  nominated  for  Presidential  electors  Ar- 
thur F.  Hopkins,  James  Abercrombie,  John  Gayle, 
Henry  W.  Hilliard,  Thomas  Williams,  Harry  J. 
Thornton  and  Nicholas  Davis.  The  gathering  was 
eloquently  addressed  by  Hon.  H.  W.  Hilliard  and 
others. 

The  Whigs  of  Maryland  met  in  State  convention  and 
nominated  for  Harrison  electors,  David  Hoffman,  John 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  159 

L.  Kerr,  Thomas  A.  Spencer,  Theodore  E.  Lockerman, 
George  Howard,  John  T.  Kennedy,  Richard  J.  Bowie, 
Jacob  A.  Preston,  James  M.  Coole  and  Wm.  T. 
Cotton.  Hon.  Reverdy  Johnson,  Charles  H.  Pitts, 
J.  L.  Ridgley,  William  Pitts,  and  others  addressed 
them. 

The  Whig  convention  of  Maine,  at  Augusta,  on  the 
i7th,  had  over  two  thousand  present.  Edward  Kent 
was  nominated  for  Governor,  and  the  State  went  "hell 
bent"  for  him.  Isaac  Ilsley  and  Gen.  Isaac  Hodedon 
were  nominated  for  electors  at  large.  There  was 
great  enthusiasm. 

The  Whig  State  convention  of  New  Hampshire  met 
at  Concord  and  put  a  strong  ticket  in  the  field.  The 
electors  chosen  were  as  follows:  Joseph  Healey, 
George  W.  Nesmith,  Joseph  Cilley,  Andrew  Pierce, 
William  Bixley,  Thomas  D.  Edwards,  and  Amos  A. 
Brewster.  Over  five  thousand  were  present. 

Over  twenty  thousand  people  were  at  the  great  Fort 
Meigs  convention.  The  steamboat  General  Wayne 
carried  twelve  hundred  to  the  grand  rally  for  the  old 
hero,  Harrison. 

On  the  I9th  of  June  the  largest  meeting  ever  in  Del- 
aware was  held  at  Delaware  city,  to  do  honor  to  the 
hero  of  Fort  Meigs. 

The  Whigs  of  New  Orleans  had  a  tremendous  meet- 
ing on  the  24th,  which  was  addressed  by  the  gal- 
lant Prentiss,  of  Mississippi,  who  exhorted  them  to  meet 
the  expectations  of  the  country  and  to  send  up  their 
voice  to  the  National  Capital  in  a  tone  of  thunder.  A 
correspondent  says,  "  We  did  so,  though  we  expect  to 
hear  of  the  death  of  some  of  the  young  Kendalls. 
Prentiss  gave  us  the  most  brilliant  speech  we  ever 
heard.  Wit,  sarcasm,  logic,  declamation,  humor — all 
were  blended  together  in  a  style  of  magnificence  never 
surpassed.  He  says  Van  Buren  is  a  little  yawl  at- 
tached to  the  great  steamboat,  General  Jackson.  That 
it  comes  with  ill-grace  from  him  to  denounce  General 
Harrison  as  an  imbecile  and  no  general,  when  he  him- 
self is  nothing  more  than  a  commander-in-chief  of 
Cuban  blood-hounds." 


160  Reminiscences  of  the 


IN  MARYLAND. 


THE  SHARPSBURG  MEETING — ITS  PROCESSION,  MOT- 
TOES AND  ORATORS. 

June  8,  1840. 

DEAR  GENERAL:  More  than  six  thousand  persons 
are  assembled  here  to  respond  to  the  nomination  of 
Harrison  and  Tyler.  This  is  a  spontaneous  burst  of 
enthusiasm .  From  mountain  and  valley,  over  rivers  and 
streamlets,  they  came  to  evince  their  hearty  and  en- 
thusiastic admiration  of  the  pure  hero  of  Tippecanoe, 
and  their  disapprobation  of  the  bloodhound,  standing 
army,  sub-treasury  administration  of  Martin  Van  Bu- 
ren.  Berkley  and  Jefferson  counties,  of  Virginia,  sent 
fifteen  hundred  Whigs  over  the  Potomac;  Washington 
and  Frederick  counties  made  up,  with  a  little  help  from 
Allegany,  the  balance.  It  is  a  miniature  of  the  great 
convention  of  the  4th  of  May. 

After  the  people  had  assembled  they  were  called 
to  order  by  a  song,  sung  by  an  Ohioan.  Mr.  Weisel,  of 
Hagerstown,  then  addressed  them  from  a  stand  erected 
in  the  square,  in  a  happy  and  animated  speech.  His 
allusions  to  Virginia,  her  eminent  statesmen,  and  her 
late  glorious  conduct  were  peculiarly  appropriate. 

He  was  responded  to  by  Dr.  Quigley,  of  Virginia, 
who  addressed  the  assemblage  in  a  short  but  spirited 
speech.  Dr.  Quigley  was  followed  by  Capt.  John 
vSnyder,  of  Harper's  Ferry;  he  has  been  on  the  stump 
before,  or  I  am  much  mistaken;  his  speech  was  an 
excellent  one.  Mr.  Perry  OrndorfT,  a  soldeir  under 
Harrison  at  the  siege  of  Fort  Meigs,  followed  Captain 
Snyder,  and  spoke  nearly  as  follows:  "I  have  heard 
my  general  slandered  and  defamed;  I  have  even  heard 
him  represented  as  a  coward.  My  fellow-citizens,  it 
makes  my  blood  boil  in  my  veins  to  hear  the  man  wrho 
was  foremost  when  the  battle  was  hardest,  slandered 
by  men  whose  lives  have  been  a  reproach  to  those  mas- 
culine exercises  and  virtues  which  have  distinguished 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  161 

his,  and  for  which  all  men  are  formed.  Yes,  my  fel- 
low-citizens, these  men,  whose  infancy  was  cradled  in 
down,  and  whose  riper  years  have  been  fed  on  treasury 
pap  from  a  golden  spoon,  without  the  slightest  knowl- 
edge of  hardship  or  a  soldier's  sufferings,  stigmatize 
my  old  commander  as  a  coward.  Fellow-citizens,  it  is 
false.  I  know  General  Harrison  is  a  brave  and  wise 
man.  I  fought  under  him  at  Fort  Meigs  against  the 
British  and  Indians;  and  I  cheerfully  fight  under  him 
now,  against  a  standing  army  of  200,000  men.  agains't 
an  army  of  defaulting  office  holders,  and  against  the 
human  bloodhounds  who  remorselessly  hunt  down 
and  murder  private  reputation  and  martial  fame.  He 
led  me  to  victory  in  the  first  war,  and  he  will  lead  me 
and  all  of  us  to  victory  over  his  and  our  bloodhound 
persecutors."  As  soon  as  the  old  soldier  concluded, 
the  procession  was  formed  by  John  Brinn,  of  Antietam 
iron  works,  chief  marshal,  assisted  by  the  district  mar- 
shals, whose  names  will  be  given  with  their  districts 
in  the  following  order: 

The  chief  marshal  and  three  aids  led  the  procession; 
then  followed  a  band  of  music,  next  came  the  Clear 
Spring  delegation,  bearing  in  advance  a  banner,  hav- 
ing for  a  motto  the  candid  confession  and  game 
defiance:  "Clear  Spring  District,  No.  4;  Often  Beaten 
But  Never  Conquered."  Their  second  banner  was  a 
portrait  of  Harrison,  with  the  inscription,  "Hero  of 
Tippecanoe;"  their  third  banner  was  the  national  flag 
with  an  eagle  holding  a  scroll,  on  it  was  the  national 
motto,  "E  Pluribus  Unum."  The  Sharpsburg  district 
came  next,  attended  by  its  marshals,  David  Smith, 
Samuel  Mumma,  David  Hill,  Thomas  G.  Harris,  Jo- 
seph Porter,  David  R.  Miller  and  Jonathan  Hill;  their 
first  banner  in  front  represented  a  blacksmith  at  work; 
above  this  picture  was,  "Antietam  Iron  Works,"  be- 
low, the  motto.  "Strike  While  the  Iron  Is  Hot;"  on  the 
reverse  the  motto,  "  By  Industry  We  Thrive;"  their 
second  banner  bore  the  motto,  "  Harrison  and  Tyler, 
Our  Country's  Hope," 

"Martin  Van  Buren  you  won't  do, 
The  people's  choice  is  Tippecanoe." 

11 


162  Reminiscences  of  the 

Their  third  banner  had,  "The  Voters  of  Antietam  Iron 
Works  Know  How  to  Appreciate  the  Worth  of  Gen. 
William  Henry  Harrison."  The  people  from  Middle- 
town  Valley,  in  Frederick  county,  followed  next,  their 
marshals  were  the  same  as  Boonsboro's;  below  their 
banner  was  a  starred  blue  satin  flag,  with  blue  stream- 
ers, on  which  were  Harrison  and  Tyler;  the  motto  on 
the  flag  was,  "From  Mountain  and  Valley,  We  Rally. 
We  Rally."  The  gallant  array  of  Tippecanoe  boys 
'from  Harpei's  Ferry,  preceded  by  martial  music,  came 
next;  their  first  banner  was  a  likeness  of  General  Har- 
rison, with  the  descriptive  inscription,  "Farmer  of 
North  Bend  and  Hero  of  Tippecanoe;"  their  next  or- 
namental display  was  the  river  Thames,  with  a  canoe 
named  Tippecanoe  in  it,  and  in  the  canoe  was  a  minia- 
ture Fort  Meigs,  and  in  the  fort  was  John  Orndorff, 
the  old  boldier  who  assisted  in  the  defense  of  the  real' 
Fort  Meigs,  the  stars  and  stripes  raised  over  every  bas- 
tion; their  third  was  a  ship  and  plow  with  the  motto, 
"  Commerce  and  Agriculture."  The  officers  of  this 
delegation  were,  Captain  J.  Stryder,  chief  marshal, 
John  T.  Hinkle,  Lewis  W.  Washington,  Thomas  Boet- 
ter,  Collin  Peter  and  Samuel  Stryder,  assistant  mar- 
shals. The  Shepherdstown  district  followed  the  Har- 
per's Ferry  boys;  they  were  led  by  Major  Hamtranck, 
their  chief  marshal,  and  his  aide,  Wm.  Fouke,  Esq., 
assisted  by  Alexander  R.  Boteler,  Dr.  Thomas  Ham- 
mond, Henry  Boteler,  B.  T.  Towner,  James  Chap- 
lino,  Wm.  Lemmon,  John  Ernst  and  A.  Cameron, 
assistant  marshals;  their  first  banner  was  the  Virginia 
coat  of  arms  (the  goddess  of  liberty  with  one  foot  on 
the  neck  of  a  satyr),  on  the  reverse  were  the  mottoes, 
"  Domestic  Manufactures,"  and  "  No  Reduction  of 
Wages,"  "No  Standing  Army  in  Time  of  Peace;" 
their  second  banner  bore  the  inscription,  "Tip  and 
Tyler,"  and  the  motto,  "  Harrison,  the  Hero  of  Tippe- 
canoe." 

Next  came  the  Boonsboro'  Harrison  men;  their  mar- 
shals were,  Jos.  Weast,  chief  marshal;  Elias  Davis, 
Robert  Fowler,  Elias  Snavely,  Josiah  Snavely  and 
Allen,  assistant  .marshals.  The  Boonsboro' and 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  163 

Middletown  delegations  were  consolidated.  Their  first 
banner  bore  in  front  the  motto,  "  Our  Country's  Good, 
Our  Only  Aim;  "  on  the  reverse,  "  We  Honor  Virtue," 
"  We  Reward  the  Brave."  Their  second  banner  bore 
a  pair  of  scales,  with  a  sub-treasury  and  standing  army 
on  one  side,  and  a  barrel  of  hard  cider  on  the  other; 
the  cider  weighed  them  down. 

Hagerstown,  Beaver  Creek,  Cavetown  and  Lecters- 
bury  consolidated  into  one,  and  numbering  more  than 
one  thousand,  came  next;  their  marshals,  Dr.  J.  C. 
Dorsey,  chief  marshal;  Henry  J.  Bentz,  Jno.  Martenny, 
William  Miller,  Jno.  Thruston,  Samuel  McCarty,  Jno. 
Gantz,  Samuel  Bloom,  Jacob  Windens,  assistant  mar- 
shals of  Hagerstown.  Peter  Coblentz,  chief  marshal; 
Samuel  Keedy,  chief  marshal;  Jos.  Snavely,  Samuel 
Baker,  .John  Kerr,  assistant  marshals,  etc.  The.  ban- 
ners of  this  party  were  sixteen  in  number. 

1.  American  flag  and  gilt  eagle. 

2.  "The  Tip  of  All  Tips  is  Tippecanoe." 

3.  Motto,  "  We  Go  for  a  Strong  Team,  and  Old  Tip 
for  the  Driver." 

The  others,  to  the  twelfth,  were  not  different  from 
some  we  have  given. 

12.  A  large  box  of  provisions  behind  a  wagon,  with 
the  label,  "  Farmers'  Fare  and  Some  to  Spare." 

13.  A   wagon,  with  eight  black   horses,  each  horse 
bearing  a  flag  with  the  motto,  "Tip's  Coming." 

14.  Motto,     "General     Harrison's     Beaver     Creek 
Friends." 

The  noble  farmers,  from  Pleasant  Valley,  came  next, 
with  the  expressive  motto  on  their  banner,  "  Pleasant 
Valley,  a  Terror  to  Loco  Focoism." 

Berkley  county,  Virginia,  wound  up  the  procession 
with  a  splendid  array  of  banners  borne  in  wagons,  log 
cabins,  etc.  Their  log  cabin  had  a  full-length  portrait 
of  Harrison  in  front. 

1.  Banner,  motto,  "The  Yeoman." 

2.  "Liberty  and  Union,  Now  and  Forever,  One  and 
Inseparable."     "For  President,  William  Henry  Harri- 
son; for  Vice-President,  John  Tyler." 

3.  Motto,  "  One  Presidential  Term." 


164  Reminiscences  of  the 

4.  "  Safety  of  the  Public  Money." 

5.  "  General  Good  of  the  People." 

6.  "  Integrity  of  the  Public  Servants." 

7.  "  We    Have    Flung   the    Broad    Banner    of    Our 
Country  to  the  Breeze."     "Union  of  the  Whigs  for 
the  Sake  of  the  Union." 

On  a  wagon  were  the  following  mottoes: 
j"5o  Cents."  "i  Cent."  ) 

((Wild  Cat.)  (RedDog.)f 

"The  Hard  Currency." 

A  painting  of  Van  Buren  running  from  Capitol  Hill 
and  a  big  ball  rolling  down  after  him. 

A  painting  of  Benton  rolling  a  ball,  solitary  and 
alone. 

A  motto,  "  Down  with  Van  Buren  Principles,  Sub- 
Treasury  and  Standing  Army." 

A  painting  of  Van  Buren,  sword  in  hand,  re- 
viewing his  regiment  of  bloodhounds.  This  was 
one  of  the  most  laughable  caricatures  I  have  ever 
seen. 

After  the  procession  had  marched  through  the  vil- 
lage and  countermarched  to  the  square,  William 
Price,  Esq.,  was  elected  president.  So  enthusiastic 
was  the  multitude  that,  without  any  further  organiza- 
tion, Mr.  Price  was  called  out  by  acclamation.  He 
spoke  about  fifteen  minutes,  and  was  followed  by  Col. 
James  M.  Coale,  elector  for  this  district.  Colonel  Coale 
spoke  about  an  hour.  It  is  not  sufficient  to  say  Messrs. 
Price  and  Coale  spoke  well;  they  both  spoke  with 
eloquence;  the  latter,  from  the  length  of  time  he 
occupied,  had  a  better  opportunity  than  the  former  of 
indulging  in  that  quaint  humor  which  is  suited  to  the 
stump.  Mr.  J.  P.  Kennedy  spoke  in  his  best  style;  his 
speech  was  an  able  one.  Mr.  David  Hoffman  spoke 
but  a  short  time,  and  concluded  by  introducing  one  of 
nature's  noblemen,  Mr.  Baer,  the  Ohio  Blacksmith. 
He  made  the  best  speech  I  have  ever  heard;  not  in 
manner;  but  in  matter. 

The  meeting  "dispersed  before  sundown  to  enable 
the  sturdy  Whigs  of  Virginia  and  Maryland  to  return 
home. 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  165 

I  had  forgotten  to  mention  a  beautiful  evergreen 
arch  thrown  across  the  principal  street  of  Sharpsburg, 
and  surmounted  by  the  star-spangled  banner;  and 
also  the  Sharpsburg  log  cabin,  the  same  you  saw  in 
Baltimore  on  the  4th  of  last  month.  It  was  placed  in 
the  square  with  a  living  bear  chained  on  the  roof,  and 
several  living  opossums,  racoons,  etc.,  perched  among 
the  branches  of  a  tree,  which  seemed  to  shoot  from  its 
center.  Yours,  F.  H. 


DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA. 


GREAT  HARRISON  FESTIVAL  AT  ALEXANDRIA,  DIS- 
TRICT OF  COLUMBIA. 

The  Madisonian  of  June  19,  contains  a  full  account 
of  the  proceedings  of  the  meeting  of  the  friends  of 
Harrison  and  reform,  at  Alexandria,  from  which  we 
are  only  enabled  to  give  extracts.  Washington  and 
Georgetown  were  fully  and  ably  represented. 

"Among  the  distinguished  visitors  from  Washing- 
ton, we  noticed  Mr.  Webster,  Mr.  Crittenden,  Mr. 
Preston,  and  Mr.  Phelps,  of  the  Senate;  Messrs.  King, 
of  Georgia,  Jenifer,  Graves,  Waddy  Thompson,  Biddle, 
Hill,  Hoffman,  Wise,  Graham,  James  Garland,  the 
mayor  of  Washington,  Colonel  Washington,  and  sev- 
eral others.  Upon  landing  from  the  boats,  they  were 
received  by  the  committee  and  welcomed  in  a  very 
beautiful  and  appropriate  address  by  the  mayor." 

The  honor  of  replying  to  this  address,  was,  by  the 
spontaneous  concurrence  of  all.  conceded  to  Mr.  Web- 
ster. His  remarks  were  brief,  but  admirably  appro- 
priate and  imbued  throughout  with  deep  and  genuine 
emotion. 

The  ladies  are  represented  as  having  taken,  as  they 
always  do,  the  most  noticeable  share  in  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  day. 


1 66  Reminiscences  of  the 

On  arriving  at  the  spot  selected  for  the  festival,  ex- 
cellent arrangements  were  found  to  have  been  made 
for  the  accommodation  of  those  who  wished  to  partici- 
pate. A  number  of  patriotic  toasts  were  drank,  and 
Mr.  Webster  again,  in  response  to  calls,  made  one  of 
his  most  eloquent  responses,  concluding  thus:  ''Can 
we  lose  anything  by  a  change?  Let  us,  then,  go  for- 
ward together.  We  have  made  William  Henry  Harri- 
son the  bearer  of  our  standard,  and  while  he  holds  it, 
it  shall  not  fall,  unless  we  fall  along  with  it."  Mr. 
Crittenden  pronounced  a  glowing  eulogium  upon  the 
character  and  services  of  General  Harrison,  and  re- 
lated many  anecdotes  illustrative  of  his  courage,  his 
disinterestedness,  his  moderation  and  his  humanity. 
Messrs.  Wm.  Preston.  Ogden  Hoffman,  Biddle,  of 
Pennsylvania,  Wise,  King,  Waddy  Thompson,  Phelps, 
of  Vermont;  James  Garland,  Graves,  Hill,  of  Virginia; 
Graham,  of  North  Carolina,  and  Mr.  Janney,  the  Whig 
elector  for  London  county,  Virginia,  severally  ad- 
dressed the  meeting.  The  proceedings  closed  by  a 
speech  of  uncommon  force  and  spirit  from  Mr.  Wise. 


HARRISON  AMONG  THE  PEOPLE. 


His    SPEECH    AT   COLUMBUS,    OHIO,  JUNE   n,   1840. 

General  Harrison  left  his  home  to  visit  the  site  of 
old  Fort  Meigs.  He  arrived  at  Columbus  on  the  after- 
noon of  Friday  week,  and  left  at  10  o'clock  next  morn- 
ing. The  short  period  he  was  present  in  that  city  was 
remarkably  interesting.  At  the  moment  he  was  about 
to  depart  he  was  constrained  to  answer  the  calls  of  the 
sovereign  people,  and  he  accordingly  addressed  them 
nearly  an  hour  in  the  frank  and  manly  spirit  of  a  sol- 
dier. We  have  read  his  remarks  with  unalloyed  de- 
light. No  man  of  any  party  who  has  a  heart  can  pe- 
ruse them  without  an  honest  emotion  of  satisfaction. 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  167 

What  a  relief  is  such  a  speech  from  the  bitter  tirades  of 
party  slang- whangers?  The  following  we  find  in  the 
Ohio  Confederate  of  the  nth  of  June: 

"  General  Harrison  left  Cincinnati  on  Thursday;  he 
arrived  here,  a  distance  of  one  hundred  and  twenty 
miles,  at  5  o'clock  p.  M.  on  Friday.  He  was  on  his 
feet  receiving  the  calls  and  congratulations  of  our  citi- 
zens for  hours  after  his  arrival.  In  the  evening  he  re- 
paired, by  invitation,  to  the  log  cabin,  where  additional 
hundreds  had  congregated  to  meet  this  beloved  and 
venerated  patriot.  Here,  with  the  frankness  and  un- 
reservedness  which  have  marked  his  character  through 
life,  did  he  mingle  for  two  hours  with  the  *•  log  cabin 
boys"  of  the  capital.  Long  before  the  sun  and  before 
our  youth  were  astir,  the  general  was,  on' the  morning 
of  the  morrow,  up  and  about.  Having  breakfasted 
with  a  friend  at  a  remote  part  of  the  city,  he  was  soon 
again  surrounded  by  the  multitude  of  our  people,  who 
refused  to  be  satisfied  without  seeing  and  communing 
with  him.  The  period  of  his  departure  was  at  hand — 
the  crowd  increased;  it  was  impossible  that  in  the 
brief  interval  every  one  could  be  presented  individually 
to  the  general,  and  all  were  anxious  to  see  and  hear 
him.  At  the  instance  of  a  friend,  who  noticed  the 
popular  solicitude,  the  general,  from  the  platform  of 
the  door  of  the  National  Hotel,  addressed  the  people  for 
half  an  hour  or  more.  We  wish  that  every  man  in 
America  had  heard  that  speech.  How  would  the  de- 
famers  of  this  great  and  good  man  have  dwindled  in 
their  estimation  into  merited  insignificance.  How 
would  the  slanderers  who  impute  to  him  motives  which 
never  actuated  him,  and  opinions  which  he  never  held, 
and  designs  which  he  never  entertained,  and  princi- 
ples which  he  never  cherished,  and  who  infamously 
ascribe  to  him  imbecility  and  decrepitude  and  cow- 
ardice— how  would  these  slanderers  have  been  indig- 
nantly rebuked  by  the  righteous  judgment  of  an  honest 
and  insulted  people  ?  But  as  they  did  not  and  could 
not  hear  it,  we  will  endeavor  to  possess  them  of  its 
substance.  We  took  no  notes.  Neither  General  Har- 
rison nor  any  other  person  thought  of  his  making  a 


1 68  Reminiscences  of  the 

public  address  two  minutes  before  he  commenced  it. 
It  arose  out  of  the  circumstances  which  surrounded  him 
at  the  moment,  and  signally  illustrated  a  quality  of  his 
character  to  which  we  have  before  alluded,  the  ability 
always  to  say  and  to  do  exactly  what  is  proper  to  be 
said  and  done.  The  reader  will  bear  in  mind,  there- 
fore, that  we  profess  only  to  give  him  the  subject-mat- 
ter, not  the  style  and  expression  of 

GENERAL    HARRISON'S     REMARKS. 

General  Harrison  said  he  was  greatly  indebted  to 
his  fellow-citizens  of  Columbus  and  Franklin  county; 
the  most  cordial  hospitality  had  at  all  times  been 
accorded  to  him  by  them.  So  long  ago  as  the  time 
when  he  was  honored  with  the  command  of  the  North- 
western army,  and  held  his  headquarters  at  Franklin- 
ton,  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  it  was  his  fortune  to 
find  in  the  people  of  Franklin  county  not  only  good 
citizens,  but  patriots  and  soldiers.  Their  unvarying 
kindness  to  him  had  laid  him  under  many  previous 
obligations,  and  their  generous  attentions  on  the  present 
occasion  he  cheerfully  and  gratefully  acknowledged. 

He  said  he  had  no  intention  to  detain  his  friends  by 
making  a  speech,  and  he  did  so  in  obedience  to  what 
he  understood  to  be  the  desire  of  those  whom  he 
addressed.  He  was  not  surprised  that  public  curiosity 
was  awakened  in  reference  to  some  things  which  had 
been  lately  published  concerning  him,  nor  was  he 
unwilling  to  satisfy  the  feelings  of  his  fellow-citizens 
by  such  proper  explanations  as  became  him  in  his 
present  position  before  the  country.  He  confessed 
that  he  had  suffered  deep  mortification  since  he  had 
been  placed  before  the  people  as  a  candidate  for  the 
highest  office  in  their  gift — nay,  the  most  exalted 
station  in  the  world — that  any  portion  of  his  country- 
men should  think  it  necessary  or  expedient  to  abuse, 
slander  or  villify  him.  His  sorrow  arose  not  so  much 
from  personal — dear  as  was  to  him  the  humble  reputa- 
tion he  had  earned — as  from  public  considerations. 
He  might  draw  consolation,  under  this  species  of 
injury,  from  the  revelations  of  history,  which  showed 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  169 

that  the  best  of  men,  who  had  devoted  their  lives 
to  the  public  service,  had  been  the  victims  of  tra- 
duction.  But  virtue  and  truth  are  the  foundations 
of  our  republican  system.  When  these  are  disregarded, 
our  free  institutions  must  fall;  he  looked,  therefore,  at 
symptoms  of  demoralization  with  sincere  regret  as 
betokening  danger  to  public  liberty.  A  part  of  the 
political  press,  supporting  the  existing  administration, 
and  certain  partizans  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  also  a  candi- 
date for  that  high  office,  to  which  some  of  those  whom 
he  addressed  desired  to  elevate  him,  had  invented  and 
propagated  many  calumnies  against  him,  but  he  pro- 
posed on  the  present  occasion  to  speak  of  one  only  of 
the  numerous  perversions  and  slanders  which  filled 
the  columns  of  the  newspapers,  a'nd  misrepresented 
his  character  and  conduct.  He  alluded  to  the  story  of 
his  famous  "confidential  committee,"  as  they  called  it. 
"The  story  goes,"  said  General  Harrison,  "that  I  have 
not  only  a  committee  of  conscience-keepers,  but  that 
they  put  me  in  a  cage,  fastened  with  iron  bars,  and 
kept  me  in  that."  To  one  who  looked  at  his  bright 
and  sparkling  eye,  the  light  which  beamed  in  its  rich 
expression,  the  smile  which  plaved  upon  his  counte- 
nance, blending  the  lineaments  of  benevolence  and 
firmness;  who  remembered  also  that  he  was  listening 
to  the  voice  of  a  son  of  old  Governor  Harrison,  one  of 
"the  signers,"  the  pupil  of  old  "Mad  Anthony,"  the 
hero  of  Tippecanoe,  the  defender  of  Fort  Meigs,  the 
conqueror  of  Proctor — the  idea  of  William  Henry 
Harrison  in  a  cage  was  irresistibly  ludicrous! 

When  the  laughter  had  subsided,  the  General  pro- 
ceeded; "  I  have  no  committee,  fellow-citizens,  confiden- 
tial or  other.  It  is  true  that  I  employed  my  friend,  Ma- 
jor Gwynn,  to  aid  me  in  returning  replies  to  some  of  the 
numerous  questions  propounded  to  me  by  letters;  but 
to  such  only  as  any  man  could  answer  as  well  as  another. 
There  is  scarcely  a  question  of  a  political  nature  now 
agitating  the  public  mind  on  which  I  have  not  long 
since  promulgated  my  opinions,  by  speeches,  published 
letters  or  official  acts.  A  large  majority  of  letters 
addressed  to  me  purported  to  seek  my  views  of  aboli- 


170  Reminiscences  of  the 

tion,  United  States  bank,  and  other  matter,  concerning 
which  my  views  are  already  in  possession  of  the  public. 
The  most  suitable  answers  to  these  and  to  well-inten- 
tioned persons  the  most  satisfactory,  was  a  reference 
to  the  documents  in  which  my  opinions  already  ex- 
pressed were  to  be  found.  Such  answers  I  intrusted  to 
my  well-tried  and  faithful  friend,  Major  Gwynn.  Let- 
ters requiring  more  particular  attention  I  answered  my- 
self. Everybody  who  knows  Major  Gwynn,  knows  that 
he  is  not  one  whom  I  would  employ  to  write  a  political 
letter.  He  is  a  self-made  man,  a  soldier  and  a  gentle- 
man, but  neither  a  politician  nor  a  scholar.  I  asked  the 
service  of  him,  because  he  was  my  friend,  and  I 
confided  in  him,  and  it  was  plain  and  simple.  My 
habit  is  to  receive,'open  and  read  my  letters  myself. 
Such  as  require  special  attention  I  reply  to  myself. 
Such  as  may  be  easily  answered  by  another,  I  hand  to 
my  friend,  with  an  indorsation  indicating  where  the 
information  sought  may  be  found — as  thus — '  Refer 
the  writer  to  speech  at  Vincennes' — or  'the  answer  is 
seen  in  my  letter  to  Mr.  Denny,'  etc.  But  it  seems  that 
Major  Gwynn  was  chairman  of  a  committee  of  the  citi- 
zens of  Cincinnati,  or  of  Hamilton  county.  When  the 
famous  Oswego  letter  was  received,  it  was  read,  and, 
as  usual  with  such  letters,  I  indorsed  it  and  handed  it 
to  Major  Gwynn.  But,  it  seems  when  the  answer  was 
prepared,  it  was  signed  also  by  his  colleagues  of  the 
county  or  city  committee.  Of  all  this  I  knew  nothing, 
nor  in  their  capacity  of  committee  had  they  anything 
to  do  with  my  letters.  Yet,  by  a  little  mistake  and 
much  perversion,  these  gentlemen  have  Deen  erected 
into  a  committee  of  my  conscience-keepers,  and  made 
to  shut  me  up  in  a  cage  to  prevent  me  from  answering 
interrogatories."  General  Harrison  remarked  that,  had 
he,  indeed,  called  to  his  assistance  the  services  of  a 
friend  in  conducting  his  correspondence,  he  would 
have  had  high  authority  to  justify  him  in  the  measure. 
It  had  been  said  of  General  Washington,  that  many  of 
the  papers  which  bear  his  signature  were  written  by 
others,  and  he  believed  it  had  never  been  contra- 
dicted; and  General  Breckenridge,  aide  to  General  Jack- 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  171 

son,  in  the  late  war,  had  represented  himself  to  be  the 
author  of  much  of  General  Jackson's  correspondence. 
But  he  had  not  done  so,  to  any  extent,  or  in  any  sense, 
than  as  he  had  now  explained  it — in  requesting  Major 
Gwynn  to  refer  those  addressing  inquiries  to  him  to 
the  public  sources  of  information.  And  he  would  here 
•say,  that  in  all  his  public  life,  civil  and  military,  there 
was  no  letter,  report,  speech  or  order,  bearing  his  name, 
which  was  not  written  wholly  by  his  own  hand.  He 
said,  to  open,  read,  and  answer  all  the  letters  received 
by  him  was  physically  impossible,  though  he  should 
do  nothing  else  whatever. 

To  give  his  hearers  an  idea  of  the  labor  it  would  re- 
quire, he  said,  a  gentleman  then  present  was  with  him 
the  morning  he  left  Cincinnati  when  he  took  from  the 
post-office  sixteen  letters — there  was  usually  half  the 
number  at  the  post-office  near  his  residence — twenty- 
four  letters  per  day.  "  Could  any  man,"  he  asked, 
"give  the  requisite  attention  to  such  a  daily  correspond- 
ence, even  to  the  neglect  of  every  other  engagement?  " 
True  it  was,  that  many  communications  were  sent 
which  were  not  entitled  to  his  notice,  sent  by  persons 
who  had  no  other  object  but  to  draw  from  him  some- 
thing which  might  be  used  to  his  injury,  and  the  injury 
of  the  cause  with  which  he  was  identified;  yet,  there 
were  enough  of  those  which  claimed  his  respectful 
consideration  for  the  sources  from  which  they  came 
and  the  subjects  to  which  they  referred,  to  occupy  more 
time  and  labor  than  any  one  man  could  bestow  upon 
them. 

General  Harrison  said  he  had  alluded  particularly  to 
this  action  of  the  committee  because  it  had  so  recently 
been  the  occasion  of  so  much  animadversion  by  his  polit- 
ical adversaries.  But  it  was  one  only  of  many  misrep- 
resentations of  him,  his  conduct,  his  principles  and  his 
opinions,  with  which  the  party  press  was  teeming.  He 
said  it  would  occupy  him  many  hours  to  discuss  them, 
if  it  were  necessary  or  proper  for  him  to  do  so.  He  re- 
ferred, however,  to  the  Richmond  Enquirer,  and  ex- 
pressed his  surprise  at  the  manner  in  which  his  name 
and  character  had  been  treated  by  that  paper.  He  did 


172  Reminiscences  of  the 

so,  as  it  afforded  an  example  of  the  prostitution  of  the 
press  to  party  purposes.  That  paper — which  formerly 
did  him  more  than  justice  and  paid  him  the  highest 
compliments  as  a  soldier  and  civilian,  whose  editor  at 
one  time  could  designate  no  other  man  whom  he  con- 
sidered so  well  qualified  for  the  responsible  place  of 
Secretary  of  War — was  now  lending  itself  to  the  circu- . 
lation  of  the  most  discreditable  calumnies  against  him 
and  endeavoring  to  persuade  his  countrymen  that  he 
was  a  coward  and  a  Federalist.  He  alluded  to  the 
evidence  upon  which  the  Enquirer  sought  to  fasten 
the  accusation  that  he  was  a  black  cockade  Federalist 
— i.  e.,  the  remarks  of  Mr.  Randolph  in  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States.  He  said  that  the  attack  of  Mr. 
Randolph  was  met  at  the  moment  it  was  made,  and 
effectually  disproved.  He  passed  high  encomiums  upon 
the  genius  of  that  remarkable  man,  and  said,  that 
those  who  knew  Mr.  Randolph  knew  that  he  never 
gave  up  a  point  in  debate,  or  receded  from  his  ground 
anywhere,  until  convicted  of  error.  The  fact  that  he 
made  no  reply  to  his  answer  to  the  charge  is  proof  to 
any  familiar  with  his  character  that  he  himself  was  satis- 
fied that  he  had  erred.  General  Harrison  explained 
the  foundation  of  Mr.  Randolph's  charge,  made  at  a 
moment  of  temporary  irritation.  He  said  that  old  Mr. 
Adams  refused  to  adopt  against  France  the  measures 
which  his  party  desired,  and  showed  himself  in  that 
respect,  at  least,  more  an  American  than  a  partisan. 
It  was  that  course  of  policy  of  Mr.  Adams  which  com- 
manded his  approbation  and  induced  him  so  to  express 
himself  at  the  time.  Mr.  Randolph  remembered  the 
expression,  but  probably  forgot  the  particular  subject 
of  it,  and  thus  the  very  fact  which  proved  him  to  be- 
long to  the  Republican  party  of  1800,  long  years  after- 
ward, is  separated  from  its  attendant  circumstances 
and  used  to  prove  him  a  Federalist.  General  Harrison 
expressed  himself  with  much  earnestness  on  the  in- 
justice which  was  thus  attempted  to  be  inflicted  on  his 
character  in  his  native  State,  in  which,  when  truth  and 
virtue,  and  honor,  had  suffered  violence  everywhere 
else,  he  had  hoped  they  would  survive. 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  173 

General  Harrison  alluded  to  several  other  instances 
of  gross  misrepresentation  or  absolute  falsehoods,  in- 
dustriously and  shamefully  propagated  by  a  party  press. 

"It  seems  almost  incredible,  fellow-citizens,"  said  he, 
'"but  it  is  true,  that  from  a  long  speech,  filling  several 
columns  of  a  paper,  two  short  sentences  have  been 
taken  from  different  parts  of  it,  these  two  sentences, 
separated  from  their  context,  are  put  together,  my 
name  attached  to  them,  and  published  throughout  the 
land  as  an  authentic  document."1 

He  deplored  that  state  of  public  sentiment  which 
could  tolerate  such  a  system  of  party  action,  and 
trusted  for  the  honor  of  his  country  and  the  hopes  of 
liberty,  that  the  reformation  of  such  abuses  would  soon 
be  wrought  out  by  the  force  of  a  pure  and  healthy 
public  opinion. 

"  Why,  fellow-citizens,"  said  General  Harrison,  "  I 
have  recently,  in  that  house  (pointing  to  the  State 
house)  been  charged  with  high  offenses  against  my 
country,  which,  if  true,  ought  to  cost  me  my  life. 
Yes,"  continued  he,  "accusations  were  there  laid  to 
my  charge  which,  being  established,  would  subject 
me,  even  now,  to  the  severest  penalties  which  military 
law  inflicts;  for  I  have  always  held  that  an  officer  may 
not  escape  the  responsibilities  of  misconduct  by  re- 
signing his  commission. 

"These  charges  aie  not  made  by  my  companions  in 
arms — by  the  eye-witnesses  of  my  actions — by  the 
great  and  good  and  brave  men  who  fought  by  my  side 
or  under  my  command.  They  tell  a  different  story. 
But  their  evidence,  clear,  unequivocal  and  distinct; 
the  testimony  of  Governor  Shelby,  the  venerable  hero 
of  King's  mountain,  of  the  gallant  Perry,  and  of  many 
brave  and  generous  spirits  who  saw  and  knew  and 
participated  in  all  the  operations  connected  with  the 
battle  of  the  Thames;  the  evidence  of  impartial  and 
honorable  men,  the  concurrent  records  of  history  and 
the  authority  of  universal  public  opinion,  are  all  cast 
aside  in  deference  to  the  reckless  assertions  of  those 
who  were  either  not  in  being  or  dandled  in  the  arms 
of  their  nurses!" 


i^4  Reminiscences  of  the 

General  Harrison  said  he  acknowledged  that  these 
calumnies  were  disagreeable  to  him.  His  good  name, 
such  as  it  was,  was  his  most  precious  treasure  and  he 
did  not  like  to  have  it  mangled  by  such  calumnies. 
Were  it  his  land  which  they  were  seeking  to  destroy, 
were  it  the  title-deeds  to  his  farm  that  they  were  en- 
deavoring to  mutilate,  he  could  bear  their  efforts  with 
patience,  and  smile  even  at  their  success.  But  he  con- 
fessed, notwithstanding  his  perfect  confidence  in  the 
justice  of  his  country,  and  the  decision  of  an  impartial 
posterity,  that  these  ruthless  attacks  upon  his  military 
character  affected  him  unpleasantly.  This  policy  of 
his  adversaries  constrained  him  to  consider  himself  as 
now  on  trial  before  his  country.  He  was  not  reluctant 
to  be  tried  fairly — the  American  people  being  his 
court  and  jury.  His  adversaries  held  to  those  rules  of 
evidence  established  by  common  sense  and  common 
right.  He  feared  not  the  results  of  the  strictest  scru- 
tiny, and  would  cheerfully  submit  to  the  decision  of  a 
virtuous  and  enlightened  community.  He  asked  but 
fair  dealing  and  final  justice;  no  more. 

General  Harrison  alluded  to  several  other  instances 
of  gratuitous  and  unfounded  calumny,  having  no 
shadow  of  apology  in  any  fact  for  their  invention  and 
publication.  He  spoke  of  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe,  of 
the  death  of  the  brave  and  lamented  Davies,  whose 
fall  had  been  ascribed  to  him.  He  said  the  whole  story 
about  the  white  horse  was  entirely  false,  and  that  the 
fate  of  the  gallant  Kentuckian  had  no  connection  what- 
ever with  his  own  white  mare  which,  by  accident,  was 
not  rode  on  that  occasion  by  any  one.  In  remarking 
upon  the  slanders  connected  with  the  battle  of  Tippe- 
canoe he  said  their  refutation,  one  and  all,  was  found 
in  the  proceedings  of  the  legislature  of  Kentucky,  and 
especially  in  the  extraordinary  confidence  reposed  in 
him  by  the  governor  and  people  of  that  State,  when 
they  subsequently  honored  him  with  the  command 
of  their  army,  composed  of  the  choice  spirits  of 
the  land,  the  best  blood  of  Kentucky.  General  Harri- 
son spoke  with  deep  emotion  of  the  trust  reposed  in 
him  by  Kentucky  on  the  occasion  alluded  to,  and  said 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  175 

that  the  commission  which  made  him  the  commander 
of  that  brave  and  patriotic  army  of  Kentuckians  he 
had  always  held  as  the  most  honorable  commission 
which  it  had  been  the  fortune  of  his  life  to  have  con- 
ferred upon  him. 

He  referred  to  a  very  recent  story  got  up  in  his  own 
neighborhood  and  sent  fotth  to  the  world,  corrobor- 
ated by  the  sanctity  of  an  affidavit,  which  represented 
him  as  confessing  to  a  young  man  on  a  steamboat  that 
he  was  an  Abolitionist,  and  that,  although  he  voted 
against  restrictions  on  Missouri,  he  did  so  in  opposition 
to  the  suggestions  of  his  conscience,  etc.  He  said  the 
narrative  bore  on  its  face  the  proofs  of  its  absolute 
falsity,  and  when  he  pronounced  it  a  fabrication  with- 
out the  semblance  of  a  fact  or  a  word  for  its  basis,  it 
was  not  because  he  thought  it  required  a  contradic- 
tion, but  to  evince  the  recklessness  and  desperation  of 
his  political  enemies,  who  seemed  to  have  given  up 
every  ground  of  hope,  save  that  which  they  found  in 
villifying  his  name.  "It  is  a  melancholy  fact,  fellow- 
citizens,"  said  General  Harrison,  "that  the  advocates  of 
Mr.  Van  Buren  should  so  far  forget  what  belongs  to 
the  character  of  an  American  citizen,  and  do  so  much 
violence  to  the  nature  of  our  free  institutions  as  to 
place  the  great  political  contest  in  which  we  are  now 
striving  upon  an  issue  such  as  this.  I  would  not 
accept  the  lofty  station  to  which  some  of  you  are 
proposing  to  elevate  me,  if  it  came  to  me  by  such 
means.  I  would  not,  if  I  had  the  power  to  prevent  it, 
allow  the  fair  fame  of  my  competitor  to  be  unjustly 
assailed  and  wounded  even  for  the  attainment  of  that 
lofty  aim  of  a  noble  ambition.  Na} ,  I  have  often 
defended  Mr.  Van  Buren  against  what  I  believed  to 
be  the  misrepresentations  of  my  own  mistaken  friends 
and  others.  Fellow-citizens,  if  Mr.  Van  Buren  be  the 
better  statesman,  let  us  say  so.  I  shall  be  the  last  man 
to  raise  an  objection  against,  or  to  desire  to  impose 
restraints  upon,  the  utmost  independence  of  thought 
and  action,  and  the  freest  expression  of  feeling  and 
opinion.  I  love  a  frank  and  generous  adversary;  such 
a  man  I  delight  to  embrace,  and  will  serve  him  ac- 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  176 

cording  to  my  ability  as  cheerfully  as  my  professed 
friend.  But  that  political  warfare  which  seeks  suc- 
cess by  foul  detraction,  and  strives  for  ascendency  by 
the  ruin  of  personal  character,  merits  the  indignation 
of  honest  men,  is  hateful  to  every  generous  mind,  and 
tends  too  surely  to  the  destruction  of  public  virtue, 
and,  as  a  consequence,  Jo  the  downfall  of  public 
liberty." 

General  Harrison  apologized  for  occupying  his  fel- 
low-citizens so  long.  He  said  he  would  but  mention 
one  more  of  the  latest  slanders  which  had  come  to  his 
knowledge.  A  German  paper,  published  in  Cincin- 
nati, almost  under  his  own  eye,  puts  it  forth  with  ap- 
parent sincerity,  that  "  General  Harrison,  now  a  can- 
didate for  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States,  was. 
many  years  ago,  when  a  young  man,  an  aide  to  General 
Wayne  during  his  Indian  wars,  and  that,  whenever 
young  Harrison  found  that  a  battle  was  coming  on,  he 
always  ran  off  into  the  woods."  [Again  there  was 
loud  and  irrepressible  laughter.]  "  The  editor  forgot," 
said  the  General,  "when  he  served  up  this  little  dish, 
that  the  only  possible  security  to  young  Harrison's 
scalp,  on  the  approach  of  a  battle  with  the  Indians, 
was  in  keeping  out  of  the  woods.  Such  a  story  as  this 
can  only  excite  a  smile  here,  it  is  true,"  said  General 
Harrison;  "but  this  paper  circulates  not  alone  in  the 
United  States,  copies  of  it  are  probably  read  in  Europe, 
where  our  history  is  less  known,  and  where  the  con- 
tradiction of  such  silly  falsehoods  may  possibly  never 
come. 

"  It  has  long  been  proverbial  of  old  soldiers,  fellow- 
citizens,"  continued  General  Harrison,  "that  they 
delight  to  go  back  to  other  days  and  fight  their  battles 
over  again.  When  I  began  this  address  to  you,  I  in- 
tended only  to  speak  of  my  far-famed  'committee  of 
conscience  keepers,'  and  the  'iron  cage'  in  which  they 
confined  me;  but  I  have  unwittingly  taken  advantage  of 
your  kind  disposition  to  listen  to  me  and  extended  my 
remarks  to  other  though  kindred  topics.  I  will  only 
add  that,  although  they  have  made  a  wide  mistake 
who  make  me  dwell  in  an  'iron  cage,'  the  unlucky 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  177 

wight  who  put  me  in  a  log  cabin  was  a  little  nearer 
the  truth  than  he  probably  supposed  himself  to  be. 
It  is  true  that  a  part  of  my  dwelling-house  is  a  log  cabin, 

but  as  to  the  hard  cider "  [The  laughter  which 

followed  the  allusion  to  the  "hard -cider"  branch  of  the 
story,  drowned  the  voice  of  the  speaker.] 

"  But,"  said  General  Harrison,  "admonished  by  the 
proverb,  that  you  may  ascribe  my  long  speech  to  the 
common  infirmity  of  an  old  soldier,  and  bring  me  under 
the  suspicion  of  the  loquacity  of  age,  I  will  conclude 
these  hasty  and  unpremeditated  remarks,  by  thanking 
my  fellow-citizens  of  Columbus  for  their  politeness  on 
the  present  occasion,  as  well  as  for  the  friendly  feeling  of 
which  they  have  uniformly  and  often  heretofore  given 
me  so  many  gratifying  proofs." 

The  general  retired,  leaving  the  crowd  which  had 
accumulated  while  he  spoke  delighted  with  the  prompt 
and  satisfactory  manner  in  which  he  had  met  the  wishes 
of  the  citizens.  The  uppermost  idea  in  the  mind  of 
every  one  with  whom  the  writer  interchanged  a 
thought,  was  the  wish  that  every  man  in  the  Union  had 
heard  this  unpremeditated  and  extemporaneous  address. 
Upon  every  candid  mind  it  impressed  the  conviction 
that  the  opposition  candidate  for  the  Presidency  was 
the  last  man  in  the  world  to  be  made  the  instrument  of 
a  committee  of  "conscience-keepers,"  or  to  conceal  his 
opinions  of  public  measures  from  sinister  motives, 
when  the  disclosure  of  them  was  called  for  by  the  pro- 
priety and  fitness  of  things. 

The  general  left  the  city  about  10  o'clock,  escorted 
by  a  numerous  cavalcade  on  horseback,  and  attended 
by  the  mayor  and  the  chairman  of  the  State  central 
committee.  The  escort  parted  with  their  guest  a  mile 
or  so  from  the  city  on  his  journey  northward. 

The  general  was  addressed,  on  parting,  by  the  mayor 
in  a  brief  valedictory  on  behalf  of  the  citizens  of  the 
capital,  to  which  he  replied  in  his  uniformly  happy 
manner. 


178  Reminiscences  of  the 


HARRISON'S    FORT    MEIGS    SPEECH. 

"  Fellow-citizens,  I  am  not,  upon  this  occasion, 
before  you  in  accordance  with  my  own  individual 
views  or  wishes.  It  has  ever  appeared  to  me  that  the 
office  of  President  of  the  United  States  should  not  be 
sought  after  by  any  individual;  but  that  the  people 
should  spontaneously,  and  with  their  own  free  will, 
accord  the  distinguished  honor  to  the  man  whom  they 
believed  would  best  perform  its  important  duties.  En- 
tertaining these  views  I  should,  fellow-citizens,  have 
remained  at  home  but  for  the  pressing  and  friendly 
invitation  which  1  have  received  from  the  citizens  of 
Perrysburg,  and  the  earnestness  with  which  its  accepta- 
tion was  urged  upon  me  by  friends  in  whom  I  trusted, 
and  whom  I  am  now  proud  to  see  around  me.  If, 
however,  fellow-citizens,  I  had  not  complied  with  that 
invitation — If  I  had  remained  at  home — believe  me, 
my  friends,  that  my  spirit  would  have  been  with  you; 
for  where,  in  this  beautiful  land,  is  there  a  place  calcu- 
lated as  this  is  to  recall  long  past  reminiscences,  and 
revive  long-slumbering,  but  not  wholly  extinguished, 
emotions  in  my  bosom? 

"  In  casting  my  eyes  around,  fellow-citizens,  they 
rest  upon  the  spot  where  the  gallant  Wayne  triumphed 
so  gloriously  over  his  enemies,  and  carried  out  those 
principles  which  it  seemed  his  pleasure  to  impress 
upon  my  mind,  and  in  which  it  has  ever  been  my 
happiness  humbly  to  attempt  to  imitate  him.  It  was 
there,  fellow-citizens,  I  saw  the  banner  of  the  United 
States  float  in  triumph  over  the  flag  of  the  enemy. 
There  it  was  where  was  first  laid  the  foundation  of  the 
prosperity  of  the  now  wide-spread  and  beautiful  West. 
It  was  there  I  beheld  the  indignant  Eagle  frown  upon 
the  British  Lion.  It  was  there  I  saw  the  youth  of  our 
land  carry  out  the  lesson  they  imbibed  from  the  gallant 
Wayne,  the  noblest  and  best  an  American  can  acquire, 
to  die  for  his  country  when  called  to  do  so  in  its 
defense. 

[At  this  moment  the  speaker's  eye  fell  upon  General 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  179 

Hedges,  when  he  said:  "General  Hedges,  will  you 
come  up  here?  You  have  stood  by  my  side  in  the  hour 
of  battle,  and  I  cannot  bear  to  see  you  at  so  great  a  dis- 
tance now."  Immense  cheering  followed  this  consid- 
erate recognition,  and  the  cries  of  "  Raise  him  up," 
"Place  him  by  the  side  of  his  old  general,"  had  scarcely 
been  uttered,  when  General  Hedges  was  carried  for- 
ward to  the  stand.] 

The  General  continued:  "  It  was  there  I  saw  interred 
my  beloved  companions — the  companions  of  my  youth. 
It  was  not  in  accordance  with  the  stern  etiquet  of 
military  life  then  to  mourn  their  departure;  but  I  may 
now  drop  a  tear  over  their  graves  at  the  recollections 
of  their  virtues  and  worth. 

"In  1793,  fellow-citizens,  I  received  my  commission 
to  serve  under  General  Wayne.  In  1794  I  was  his  aid 
at  the  battle  of  Miami.  Nineteen  years  afterwards  I 
had  the  honor  of  again  being  associated  with  many  of 
those  who  were  my  companions  in  arms  then.  Nine- 
teen years  afterwards  I  found  myself  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  Northwestern  army,  but  I  found  no  dimi- 
nution in  the  bravery  of  the  American  soldier.  I  found 
the  same  spirit  of  valor  in  all — not  in  the  regular  sol- 
dier only,  but  in  the  enrolled  militia  and  volunteer  also. 

"What  glorious  reminiscences  does  the  view  of  all 
these  scenes  around  me  draw  to  my  mind!  When  I 
consented  to  visit  this  memorable  spot,  I  expected  that 
a  thousand  pleasant  associations  (would  to  God  there 
were  no  painful  associations  mingled  with  them)  would 
be  recalled — that  I  should  meet  thousands  of  my  fel- 
low-citizens here,  and  among  them  many  of  my  old 
companions,  met  here  to  rear  a  new  altar  to  liberty  in 
the  place  of  the  one  which  bad  men  have  prostrated. 

[Here  the  general  looked  around  as  if  for  some 
water,  when  the  cry  was  raised,  "  Give  the  general 
some  hard  cider."  This  was  done,  much  to  the  satis- 
faction of  the  multitude.] 

"And  fellow-citizens,"  continued  the  general,  "I 
will  not  attempt  to  conceal  from  you  that,  in  coming 
here,  I  expected  that  I  should  receive  from  you  those 
evidences  of  regard  which  a  generous  people  are  ever 


180  Reminiscences  of  the 

willing  to  bestow  upon  those  whom  they  believe  to  be 
honest  in  their  endeavors  to  serve  their  country.  I  re- 
ceive these  evidences  of  regard  and  esteem  as  the  only 
reward  at  all  adequate  to  compensate  for  the  anxieties 
and  anguish  which  in  the  past  I  experienced  upon  this 
spot.  Is  there  any  man  of  sensibility,  or  possessing  a 
feeling  of  self-respect,  who  asks  what  those  feelings 
were?  Do  you  suppose  that  the  commander-in-chief 
finds  his  reward  in  the  glitter  and  splendor  of  the 
camp?  or  in  the  forced  obedience  of  the  camp  around 
him?  These  are  not  pleasures  under  all  circumstances, 
these  are  not  the  rewards  which  a  soldier  seeks.  I 
ask  any  man  to  place  himself  in  my  situation,  and  then 
say  whether  the  extreme  pain  and  anguish  which  en- 
dured, and  which  every  person  similarly  situated  must 
have  endured,  can  meet  with  any  adequate  compensa- 
tion, except  by  such  expressions  of  the  confidence  and 
gratitude  of  the  people,  as  that  with  which  you,  fellow- 
citizens,  have  this  day  honored  me?  These  feelings 
are  common  to  all  commanders  of  sense  and  sensibility. 
The  commanders  of  Europe  possess  them,  although 
placed  at  the  head  of  armies  reared  to  war.  How 
much  more  naturally  would  those  feelings  attach  to  a 
commander  situated  as  I  was?  For  of  what  materials 
was  the  army  composed  which  was  placed  under  my 
command?  The  soldiers  who  fought,  and  bled,  and 
triumphed  here,  were  lawyers,  who  had  thrown  up 
their  briefs,  physicians,  who  had  laid  aside  their  instru- 
ments; mechanics,  who  had  put  by  their  tools,  and,  in 
far  the  largest  proportions,  agriculturists  who  had 
their  plows  in  the  furrow,  although  their  families  de- 
pended for  their  bread  upon  their  exertions,  and  who 
hastened  to  the  battle-field  to  give  their  life  to  their 
country,  if  it  were  necessary  to  maintain  her  rights.  I 
could  point  from  where  I  now  stand  to  places  where 
I  felt  this  anxiety  pressing  heavily  upon  me,  as  I 
thought  of  the  fearful  consequences  of  a  mistake  on 
my  part,  or  the  want  of  judgment  on  the  part  of  others. 
I  knew  there  were  wives  who  had  given  their  hus- 
bands to  the  field,  mothers  who  had  clothed  their  sons 
for  battle;  and  I  knew  that  these  expecting  wives  and 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  181 

mothers  were  looking  for  the  safe  return  of  their  hus- 
bands and  sons.  When  to  this  was  added  the  recol- 
lection that  the  peace  of  the  entire  West  would  be 
broken  up,  and  the  glory  of  my  country  tarnished  if  I 
failed,  you  may  possibly  conceive  the  anguish  which 
my  situation  was  calculated  to  produce.  Feeling  my 
responsibility,  I  personally  supervised  and  directed  the 
arrangement  of  the  army  under  my  command.  I 
trusted  to  no  Colonel  or  other  officer.  No  person  had 
any  hand  in  any  disposition  of  the  army.  Every  step 
of  warfare,  whether  for  good  or  ill,  was  taken  under 
my  own  direction,  and  of  no  other,  as  many  who  now 
hear  me  know.  Whether  everv  movement  would  or 
would  not  pass  the  criticism  of  Bonaparte  or  Welling- 
ton, I  know  not;  but  whether  they  would  induce  ap- 
plause or  censure,  upon  myself  it  must  fall." 

"  But,  fellow-citizens,  still  another  motive  induced  me 
to  accept  the  invitation  which  had  been  so  kindly  ex- 
tended to  me.  I  knew  that  here  I  should  meet  with 
manv  who  had  fought  and  bled  under  my  command — 
that  I  should  have  the  pleasure  of  taking  them  by  the 
hand,  and  recurring,  with  them,  to  the  scenes  of  the 
past.  I  expected,  too,  to  meet  with  a  few  of  the  great 
and  good  men  yet  surviving,  by  whose  efforts  our  free- 
dom was  achieved.  This  pleasure  alone  would  have 
been  sufficient  to  induce  my  visit  to  this  interesting 
spot  upon  this  equally  interesting  occasion.  I  see  my 
old  companions  here,  and  I  see  not  a  few  of  the  Rev- 
olutionary veterans  around  me.  Would  to  God  that  it 
had  ever  been  in  my  power  to  have  made  them  com- 
fortable and  happy,  that  their  sun  might  go  down  in 
peace!  But,  fellow-citizens,  they  remain  unprovided 
for — monuments  of  the  ingratitude  of  my  countrv.  It 
was  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that  the  existing  pen- 
sion act  was  passed  through  Congress.  But  why  was 
it  restricted?  Why  were  the  brave  soldiers  who  fought 
under  Wayne  excluded?  soldiers  who  suffered  far  more 
than  they  who  fought  in  the  Revolution  proper.  The 
Revolution,  in  fact,  did  not  terminate  until  1794 — until 
the  -battle  was  fought  upon  the  battle  ground  upon 
which  my  eye  now  rests.  [Miami.]  War  continued 


1 82  Reminiscences  of  the 

with  them  from  the  commencement  of  the  Revolution 
until  the  victory  of  Wayne,  to  which  I  have  just  al- 
luded. 

"  The  great  highway  to  the  West  was  the  scene  of  un- 
ceasing slaughter.  Then  why  this  unjust  discrimina- 
tion? Why  are  the  soldiers  who  terminated  the  war 
of  the  Revolution,  in  fact,  excluded,  while  those  by 
whom  it  was  begun,  or  a  portion  of  them,  are  rewarded  ? 
I  will  tell  you  why.  The  poor  remnant  of  Wayne's 
army  had  but  few  advocates,  while  those  who  had 
served  in  the  Revolution  proper  had  plenty  of  friends. 
Scattered,  as  they  were,  over  all  parts  of  the  Union, 
and  in  large  numbers,  they  could  exert  an  influence  at 
the  ballot-box.  They  could  whisper  thus  in  the  ears  of 
those  who  sought  their  influence  at  the  polls.  'Take 
care,  for  I  have  waited  long  enough  for  what  has  been 
promised.  The  former  plea  of  poverty  can  no  longer 
be  made.  The  Treasury  is  now  full.  Take  care,  your 
seat  is  in  danger.'  'Oh!  yes,  everything  that  has  been 
promised  shall  be  attended  to  if  you  will  give  me  your 
votes.'  In  this  way,  fellow-citizens,  tardy,  but  partial, 
justice  was  done  to  the  soldiers  of  the  Revolution. 
They  made  friends  by  their  influence  at  the  ballot-box. 
But  it  was  different  with  General  Wayne's  soldiers. 
They  were  but  few  in  number,  and  they  had  but  one 
or  two  humble  advocates  to  speak  for  them  in 
Congress.  The  result  has  been,  justice  has  been 
withheld. 

"  I  have  said  that  the  soldiers  under  Wayne  experi- 
enced greater  hardships  even  than  the  soldiers  of  the 
Revolution.  This  is  so.  Every  one  can  appreciate  the 
difference  between  an  Indian  and  a  regular  war. 
When  wounded  in  battle  the  soldier  must  have  warmth 
and  shelter  before  he  can  recover.  This  could  al- 
ways be  secured  by  the  soldier  of  the  Revolution.  In 
those  days  the  latch-string  of  no  door  was  pulled  in. 
When  wounded  he  was  sure  to  find  shelter  and  very 
many  of  those  comforts  which  are  so  essential  to  the 
sick,  but  which  the  soldiers  in  an  Indian  war  cannot 
procure.  Instead  of  shelter  and  warmth,  he  is  exposed 
to  the  thousand  ills  incident  to  Indian  warfare.  Yet 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  183 

no  relief  was  extended  to  those  who  had  thus  suf- 
fered ! 

"After  the  war  closed  under  Wayne,  I  retired;  and 
when  I  saw  a  man  poorer  than  all  others,  wandering 
about  the  land  decrepid  and  decayed  by  intemperance, 
it  was  unnecessary  to  inquire  whether  he  had  ever  be- 
longed to  Wayne's  army.  His  condition  was  a  guar- 
antee of  that — was  a  sufficient  assurance  that  he  had 
wasted  his  energies  among  the  unwholesome  swamps 
of  the  West,  in  the  defense  of  the  rights  of  his  fellow- 
citizens,  and  for  the  maintenance  of  the  honor  and 
glory  of  his  country. 

"  Well,  fellow-citizens,  I  can  only  say,  that  if  it  should 
ever  be  in  my  power  to  pay  the  debt  which  is  due 
these  brave  but  neglected  men,  that  debt  shall  first  of 
all  be  paid.  And  I  am  very  well  satisfied  that  the  Gov- 
ernment can  afford  it,  provided  the  latch-string  of  the 
Treasury  shall  ever  be  more  carefully  pulled  in.  Per- 
haps you  will  ask  me  for  some  proof  of  my  friendship 
for  old  soldiers.  If  so,  I  can  give  it  you  from  the  rec- 
ords of  Congress.  When  the  fifteen-hundred-dollar  law 
was  repealed,  I  opposed  it,  as  I  opposed  changing  the 
pay  of  members  of  Congress  from  six  to  eight  dollars, 
until  we  had  done  justice  to  and  provided  for  these  sol- 
diers. You  will  find  my  votes  upon  this  question  upon 
the  records  of  Congress,  and  my  speech  upon  it  in  the 
public  debates  of  the  same. 

"  I  will  now,  my  fellow-citizens,  give  you  my  reasons 
for  having  refused  to  give  pledges  and  opinions  more 
freely  than  I  have  done  since  my  nomination  to  the 
Presidency.  Many  of  the  statements  published  upon 
the  subject  are  by  no  means  correct;  but  it  is  that  it  is 
true  my  opinion  that  no  pledge  should  be  made  by  an 
individual  when  in  nomination  for  any  office  in  the 
gift  of  the  people.  And  why?  Once  adopt  it,  and 
the  battle  will  no  longer  be  to  the  strong,  to  the  vir- 
tuous, or  to  the  sincere  lover  of  his  country;  but  to 
him  who  is  prepared  to  tell  the  greatest  number  of  lies, 
and  to  proffer  the  largest  number  of  pledges  which  he 
never  intends  to  carry  out.  I  suppose  that  the  best 
guarantee  which  an  American  citizen  could  have  of  the 


184  Reminiscences  of  the 

correctness  of  the  conduct  of  an  individual  in  the 
future  would  be  his  conduct  in  the  past  when  he  had 
no  temptation  before  him  to  practice  deceit. 

"Now,  fellow-citizens,  I  have  not  altogether  grown 
gray  under  the  helmet  of  my  country,  although  I  have 
worn  it  for  some  time.  A  large  portion  of  my  life  has 
been  passed  in  the  civil  departments  of  government. 
Examine  my  conduct  there,  and  the  most  tenacious 
Democrat — I  use  the  word  in  its  proper  sense;  I  mean 
not  to  confine  it  to  parties,  for  there  are  good  in  both — 
may  doubtless  discover  faults,  but  he  will  find  no  sin- 
gle act  calculated  to  derogate  from  the  rights  of  the 
people. 

"  However,  to  prove  the  reverse  of  this,  I  have  been 
called  a  Federalist.  [Here  was  a  loud  cry  of  "The 
charge  is  a  lie — a  base  lie.  You  are  no  Federalist."] 
Well,  what  is  a  Federalist  ?  I  recollect  what  the 
word  formerly  signified,  and  there  are  many  others 
present  who  recollect  its  former  signification  also. 
They  know  that  the  Federal  party  were  accused 
of  a  design  to  strengthen  the  hands  of  the  General 
Government  at  the  expense  of  the  separate  States. 
That  accusation  could  not  nor  cannot  apply  to  me. 
I  was  brought  up  after  the  strictest  manner  of  Virgin- 
ian anti-Federalism.  St.  Paul  himself  was  not  a  greater 
devotee  to  the  doctrines  of  the  Pharisees  than  was 
I,  by  inclination  and  a  father's  precepts  and  example, 
to  anti-Federalism.  I  was  taught  to  believe  that 
sooner  or  later  that  fatal  catastrophe  to  human  lib- 
erty would  take  place — that  the  General  Government 
would  swallow  up  all  the  State  governments,  and  that 
one  department  of  the  Government  would  swallow  up 
all  the  other  departments.  I  do  not  know  whether 
my  friend,  Mr.  Van  Buren  (and  he  is,  and  I  hope  will 
ever  be,  my  personal  friend),  has  a  gullet  that  can 
swallow  everything;  but  I  do  know  but  that  if  his 
measures  are  all  carried  out,  he  will  lay  a  foundation 
for  others  to  do  so  if  he  does  not. 

"  What  reflecting  man,  fellow-citizens,  cannot  see  this? 
The  representatives  of  the  people  were  once  the  source 
of  power,  Is  it  so  now?  Nay.  It  is  to  the  Executive 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  185 

Mansion  now  that  every  eye  is  turned — that  every  wish 
is  directed.  The  men  of  office  and  party,  who  are  gov- 
erned by  the  principles  of  John  Randolph,  to  wit:  the 
five  loaves  and  two  fishes,  seem  to  have  their  ears  con- 
stantly directed  to  the  bell  at  headquarters,  to  indicate 
how  the  little  ones  shall  ring. 

44  But  to  return:  I  have  but  to  remark  that  my  anti- 
Federalism  has  been  tempered  by  my  long  service  in 
the  employ  of  my  country,  and  my  frequent  oaths  to 
support  her  General  Government;  but  I  am  as  ready 
to  resist  the  encroachments  on  State  rights  as  I  am  to 
support  the  legitimate  authority  of  the  executive  or 
the  General  Government. 

14  Now,  fellow-citizens,  I  have  very  little  more  to  say, 
except  to  exhort  you  to  go  on.  peacefully  if  you  can — 
and  you  can — to  effect  that  reform,  upon  which  your 
hearts  are  fixed.  What  calamitous  consequences  will 
ensue  to  the  world  if  you  fail!  If  you  should  fail, 
how  the  tryants  of  Europe  will  rejoice.  If  you  fail, 
how  will  the  friends  of  freedom,  scattered  like  the  few 
planets  of  heaven  over  the  world,  mourn,  when  they 
see  the  beacon-light  of  liberty  extinguished — the  light 
whose  rays  they  had  hoped  would  yet  penetrate 
the  whole  benighted  world. 

44  If  you  triumph,  it  will  only  be  done  with  vigilance 
and  attention.  Our  personal  friends,  but  political  ene- 
mies, remind  each  other,  that  4  Eternal  vigilance  is  the 
price  of  liberty.'  While  journeying  thitherward  lob- 
served  this  motto  waving  at  the  head  of  a  procession, 
composed  of  the  friends  of  the  present  administration. 
From  this  I  inferred  that  discrimination  was  necessary 
in  order  to  know  who  to  watch.  Under  Jefferson, 
Madison,  and  Monroe,  the  eye  of  the  people  was  turned 
to  the  right  source — to  the  administration.  The  admin- 
istration, however,  now  say  to  the  people,  4  You  must 
not  watch  us,  but  you  must  watch  the  Whigs!  Only 
do  that,  and  all  is  safe! '  But  that,  my  friends,  is  not 
the  way.  The  old-fashioned  Republican  rule  is  to  watch 
the  Government.  See  that  the  Government  does  not 
acquire  too  much  power.  Keep  a  check  upon  your 
rulers.  Do  this,  and  liberty  is  safe.  And  if  your  efforts 


1 86  Reminiscences  of  the 

should  result  successfully,  and  I  should  be  placed  in  the 
Presidential  chair,  I  shall  invite  a  recurrence  to  the  old 
Republican  rule,  to  watch  the  administration,  and  to 
condemn  all  its  acts  which  are  not  in  accordance  with 
the  strictest  mode  of  republicanism.  Our  rulers,  fellow- 
citizens,  must  be  watched.  Power  is  insinuating.  Few 
men  are  satisfied  with  less  power  than  they  are  able  to 
procure.  If  the  ladies,  whom  I  see  around  me,  were 
near  enough  to  hear  me,  and  of  sufficient  age  to  give 
an  experimental  answer,  they  would  tell  you  that  no 
lover  is  ever  satisfied  with  the  first  smile  of  his  mis- 
tress. 

"It  is  necessary,  therefore,  to  watch,  not  the  political 
opponents  of  the  administration,  but  the  administra- 
tion itself,  and  to  see  that  it  keeps  within  the  bounds 
of  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  of  the  land.  The 
executive  of  the  Union  has  immense  power  to  do 
mischief  if  he  sees  fit  to  exercise  that  power.  He  may 
prostrate  the  country.  Indeed  this  country  has  been 
already  prostrated.  It  has  already  fallen  from  pure 
republicanism  to  a  monarchy  in  spirit  if  not  in  name. 
A  celebrated  author  defines  monarchy  to  be  that  form 
of  government  in  which  the  executive  has  at  once  the 
command  of  the  army,  the  execution  of  the  laws  and 
the  control  of  the  purse.  Now  how  is  it  with  our 
present  executive?  The  Constitution  gives  to  him  the 
control  of  the  army  and  the  execution  of  the  laws. 
He  now  only  awaits  the  possession  of  the  purse  to 
make  him  a  monarch.  Not  a  monarch  simply,  with 
the  power  of  England,  but  a  monarch  with  powers 
of  the  autocrat  of  Russia.  For  Gibbon  says  that  an 
individual  possessed  of  these  powers  'will,  unless 
closely  watched,  make  himself  a  despot.' 

"  The  passage  of  the  sub-treasury  bill  will  give  to  the 
President  an  accumulation  of  power — the  single  addi- 
tional power  that  the  Constitution  withholds  from  him, 
and  the  possession  of  which  will  make  him  a  monarch. 
This  catastrophe  to  freedom  should  be  and  can  be  pre- 
vented by  vigilance,  union  and  perseverance. 

["We  will  do  it,"  resounded  from  twenty  thousand 
voices,  "we  will  do  it.'*] 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  187 

"  In  conclusion,  then,  fellow -citizens,  I  would  impress 
it  upon  all,  Democrats  and  Whigs,  give  up  the  idea  of 
'watching  each  other,  and  direct  your  eye  to  the  Govern- 
ment. Do  that,  and  your  children,  and  your  children's 
children,  to  the  latest  posterity,  will  be  as  happy  and 
as  free  as  you  and  your  fathers  have  been." 

[At  the  close  of  this  speech  the  vast  multitude  gave 
"three  times  three,"  with  an  unanimity  and  hearuness 
which  spoke  eloquently  the  unanimity  of  their  senti- 
ments as  to  the  force,  truth  and  beauty  of  the  speech, 
and  the  worth,  merit  and  virtue  of  the  speaker.] — 
Detroit  Advertiser. 


SPEECH  OF  HENRY  CLAY 

AT  TAYLORSVILLE,  HANOVER   COUNTY,    VIRGINIA, 
JUNE  27,   1840.* 

After  a  longer  delay  than  we  expected,  we  have  to- 
day the  pleasure  of  presenting  to  our  readers  the  speech 
delivered  by  Mr.  Clay  at  Taylorsville,  Hanover  county, 
on  the  27th  ult.  It  will  be  read  with  interest  by  his 
friends  and  opponents.  It  is  worthy  of  his  high  fame 
as  an  orator  and  a  statesman,  and  contains  matter  for  the 
serious  reflection  of  every  lover  of  his  country. 

The  sentiment  in  compliment  to  Mr.  Clay  was  re- 
ceived with  long-continued  applause.  That  gentle- 
man rose  and  addressed  the  company  substantially  as 
follows: 

"  I  think,  friends  and  fellow  citizens,  that,  availing 
myself  of  the  privilege  of  my  long  service  in  the  public 
councils  just  adverted  to,  the  resolution  which  I  have 
adopted  is  not  unreasonable,  of  leaving  to  younger 
men,  generally,  the  performance  of  the  duty,  and  the 
enjoyment  of  the  pleasure  of  addressing  the  people  in 
their  primary  assemblies.  After  the  event  which 

*From  the  Fredericksburg  Arens,  July  10,  1840. 


1 88  Reminiscences  of  the 

occurred  last  winter  at  the  capitol  of  Pennsylvania,  I 
believe  it  due  to  myself,  to  the  Whig  cause  and  to  the 
country,  to  announce  to  the  public,  with  perfect  truth 
and  sincerity,  and  without  any  reserve,  my  fixed  de- 
termination heartily  to  support  the  nomination  of  Wil- 
liam Henry  Harrison  there  made.  To  put  down  all 
misrepresentations,  I  have,  on  suitable  occasions,  re- 
peated this  annunciation;  and  now  declare  my  solemn 
conviction  that  the  purity  and  security  of  the  prosperity 
of  the  country  imperatively  demand  the  election  of 
that  citizen  to  the  office  of  Chief  Magistrate  of  the 
United  States. 

"  But  this  occasion  forms  an  exception  from  the  rule 
which  I  have  prescribed  to  myself.  I  have  come  here 
to  the  county  of  my  nativity,  in  the  spirit  of  a  pilgrim, 
to  meet,  perhaps  for  the  last  time,  the  companions 
and  the  descendants  of  the  companions  of  my  youth. 
Wherever  we  roam,  in  whatever  climate  or  land  we 
are  cast  by  the  accidents  of  human  life,  beyond  the 
mountains  or  beyond  the  ocean,  in  the  legislative  halls 
of  the  Capitol,  or  in  the  retreats  and  shades  of  private 
life,  our  hearts  turn  with  an  irresistible  instinct  to  the 
cherished  spot  which  ushered  us  into  existence.  And 
we  dwell  with  delightful  associations  on  the  recollec- 
tion of  the  streams  in  which,  during  our  boyish  days 
we  bathed,  the  fountains  at  which  we  drunk,  the  piney 
fields,  the  hills  and  the  valleys  where  we  sported,  and 
the  friends  who  shared  these  enjoyments  with  us.  Alas! 
too  many  of  these  friends  of  mine  have  gone  whither 
we  must  all  shortly  go,  and  the  presence  here  of  the 
small  remnant  left  behind  attests  both  our  loss  and  our 
early  attachment.  I  would  greatly  prefer,  my  friends, 
to  employ  the  time  which  this  visit  affords,  in  friendly 
and  familiar  conversation  on  the  virtues  of  our  de- 
parted companions,  and  on  the  scenes  and  adventures 
of  our  younger  days;  but  the  expectation  which  pre- 
vails, the  awful  state  of  our  beloved  country,  and  the 
opportunities  which  I  have  enjoyed  in  its  public  coun- 
cils, impose  on  me  the  obligation  of  touching  on  topics 
less  congenial  with  the  feelings  of  my  heart,  but  pos- 
sessing higher  public  interest.  I  assure  you,  fellow- 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  189 

citizens,  however,  that  I  present  myself  before  you  for 
no  purpose  of  exciting  prejudices  or  inflaming  pas- 
sions, but  to  speak  to  you  in  all  soberness  and  truth, 
and  to  testify  to  the  things  which  I  know  or  the  con- 
victions which  I  entertain,  as  an  ancient  friend,  who 
has  lived  long,  and  whose  career  is  rapidly  drawing  to 
a  close.  Throughout  an  arduous  life  I  have  endeav- 
ored to  make  truth  and  the  good  of  our  common  coun- 
try the  guides  of  my  public  conduct;  but  in  Han- 
over county,  for  which  I  cherish  sentiments  of  respect, 
gratitude  and  veneration  above  all  other  places,  would 
I  avoid  saying  anything  that  I  did  not  sincerely  and 
truly  believe. 

"  Why  is  the  plow  deserted,  the  tools  of  the  me- 
chanic laid  aside,  and  all  are  seen  rushing  to  gather- 
ings of  the  people?  What  occasions  those  vast  and 
unusual  assemblages  which  we  behold  in  every  State, 
and  in  almost  every  neighborhood?  Why  those  con- 
ventions of  the  people,  at  a  common  center,  from  all 
extremities  of  this  vast  Union,  to  consult  together  upon 
the  sufferings  of  the  community,  and  to  deliberate  on 
the  means  of  deliverance?  Why  this  rabid  appetite 
for  public  discussions?  What  is  the  solution  of  the 
phenomenon,  which  we  observe,  of  a  great  nation 
agitated  upon  its  whole  surface,  and  at  its  lowest 
depths,  like  the  ocean  when  convulsed  by  some  terri- 
ble storm?  There  must  be  a  cause,  and  no  ordinary 
cause. 

"  It  has  been  truly  said,  in  the  most  memorable  docu- 
ment that  ever  issued  from  the  pen  of  man,  that  'all 
experience  hath  shown  that  mankind  are  more  disposed 
to  suffer,  while  evils  are  sufferable,  than  to  right  them- 
selves by  abolishing  the  forms  to  which  they  are  ac- 
customed.' The  recent  history  of  our  people  furnishes 
confirmation  of  that  truth.  They  are  active,  enter- 
prising and  intelligent,  but  are  not  prone  to  make 
groundless  complaints  against  public  servants.  If  we 
now  everywhere  behold  them  in  motion,  it  is  be- 
cause they  feel  that  the  grievances  under  which  they 
are  writhing  can  be  no  longer  tolerated.  They  feel 
the  absolute  necessity  of  a  change,  that  no  change  can 


190  Reminiscences  of  the 

render  their  condition  worse,  and  that  any  change 
must  better  it.  This  is  the  judgment  to  which  they 
have  come;  this,  the  brief  and  compendious  logic 
which  we  daily  hear.  They  know  that,  in  all  the  dis- 
pensations of  Providence,  they  have  reason  to  be 
thankful  and  grateful;  and  if  they  had  not,  they  would 
be  borne  with  fortitude  and  resignation.  But  there  is 
a  pervading  conviction  and  persuasion  that,  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  government,  there  has  been  something 
wrong,  radically  wrong,  and  that  the  vessel  of  State 
has  been  in  the  hands  of  selfish,  faithless,  and  unskillful 
pilots,  who  have  conducted  it  amidst  the  breakers. 

"  In  my  deliberate  opinion,  the  present  distressed  and 
distracted  state  of  the  country  may  be  traced  to  the 
single  cause  of  the  action,  the  encroachments,  and 
the  usurpations  of  the  executive  branch  of  the  Govern- 
ment. I  have  not  time  here  to  exhibit  and  to  dwell 
upon  all  the  instances  of  these,  as  they  have  occurred 
in  succession,  during  the  last  twelve  years.  They  have 
been  again  and  again  exposed  on  other  more  fit  occa- 
sions. But  I  have  thought  this  a  proper  opportunity 
to  point  out  the  enormity  of  the  pretensions,  principles 
and  practices  of  that  department,  as  they  have  been, 
from  time  to  time,  disclosed  in  these  late  years,  and  to 
show  the  rapid  progress  which  has  been  made  in  the 
fulfillment  of  the  remarkable  language  of  our  illustrious 
countryman,  that  the  Federal  executive  had  an  awful 
squinting  towards  monarchy.  Here  in  the  county  of 
his  birth,  surrounded  by  sons,  some  of  whose  sires 
with  him  were  the  first  to  raise  their  arms  in  defense  of 
American  liberty  against  a  foreign  monarch,  is  an 
appropriate  place  to  expose  the  impending  danger  of 
creating  a  domestic  monarch.  And  may  I  not,  with- 
out presumption,  indulge  the  hope  that  the  warning 
voice  of  another,  although  far  humbler  son  of  Hanover, 
may  not  pass  unheeded? 

"  The  President  of  the  United  States  advanced  certain 
new  and  alarming  pretensions  for  the  executive  de- 
partment of  the  Government,  the  effect  of  which,  if  es- 
tablished and  recognized  by  the  people,  must  inevitably 
convert  it  into  a  monarchy.  The  first  of  these,  and  it 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  191 

was  a  favorite  principle  with  him,  was,  that  the  execu- 
tive department  should  be  regarded  as  a  unit.  By  this 
principle  of  unity  he  meant  and  intended  that  all  the 
executive  officers  of  Government  should  be  bound  to 
obey  the  commands  and  execute  the  orders  of  the  Pres- 
ident of  the  United  States,  and  that  they  should  be 
amenable  to  him,  and  be  responsible  for  them.  Prior  to 
his  administration,  it  had  been  considered  that  they 
were  bound  to  observe  and  obey  the  Constitution  and 
laws,  subject  to  the  general  superintedence  of  the  Pres- 
ident, and  responsible  by  impeachment,  and  to  the  tri- 
bunals of  justice,  for  injuries  inflicted  on  private  citizens. 

"  But  the  annunciation  of  this  new  and  extraordinary 
principle  was  not  of  itself  sufficient  for  the  purposes  of 
President  Jackson;  it  was  essential  that  the  subjection 
to  his  will,  which  was  its  object,  should  be  secured  by 
some  adequate  sanction.  That  he  sought  to  effect,  by 
an  extension  of  another  principle,  that  of  dismission 
from  office,  beyond  all  precedent,  and  in  cases  and  un- 
der circumstances  which  would  have  furnished  just 
grounds  of  his  impeachment,  according  to  the  solemn 
opinion  of  Mr.  Madison  and  other  members  of  the  first 
Congress  under  the  present  Constitution. 

"Now,  if  the  whole  official  corps,  subordinate  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  are  made  to  know  and 
to  feel  that  they  hold  their  respective  offices  by  the 
tenure  of  conformity  and  obedience  to  his  will,  it  is 
manifest  that  they  must  look  to  that  will,  and  not  to 
the  Constitution  and  laws,  as  a  guide  of  their  official 
conduct.  The  weakness  of  human  nature,  the  love  and 
emoluments  of  office,  perhaps  the  bread  necessary  to 
the  support  of  their  families,  would  make  this  result 
absolutely  certain. 

"The  development  of  this  new  character  to  the 
power  of  dismission  would  have  fallen  short  of  the 
aims  in  view,  without  the  exercise  of  it  were  held  to  be 
a  prerogative,  for  which  the  President  was  to  be  wholly 
irresponsible.  If  he  were  compelled  to  expose  the 
grounds  and  reasons  upon  which  he  acted,  in  dismiss- 
als from  office,  the  apprehension  of  public  censure 
would  temper  the  arbitrary  nature  of  the  ppwer  and 


192  Reminiscences  of  the 

throw  some  protection  around  the  subordinate  officer. 
Hence  the  new  and  monstrous  pretension  has  been  ad- 
vanced, that  although  the  concurrence  of  the  Senate  is 
necessary  by  the  Constitution  to  the  confirmation  of  an 
appointment,  the  President  may,  subsequently,  dismiss 
the  person  appointed,  not  only  without  communicating 
the  grounds  on  which  he  has  acted  to  the  Senate,  but 
without  any  such  communication  to  the  people  them- 
selves, for  whose  benefit  all  offices  are  created.  And 
so  bold  and  daring  has  the  executive  branch  of  the 
Government  become,  that  one  of  its  Cabinet  ministers, 
himself  a  subordinate  officer,  has  contemptuously  re- 
fused to  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives  to 
disclose  the  grounds  on  which  he  has  undertaken  to 
dismiss  from  office  persons  acting  as  deputy  postmast- 
ers in  his  department. 

"As  to  tl:e  gratuitous  assumption  by  President  Jack- 
son, of  responsibility  f.?r  all  the  subordinate  executive 
officers,  it  i-  the  merest  mockery  that  was  ever  put 
forth.  They  will  escape  punishment  by  pleading  his 
orders,  and.he  by  alleging  the  hardship  of  being  pun- 
ished, not  for  his  own  acts,  but  for  theirs.  We  have  a 
practical  exposition  of  this  principle  in  the  case  of  the 
200,000  militia.  The  Secretary  of  War  comes  out  to 
screen  the  President,  by  testifying  that  he  never  saw 
what  he  strongly  recommended;  and  the  President  re- 
ciprocated that  favor  by  retaining  the  Secretary  in 
place,  notwithstanding  he  has  proposed  a  plan  for  or- 
ganizing the  militia,  which  is  acknowledged  to  be  un- 
constitutional. If  the  President  is  -iot  to  be  held  re- 
sponsible for  a  Cabinet  minister,  in  daily  intercourse 
with  him,  how  is  he  to  be  rendered  so  for  a  receiver  in 
Wisconsin  or  Iowa?  To  concentrate  all  reponsibility 
in  the  President  is  to  annihilate  all  responsibility.  For 
who  ever  expects  to  see  the  day  arrive  when  a  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  will  be  impeached;  or,  if  im- 
peached, when  he  cannot  command  more  than  one- 
third  of  the  Senate  to  defeat  the  impeachment? 

"  But  to  construct  the  scheme  of  practical  despotism, 
whilst  all  the  forms  of  free  government  remained,  it  was 
necessary  to  take  one  farther  step.  By  the  Constitu- 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  193 

tion  the  President  is  enjoined  to  take  care  that  the  laws 
be  executed.  This  injunction  was  merely  intended  to 
impose  on  Mm  the  duty  of  a  general  superintendence; 
to  see  that  offices  were  filled,  officers  at  their  respective 
posts  in  the  discharge  of  their  official  functions,  and  all 
obstructions  to  the  enforcement  ot  the  laws  were  re- 
moved, and,  when  necessary  for  that  purpose,  to  carry 
out  the  militia.  No  one  ever  imagined,  prior  to  the 
administration  of  President  Jackson,  lhat  a  President 
of  the  United  States  was  to  occupy  himself  with  super- 
vising and  attending  to  the  execution  of  all  the  mi- 
nute details  of  every  one  of  the  host  of  offices  in  the 
United  States. 

"  Under  the  constitutional  injunction  just  mentioned, 
the  late  President  put  forward  that  most  extraordinary 
pretension  that  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United 
States  were  to  be  executed  as  he  understood  them;  and 
this  pretension  was  attempted  to  be  sustained  by  an 
argument  equally  extraordinary,  that  the  President, 
being  a  sworn  officer,  must  carry  them  into  effect 
according  to  his  sense  of  their  meaning.  The  Consti- 
tution and  laws  were  to  be  executed,  not  according  to 
their  import  as  handed  down  to  us  by  our  ancestors,  as 
interpreted  by  contemporaneous  expositions,  as  ex- 
pounded by  concurrent  judicial  decisions,  as  fixed  by 
an  uninterrupted  course  of  Congressional  legislation, 
but  in  that  sense  which  a  President  of  the  United 
States  happened  to  understand  them! 

"To  complete  this  executive  usurpation  one  further 
object  remained.  By  the  Constitution,  the  command 
of  the  Army  and  the  Navy  is  conferred  on  the  Presi- 
dent. If  he  could  unite  the  purse  to  the  sword  noth- 
ing would  be  left  to  gratify  the  insatiable  thirst  for 
power.  In  1833  the  President  seized  the  Treasury  of 
the  United  States,  and  from  that  day  to  this  it  has  con- 
tinued substantially  under  his  control.  This  seizure  was 
effected  by  the  removal  of  one  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury understood  to  be  opposed  to  the  measure,  and  by 
the  dismissal  of  another,  who  refused  to  violate  the 
law  of  the  land  upon  the  orders  of  the  President. 

"  It  is,  indeed,  said  that  not  a  dollar  in  the  Treasury 

13 


194  Reminiscences  of  the 

can  be  touched  without  a  previous  appropriation  by 
law,  nor  drawn  out  of  the  Treasury  without  the  con- 
currence and  signatures  of  the  Secretary,  the  Treas- 
urer, the  Register  and  the  Comptroller.  But  are  not  all 
these  pretended  securities  idle  and  unavailing  forms? 
We  have  seen  that,  by  the  operation  of  the  irresponsible 
power  of  dismission,  all  those  officers  are  reduced  to 
automata,  absolutely  subjected  to  the  will  ©f  the  Presi- 
dent. What  resistance  would  any  of  them  make, 
with  the  penalty  of  dismission  suspended  over  their 
heads,  to  any  order  of  the  President  to  pour  out  the 
treasure  of  the  United  States  whether  an  act  of  ap- 
propriation existed  or  not?  Do  not  mock  us  with  the 
vain  assurance  of  the  honor  and  probity  of  a  Presi- 
dent, nor  remind  us  of  the  confidence  -  which  we 
ought  to  repose  in  his  imagined  virtues.  The  pervad- 
ing principle  of  our  system  of  Government — of  all 
free  governments — is  not  merely  the  possibility,  but 
the  absolute  certainty  of  infidelity  and  treachery  with 
even  the  highest  functionary  of  the  State;  and  hence 
all  the  restrictions,  securities,  and  guarantees  which 
the  wisdom  of  our  ancestors  or  the  sad  experience  of 
history  had  inculcated  have  been  devised  and  thrown 
around  the  Chief  Magistrate. 

"Here,  friends  and  fellow-citizens,  let  us  pause  and 
contemplate  this  stupendous  structure  of  executive  ma- 
chinery and  despotism  which  has  been  reared  in  our 
young  Republic.  The  executive  branch  of  this  gov- 
ernment is  a  unit;  throughout  all  its  arteries  and  veins 
there  is  but  one  heart,  one  head,  one  will.  The  num- 
ber of  the  subordinate  executive  officers  and  depend- 
ents in  the  United  States  has  been  estimated,  in  an  offi- 
cial report,  founded  on  public  documents,  made  by  a 
Senator  from  South  Carolina  (Mr.  Calhoun),  at  one 
hundred  thousand.  Whatever  it  may  be,  all  of  them, 
wherever  they  are  situated,  are  bound  implicitly  to 
obey  the  orders  of  the  President.  And  absolute  obedi- 
ence to  his  will  is  secured  and  enforced  by  the  power 
ofdismissing  them,  at  his  pleasure,  from  their  respect- 
•;Tve£, places.  To  make  this  terrible  power  of  dismission 
more  certain  and  efficacious,  its  exercise  is  covered  up 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  195 

in  mysterious  secrecy,  without  exposure,  without  the 
smallest  responsibility.  The  Constitution  and  laws  of 
the  United  States  are  to  be  executed  in  the  sense  in 
which  the  President  understands  them,  although  that 
sense  may  be  at  variance  with  the  understanding  of 
every  other  man  in  the  United  States.  It  follows,  as  a 
necessary  consequence  from  the  principle  deduced  by 
the  President  from  the  constitutional  injunction  as  to 
the  execution  of  the  laws,  that,  if  an  act  of  Congress  be 
passed,  in  his  opinion,  contrary  to  the  Constitution,  or 
if  a  decision  be  pronounced  by  the  courts  in  his 
opinion  contrary  to  the  Constitution  or  the  laws,  that 
act  or  that  decision  the  President  is  not  obliged  to 
enforce,  and  he  could  not  cause  it  to  be  enforced 
without  a  violation,  as  is  pretended,  of  his  official 
oath.  Candor  requires  the  admission  that  the  princi- 
ple haa  not  yet  been  pushed  in  practice  to  these  cases; 
but  it  manifestly  comprehends  them,  and  who  doubts 
that,  if  the  spirit  of  usurpation  is  not  arrested  and  re- 
buked, they  will  be  finally  reached?  The  march  of 
poiver  is  ever  onward.  As  times  and  seasons  admon- 
ish, it  openly  and  boldly,  in  broad  day.  makes  its  pro- 
gress; or,  if  alarm  be  excited  by  the  enormity  of  its 
pretensions,  it  silently  and  secretly,  in  the  dark  of  the 
night,  steals  its  devious  way.  It  now  storms  and 
mounts  the  ramparts  of  the  fortress  of  liberty;  it  now 
saps  and  undermines  its  foundations.  Finally,  the  com- 
mand of  the  Army  and  Navy  being  already  in  the  Pres- 
ident, and  having  acquired  a  perfect  control  over  the 
Treasury  of  the  United  States,  he  has  consummated  that 
frightful  union  of  purse  and  sword,  so  long,  so  much 
so  earnestly  deprecated  by  all  true  lovers  of  civil  lib- 
erty. And  our  present  Chief  Magistrate  stands  sol- 
emnly and  voluntarily  pledged,  in  the  face  of  the  whole 
world,  to  follow  in  the  footsteps  and  carry  out  the 
measures  and  the  principles  of  his  illustrious  prede- 
cessor! 

"The  sum  of  the  whole  is,  that  there  is  but  one  power, 
one  control,  one  will  in  the  State.     All  is  concentrated 
in  the  President.     He  directs,  orders,   commandtl} 
whole   machinery   of  the   State.     Through   the 


196  Reminiscences  of  the 

agencies,  scattered  throughout  the  land,  and  absolutely 
subjected  to  his  will,  he  executes  according  to  his  pleas- 
ure or  caprice,  the  whole  power  of  the  commonwealth, 
which  has  been  absorbed  and  engrossed  by  him.  And 
one  sole  will  predominates  in,  and  animates  the  whole 
of  this  community.  If  this  be  not  practical  despotism 
I  am  incapable  of  conceiving  or  defining  it.  Names 
are  nothing.  The  existence  or  non-existence  of  arbi- 
trary government  does  not  depend  upon  the  title  or 
denomination  bestowed  on  the  chief  of  the  State,  but 
upon  the  quantum  of  power  which  he  possesses  and 
wields.  Autocrat,  sultan,  emperor,  dictator,  king, 
doge,  president,  are  all  mere  names,  in  which  the  power 
respectively  possessed  by  them  is  not  to  be  found,  but 
is  to  be  looked  for  in  the  Constitution,  or  the  estab- 
lished usages  and  practices  of  the  several  States  which 
they  govern  and  control.  If  the  Autocrat  of  Russia 
were  called  president  of  all  the  Russias,  the  actual  power 
remaining  unchanged,  his  authority  under  his  new  de- 
nomination would  continue  undiminished;  and  if  the 
President  of  the  United  States  were  to 'receive  the  title 
of  Autocrat  of  the  United  Stajtes,  the  amount  of  his  au- 
thority would  not  be  increased  without  an  alteration  of 
the  Constitution. 

"General Jackson  was  a  bold  and  fearless  reaper, 
carrying  a  wide  row,  but  he  did  not  gather  the  whole 
harvest;  he  left  some  gleanings  to  his  faithful  suc- 
cessor, and  he  seems  resolved  to  sweep  clean  the  field 
of  power.  The  duty  of  inculcating  on  the  official  corps 
the  active  exertion  of  their  personal  and  official  influ- 
ence was  left  by  him  to  be  enforced  bv  Mr.  Van  Bu- 
ren,  in  all  popular  elections.  It  was  net  sufficient  that 
the  official  corps  was  bound  implicitly  to  obey  the  will 
of  the  President.  Ifwas  not  sufficient  that  this  obedi- 
ence was  coerced  by  the  tremendous  power  of  dis- 
mission. It  soon  became  apparent  that  this  corps 
might  be  beneficially  employed  to  promote  in  other 
matters  than  the  business  of  their  offices,  the  views  and 
interests  of  the  President  and  his  party.  They  are  far 
more  efficient  than  any  standing  army  of  equal  num- 
bers. A  standing  army  would  be  separated,  and  stand 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  197 

out  from  the  people;  would  be  an  object  of  jealousy  and 
suspicion;  and  being  always  in  corps,  or  in  detachments, 
could  exert  no  influence  on  popular  elections.  But  the 
official  corps  is  dispersed  throughout  the  country,  in 
every  town,  village  and  city,  mixing  with  the  people, 
attending  their  meetings  and  conventions,  becoming 
chairmen  and  members  of  committees  and  urging  and 
stimulating  partisans  to  active  and  vigorous  exertion. 
Acting  in  concert,  and  throughout  the  whole  Union 
obeying  orders  issued  from  the  center,  their  influence, 
aided  by  executive  patronage,  by  the  Post-Office  De- 
partment, and  all  the  vast  other  means  of  the  executive, 
is  almost  irresistible. 

"  To  correct  this  procedure,  and  to  restrain  the  sub- 
ordinates of  the  executive  from  all  interference  with 
popular  elections,  my  colleague  (Mr.  Crittenden)  now 
present,  introduced  a  bill  in  the  Senate.  He  had  the 
weight  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  opinion,  who  issued  a  circu- 
lar to.  restrain  Federal  officers  from  intermeddling  in 
popular  elections.  He  had  before  him  the  British  ex- 
ample, according  to  which,  placemen  and  pensioners 
were  not  only  forbidden  to  interfere,  but  were  not, 
some  of  them,  even  allowed  to  vote  at  popular  elections. 
But  this  bill  left  them  free  to  excercise  the  elective 
franchise,  prohibiting  only  the  use  of  their  official 
influence.  And  how  was  this  bill  received  in  the  Sen- 
ate? Passed  by  those  who  profess  to  admire  the  char- 
acter and  to  pursue  the  principles  of  Mr.  Jefferson? 
No  such  thing.  It  was  denounced  as  a  sedition  bill. 
And  the  just  odium  of  that  sedition  bill,  which  was 
intended  to  protect  office-holders  against  the  people 
was  successfully  used  to  defeat  a  measure  of  protection 
of  the  people  against  the  office-holders!  Not  only 
were  they  left  unrestrained,  but  they  were  urged  and 
stimulated  by  an  official  report  to  employ  their  influ- 
ence in  behalf  of  the  administration,  at  the  elections  of 
the  people. 

Hitherto  the  Army  and  Nav}'  have  remained  unaf- 
fected by  the  power  of  dismission,  and  they  have  not 
been  called  into  the  political  service  of  the  executive. 
But  no  attentive  observer  of  the  principles  and  pro- 


198  Reminiscences  of  the 

ceedings  of  the  men  in  power  could  fail  to  see  that  the 
day  was  not  distant  when  they,  too,  would  be  required 
to  perform  the  partisan  offices  of  the  President.  Ac- 
cordingly, the  process  of  converting  them  into  execu- 
tive instruments  has  commenced  in  a  court-martial 
assembled  at  Baltimore.  Two  officers  of  the  Army  of 
the  United  States  have  been  put  upon  their  solemn 
trial,  on  the  charge  of  prejudicing  the  Democratic 
party  by  making  purchases  for  the  supply  of  the  Army 
from  members  of  the  Whig  party.  It  is  not  pretended 
that  the  United  States  were  prejudiced  by  those  pur- 
chases; on  the  contrary,  it  was,  I  believe,  established 
that  they  were  cheaper  than  could  have  been  made 
from  the  supporters  of  the  administration.  But  the 
charge  was  that  to  purchase  at  all  from  the  opponents, 
instead  of  friends  of  the  administration,  was  an  injury 
to  the  Democratic  party  which  required  that  the  offend- 
ers should  be  put  upon  their  trial  before  a  court-mar- 
tial. And  this  trial  was  commenced  at  the  instance  of 
a  committee  of  a  Democratic  convention,  and  con- 
ducted and  prosecuted  by  them.  The  scandalous  spec- 
tacle is  presented  to  an  enlightened  world  of  the  Chief 
Magistrate  of  a  great  people  executing  the  orders  of  a 
self-created  power,  organized  within  the  bosom  of  the 
State,  and  upon  such  an  accusation,  arraigning,  before 
a  military  tribunal,  gallant  men,  who  are  charged  with 
the  defense  of  the  honor  and  interest  of  their  country, 
and  with  bearing  its  eagles  in  the  presence  of  an 
enemy. 

"  But  the  Army  and  Navy  are  too  small,  and  in  com- 
position are  too  patriotic  to  subserve  all  the  purposes 
of  this  administration.  Hence  the  recent  proposition 
of  the  Secretary  of  War,  strongly  recommended  by  the 
President,  under  color  of  a  new  organization  of  the 
militia,  to  create  a  standing  force  of  two  hundred  thou- 
sand men,  an  amount  which  no  conceivable  foreign 
exigency  can  ever  make  necessary.  It  is  not  my  pur- 
pose now  to  enter  upon  an  examination  of  that  alarm- 
ing and  dangerous  plan  of  the  Executive  Department 
of  the  Federal  Government.  It  has  justly  excited  a 
burst  of  general  indignation;  and  nowhere  has  the  dis- 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  199 

approbation  of  it  been  more  emphatically  expressed 
than  in  this  ancient  and  venerable  commonwealth. 

kk  The  monstrous  project  may  be  described  in  a  few 
words.  It  proposes  to  create  the  force  by  breaking 
down  Mason  and  Dixson's  line,  expunging  the  bound- 
aries of  States,  melting  them  up  into  a  confluent  mass, 
to  be  subsequently  cut  up  into  ten  military  parts,  alien- 
ates the  militia  from  its  natural  association,  withdraws 
it  from  the  authority  and  command  and  sympathy  of 
its  constitutional  officers,  appointed  by  the  States,  puts 
it  under  the  command  of  the  President,  authorizes  him 
to  cause  it  to  be  trained,  in  palpable  violation  of  the 
Constitution,  and  subjects  it  to  be  called  out  from  re- 
mote and  distant  places,  at  his  pleasure,  and  on  oc- 
casions not  warranted  by  the  Constitution! 

"  Indefensible  as  this  project  is,  fellow-citizens,  do 
not  be  deceived  by  supposing  that  it  has  been  or  will 
be  abandoned.  It  is  a  principle  of  those  who  are  now 
in  power  that  an  election  or  re-election  of  the  Presi- 
dent implies  the  sanction  of  the  people  to  all  the  meas- 
ures which  he  had  proposed,  and  all  the  opinions  which 
he  had  expressed,  on  public  affairs,  prior  to  that  event. 
We  have  seen  this  principle  applied  on  various  occa- 
sions. Let  Mr.  Van  Buren  be  re-elected  in  November 
next,  and  it  will  be  claimed  that  the  people  have  thereby 
approved  of  this  plan  of  the  Secretary  of  War.  All 
entertain  the  opinion  that  it  is  important  to  train  the 
milita  and  render  it  effective;  and  it  will  be  insisted,  in 
the  contingency  mentioned,  that  the  people  have  de- 
monstrated that  they  approve  of  that  specific  plan. 
There  is  more  reason  to  apprehend  such  consequence 
from  the  fact  that  a  committee  of  the  Senate,  to  which 
this  subject  was  referred,  instead  of  denouncing  the 
scheme  as  unconstitutional  and  dangerous  to  liberty, 
presented  a  labored  apologetic  report,  and  the  admin- 
istration majority  in  that  body  ordered  twenty  thou- 
sand copies  of  the  apology  to  be  printed  for  circulation 
among  the  people.  I  take  pleasure  in  testifying  that 
one  administration  Senator  had  the  manly  independ- 
ence to  denounce,  in  his  place,  the  project  as  unconsit- 
tutional.  The  Senator  was  from  your  own  State. 


2oo  Reminiscences  of  the 

"  I  have  thus,  fellow-citizens,  exhibited  to  you  a  true 
and  faithful  picture  of  Kxecutive  power,  as  it  has  been 
enlarged  and  expanded  within  the  last  few  years,  and 
as  it  has  been  proposed  further  to  extend  it.  It  over- 
shadows every  other  branch  of  the  Government.  The 
source  of  legislative  power  is  no  longer  to  be  found  in 
the  Capital  but  in  the  palace  of  the  President.  In  as- 
suming to  be  a  part  of  the  legislative  power,  as  the 
President  recently  did  contrary  to  the  Constitution,  he 
would  have  been  nearer  the  actual  fact  if  he  had  alleged 
that  he  was  the  sole  legislative  power  of  the  Union. 
How  is  it  possible  for  public  liberty  to  be  preserved, 
and  the  constitutional  distributions  of  power,  among 
the  departments  of  Government,  to  be  maintained,  un- 
less the  executive  career  be  checked  and  restrained? 

"  It  may  be  urged  that  two  securities  exist:  first,  that 
the  Presidential  term  is  of  short  duration;  and  secondly, 
the  elective  franchise.  But  it  has  been  already  shown 
that  whether  a  depository  power  be  arbitrary  or  com- 
patible with  liberty,  does  not  depend  upon  the  dura- 
tion of  the  official  term,  but  upon  the  amount  of  power 
invested.  The  Dictatorship  in  Rome  was  an  office  of 
brief  existence,  generally  shorter  than  the  Presidential 
term.  Whether  the  elective  franchise  be  an  adequate 
security  or  not,  is  a  problem  to  be  solved  next  Novem- 
ber. 1  hope  and  believe  it  yet  is.  But  if  Mr.  Van  Bu- 
ren  shall  be  re-elected,  the  power  already  acquired  by 
the  executive  be  retained,  and  that  which  is  in  pro- 
gress be  added  to  that  department,  it  is  my  deliberate 
judgment  that  there  will  be  no  hope  remaining  for  the 
continuance  of  the  liberties  of  the  country. 

''  And  yet  the  partisans  of  this  tremendous  executive 
power  arrogate  to  themselves  the  name  of  Democrats, 
and  bestow  upon  us  who  are  opposed  to  it  the  denomi- 
nation of  Federalists!  In  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  there  are  five  gentlemen  who  were  members  of 
the  Federal  party,  and  four  of  them  have  been  suddenly 
transformed  into  Democrats;  and  are  now  warm  sup- 
porters of  this  administration,  whilst  I,  who  had  ex- 
erted the  humblest  of  my  humble  abilities  to  arouse  the 
natio'nto  a  vindication  of  its  insulted  honor  and  its  vi- 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  201 

olated  rights,  and  to  the  vigorous  prosecution  of  the 
war  against  Great  Britain,  to  which  they  were  violently 
opposed,  find  myself,  by  a  sort  of  magical  influence, 
converted  into  a  Federalist!  The  only  American  citi- 
zen that  I  evdr  met  with,  who  was  an  avowed  mon- 
archist, was  a  supporter  of  the  administration  of  Gen- 
eral Jackson;  and  he  acknowledged  to  me  that  his  mo- 
tive was  to  bring  about  the  system  of  monarchy  which 
his  judgment  preferred. 

"There  were  other  points  of  difference  between  the 
Federalist  and  the  Democratic  or  rather  Republican 
party  of  1798;  but  the  great,  leading,  prominent  dis- 
crimination between  them  related  to  the  constitution 
of  the  executive  department  of  the  Government.  The 
Federalists  believed  that,  in  its  structure,  it  was  too 
weak  and  was  in  danger  of  being  crushed  by  the  pre- 
ponderating weight  of  the  legislative  branch.  Hence, 
they  rallied  around  the  executive,  and  sought  to  give 
to  it  strength  and  energy.  A  strong  Government,  an 
energetic  executive  was  among  them  the  common 
language  and  the  great  object  of  that  day.  The  Re- 
publicans, on  the  contrary,  believed  that  the  real  dan- 
ger lay  on  the  side  of  the  executive;  that,  having  a 
continuous  and  uninterrupted  existence,  it  was  always 
on  the  alert,  ready  to  defend  the  power  it  had,  and 
prompt  in  acquiring  more;  and  that  the  experience  of 
history  demonstrated  that  it  was  the  encroaching  and 
usurping  department.  They  therefore  rallied  around 
the  people  and  the  legislature. 

"  What  are  the  positions  of  the  two  great  parties  of 
the  present  day?  Modern  Democracy  has  reduced  the 
Federal  theory  of  a  strong  and  energetic  executive  to 
practical  operation.  It  has  turned  from  the  people, 
the  natural  ally  of  genuine  Democracy,  to  the  execu- 
tive, and,  instead  of  vigilance,  jealousy,  and  distrust, 
has  given  to  that  department  all  its  confidence,  and 
made  to  it  a  virtual  surrender  of  all  the  powers  of  Gov- 
ernment. The  recognized  maxim  of  royal  infallibility 
is  transplanted  from  the  British  monarchy  into  modern 
American  Democracy,  and  the  President  can  do  no 
wrong.  This  new  school  adopts,  modifies,  changes, 


2O2       .  Reminiscences  of  the 

renounces,  renews  opinions  at  the  pleasure  of  the  ex- 
ecutive. Is  the  bank  of  the  United  States  a  useful  and 
valuable  institution?  Yes,  unanimously  pronounces 
the  Democratic  legislature  of  Pennsylvania.  The 
President  vetoes  it  as  a  pernicious  and  dangerous  es- 
tablishment. The  Democratic  majority  in  the  same 
legislature  pronounce  it  to  be  pernicious  and  danger- 
ous. The  Democratic  majority  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives of  the  United  States  declare  the  deposits  of 
the  public  money  in  the  bank  of  the  United  States  to 
be  safe.  The  President  says  they  are  unsafe,  and  re- 
moves them.  The  Democracy  say  they  are  unsafe, 
and  approve  the  removal.  The  President  says  that  a 
scheme  of  a  sub-treasury  is  revolutionary  and  disorgan- 
izing. The  Democracy  say  it  is  revolutionary  and 
disorganizing.  The  President  says  it  is  wise  and  salu- 
tary. The  Democracy  say  it  is  wise  and  salutary. 

"  The  Whigs  of  18~40  stand  where  the  Republicans 
of  1798  stood,  and  'where  the  Whigs  of  the  Revolution 
-were,  battling  for  liberty,  for  the  people,  for  free  in- 
stitutions, against  power,  against  corruption,  against 
executive  encroachments,  against  monarchy. 

"  We  are  reproached  with  struggling  for  offices  and 
their  emoluments.  If  we  acted  on  the  avowed  and 
acknowledged  principle  of  our  opponents,  'that  the 
spoils  belong  to  the  victors,'  we  should  indeed  be  un- 
worthy of  the  support  of  the  people.  No,  fellow-citi- 
zens, higher,  nobler,  more  patriotic  motives  actuate  the 
Whig  party.  Their  object  is  the  restoration  of  the 
Constitution,  the  preservation  of  liberty,  the  rescue  of 
the  country.  If  they  were  governed  by  the  sordid 
and  selfish  motives  acted  upon  by  their  opponents,  and 
unjustly  imputed  to  them,  to  acquire  office  and  emolu- 
ment, they  have  only  to  change  their  names,  and  enter 
the  Presidential  palace.  The  gate  is  always  wide  open, 
and  the  path  is  no  narrow  one  which  leads  through  it. 
The  last  comer,  too,  often  fares  best. 

"  On  a  resurvey  of  the  past  few  years  we  behold 
enough  to  sicken  and  sadden  the  hearts  of  true  patriots. 
Executive  encroachment  has  quickly  followed  upon 
executive  encroachment;  persons  honored  by  public 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  203 

confidence,  and  from  whom  nothing  but  grateful  and 
parental  measures  should  have  flowed,  have  inflicted 
stunning  blow  after  blow  in  such  rapid  succession  that 
before  the  people  could  recover  from  the  reeling  effects 
of  one,  another  has  fallen  heavily  upon  them.  Had  either 
of  various  instances  of  executive  misrule  stood  out  sep- 
arate and  alone,  so  that  its  enormity  might  have  been 
seen  and  dwelt  upon  with  composure,  the  condemna- 
tion of  the  executive  would  have  long  since  been  pro- 
nounced; but  it  has  hitherto  found  safety  and  impunity 
in  the  bewildering  effects  of  the  multitude  of  its  mis- 
deeds. The  nation  has  been  in  the  condition  of  a  man 
who,  having  gone  to  bed  after  his  barn  has  been  con- 
sumed by  fire,  is  aroused  in  the  morning  to  witness  his 
d'welling-house  wrapt  in  flames.  So  bold  and  pre- 
sumptuous had  the  executive  become  that  penetrating 
in  its  influence  the  hall  of  a  co-ordinate  branch  of  the 
Government  by  means  of  a  submissive  or  instructed 
majority  of  the  Senate  it  has  caused  a  record  of  the 
country  to  be  effaced  and  expunged,  the  inviolability  of 
which  was  guaranteed  by  a  solemn  injunction  of  the 
Constitution.  And  that  memorable  and  scandalous 
scene  was  enacted  only  because  the  offensive  record 
contained  an  expression  of  disapprobation  of  an  exec- 
utive proceeding. 

"  If  this  state  of  things  were  to  remain;  if  the  pro- 
gress of  executive  usurpation  were  to  continue  un- 
checked, hopeless  despair  would  seize  the  public  mind, 
or  the  people  would  be  goaded  to  acts  of  open  and 
violent  resistance.  But,  thank  God,  the  power  of  the 
President,  fearful  and  rapid  as  its  strides  have  been,  is 
not  yet  too  great  for  the  power  of  the  elective  fran- 
chise; and  a  bright  and  glorious  prospect  in  the  elec- 
tion of  William  Henry  Harrison  has  opened  upon  the 
country.  The  necessity  of  a  change  of  rulers  has 
deeply  penetrated  the  heart  of  the  people,  and  we 
every  v  here  behold  cheering  manifestations  of  that 
happy  event.  The  fact  of  his  election  alone,  without 
reference  to  the  measures  of  his  administration,  will 
powerfully  contribute  to  the  security  and  happiness  of 
the  people.  It  will  bring  assurance  of  the  cessation  of 


204  Reminiscences  of  the 

that  long  series  of  disastrous  experiments  which  have 
so  greatly  afflicted  the  people.  Confidence  will  im- 
mediately revive,  credit  be  restored,  active  business 
will  return,  prices  of -products  will  rise,  and  the  peo- 
ple will  feel  and  know  that,  instead  of  their  servants 
lacing  occupied  in  devising  measures  for  their  ruin  and 
destruction,  they  will  be  assiduously  employed  in  pro- 
moting their  welfare  and  prosperity. 

"  Whatever  is  the  work  of  man,  necessarily  partakes 
of  his  imperfections;  and  it  was  not  to  be  expected 
that,  with  all  the  acknowledged  wish  and  virtues  of 
the  framers  of  our  Constitution  they  could  have  sent 
forth  a  plan  of  Government  so  free  from  all  defect,  and 
so  full  of  guarantees,  that  it  should  not,  in  the  conflict 
of  embittered  parties  and  excited  passions  be  perverted 
and  misinterpreted.  Misconceptions  or  erroneous  con- 
structions of  the  powers  granted  in  the  Constitution 
would  probably  have  occurred,  after  the  lapse  of  many 
years,  in  seasons  of  entire  calm  and  with  a  regular  arid 
temperate  administration  of  the  Government;  but  dur- 
ing the  last  twelve  years  the  machine,  driven  by  a 
reckless  charioteer  with  a  frightful  impetuosity,  has  been 
greatly  jarred  and  jolted,  and  it  needs  careful  examina- 
tion and  a  thorough  repair. 

"  With  a  view,  therefore,  to  the  fundamental  charac- 
ter of  the  Government  itself,  and  especially  of  the  ex- 
ecutive branch,  it  seems  to  me  that,  either  by  amend- 
ments of  the  Constitution,  when  they  are  necessary,  or 
by  remedial  legislation,  when  the  object  falls  within 
the  scope  of  the  powers  of  Congress,  there  should  be, 

1.  A  provision  to  render  a  person  ineligible  to  the 
office  of  President  of  the  United  States  after  a  serv- 
ice" of  one  term. 

"Much  observation  and  deliberate  reflection  have 
satisfied  me  that  too  much  of  the  time,  the  thoughts,  and 
the  exertions  of  the  incumbent  are  occupied  during  his 
first  term,  in  securing  his  re-election.  The  public  busi- 
ness, consequently,  suffers;  and  measures  are  proposed 
or  executed  with  less  regard  to  the  general  prosperity 
than  to  their  influence  upon  the  approaching  election. 
If  the  limitation  to  one  term  existed,  the  President 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  205 

would  be  exclusively  devoted  to  the  discharge  of  his 
public  duties;  and  he  would  endeavor  to  signalize  his 
administration  by  the  beneficence  and  wisdom  of  its 
measures. 

"  2.  That  the  veto  power  should  be  more  precisely  de- 
fined,  and  be  subjected  to  further  limitations  and  qual- 
ifications. Although  a  large,  perhaps  the  largest,  pro- 
portion of  all  the  acts  of  Congress,  since  the  com- 
mencement of  the  Government,  were  passed  within 
the  three  last  days  of  the  session,  and  when  of  course 
the  President  for  the  time  being  had  not  the  ten  days 
for  consideration  allowed  by  the  Constitution,  Presi- 
dent Jackson,  availing  himself  of  that  allowance,  has 
failed  to  return  important  bills.  When  not  returned 
by  the  President  within  the  ten  days,  it  is  questionable 
whether  they  are  laws  or  not.  It  is  very  certain  that 
the  next  Congress  cannot  act  upon  them  by  deciding 
whether  or  not  they  shall  become  laws,  the  President's 
objections  notwithstanding.  All  this  ought  to  be  pro- 
vided for. 

"At  present,  a  bill  returned  by  the  President  can  only 
become  a  law  by  the  concurrence  of  two-thirds  of  the 
members  of  each  House.  I  think  if  Congress  passes 
a  bill  after  discussion  and  consideration,  and,  after 
weighing  the  objections  of  the  President,  still  believes 
it  ought  to  pass,  it  should  become  a  law,  provided  a 
majority  of  all  the  members  of  each  House  concur  in 
its  passage.  If  the  weight  of  his  argument  and  the 
weight  of  his  influence  conjointly  cannot  prevail  on  a 
majority,  against  their  previous  convictions,  in  my 
opinion,  the  bill  ought  not  to  be  arrested.  Such  is  the 
provision  of  the  constitutions  of  several  of  the  States, 
and  that  of  Kentucky  among  them. 

"  3.  The  power  of  dismission  from  office  should  be  re- 
stricted, and  the  exercise  of  it  be  rendered  responsible. 

"The  constitutional  concurrence  of  the  Senate  is 
necessary  to  the  confirmation  of  all  important  appoint- 
ments; but,  without  consulting  the  Senate,  without 
any  other  motive  than  resentment  or  caprice,  the  Pres- 
ident may  dismiss,  at  his  sole  pleasure,  an  officer 
created  by  the  joint  action  of  himself  and  the  Senate. 


2o6  Reminiscences  of  the 

The  practical  effect  is  to  nullify  the  agency  of  the  Sen- 
ate. There  may  be,  occasionally,  cases  in  which  the 
public  interest  requires  an  immediate  dismission  with- 
out waiting  for  the  assembling  of  the  Senate;  but,  in 
all  such  cases  the  President  should  be  bound  to  com- 
municate fully  the  grounds  and  motives  of  the  dismis- 
sion. The  power  would  be  thus  rendered  responsible. 
Without  it,  the  exercise  of  the  power  is  utterly  repug- 
nant to  free  institutions,  the  basis  of  which  is  perfect 
responsibility  and  dangerous  to  the  public  liberty,  as 
has  been  allready  shown. 

"^.  That  the  control  over  the  Treasury  of  the  United 
States  should  be  confided  and  confined  exclusively  to 
Congress;  and  all  Authority  of  the  President  over  it  by 
means  of  dismissing  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. _  or 
other  persons  having  the  immediate  charge  of  it,  be 
rigorously  precluded. 

"  You  have  heard  much,  fellow-citizens,  of  the  divorce 
of  banks  and  government.  After  crippling  them  and 
impairing  their  utility,  the  executive  and  its  partisans 
have  systematically  denounced  them.  The  executive 
and  the  country  were  warned  again  and  again  of  the 
fatal  course  that  has  been  pursued;  but  the  execctive 
nevertheless  persevered,  commencing  by  praising  and 
ending  by  decrying  the  State  banks.  Under  cover  of 
the  smoke  which  has  been  raised,  the  real  object  all 
along  has  been,  and  yet  is  to  obtain  the  possession  of 
the  money-power  of  the  Union.  That  accomplished 
and  sanctioned  by  the  people — the  union  of  the  sword 
and  the  purse  in  the  hands  of  the  President  effectually 
secured — and  farewell  to  American  liberty.  The  sub- 
treasury  is  the  scheme  for  effecting  that  union;  and,  I 
am  told,  that  of  all  the  days  in  the  year,  that  which 
gave  birth  to  our  national  existence  and  freedom  is  the 
selected  day  to  be  disgraced  by  ushering  into  existence 
a  measure  imminently  perilous  to  the  liberty  which,  on 
that  anniversary,  we  commemorate  in  joyous  festivals. 
Thus,  in  the  spirit  of  destruction  which  animates  our 
rulers,  would  they  convert  a  day  of  gladness  and  of 
glory  into  a  day  of  sadness  and  mourning.  Fellow- 
citizens,  there  is  one  divorce  urgently  demanded  by 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  207 

the  safety  and  highest  interests  of  the  country,  a  divorce 
of  the  President  from  the  treasury  of  the  United  States. 

"And  5.  That  the  appointment  of  members  of  Con- 
gress to  any  office,  or  any  but  a  few  specified  offices,  dur- 
ing their  continuance  in  office,  and  for  one  year  there- 
after be  prohibited* 

"This  is  a  hackneyed  theme,  but  it  is  not  less  deserv- 
ing serious  consideration.  The  Constitution  now  inter- 
dicts the  appointment  of  a  member  of  Congress  to  any 
office  created,  or  the  emoluments  of  which  had  been  in- 
creased whilst  he  was  in  office.  In  the  purer  days  of 
the  Republic  that  restriction  might  have  been  sufficient, 
but  in  these  more  degenerate  times,  it  is  necessary,  by 
an  amendment  of  the  Constitution  to  give  the  princi- 
ples greater  extent. 

"These  are  the  subjects,  in  relation  to  the  permanent 
character  of  the  Government  itself,  which,  it  seems  to 
me,  are  worthy  of  the  serious  attention  of  the  people, 
and  of  a  new  administration.  There  are  others,  of  an 
administrative  nature,  which  require  prompt  and  care- 
ful consideration. 

"i.  The  currency  of  the  country,  its  stability  and 
uniform  value,  and,  as  intimately  and  indissolubly  con- 
nected with  it,  the  insurance  of  the  faithful  perform- 
ance of  the  fiscal  services  necessary  to  the  Government 
should  be  maintained  and  secured  by  exercising  all  the 
powers  requisite  to  those  objects  with  which  Congress 
is  constitutionally  invested.  These  are  the  great  ends 
to  be  aimed  at,  the  means  are  of  subordinate  impor- 
tance. Whether  these  ends,  indispensable  to  the  well- 
being  of  both  the  people  and  the  Government,  are  to 
be  attained  by  sound  and  safe  State  banks,  care- 
fully selected  and  properly  distributed,  or  by  a  new 
bank  of  the  United  States,  with  such  limitations,  con- 
ditions, and  restrictions  as  have  been  indicated  by  ex- 
perience, should  be  left  to  the  arbitrament  of  enlight- 
ened public  opinion. 

"Candor  and  truth  require  me  to  say  that,  in  my 
judgment,  whilst  banks  continue  to  exist  in  the  coun- 
try, the  services  of  a  bank  of  the  United  States  cannot 
be  safely  dispensed  with.  I  think  that  the  power  to 


208  Reminiscences  of  the 

establish  such  a  bank  is  a  settled  question;  settled  by 
Washington  and  by  Madison,  by  forty  years'  acquies- 
cence, by  the  judiciary,  and  by  both  of  the  great  par- 
ties which  so  long  held  sway  in  this  country.  I  know 
and  I  respect  the  contrary  opinion,  which  is  enter- 
tained in  this  State.  But,  in  my  deliberate  view  of  the 
matter,  the  power  to  establish  such  a  bank  being  set- 
tled, and  being  a  necessary  and  proper  power,  the 
only  question  is  as  to  the  expediency  of  its  exercise. 
And  on  questions  of  mere  expediency,  public  opin- 
ion ought  to  have  a  controlling  influence.  With- 
out banks,  I  believe  we  cannot  have  a  sufficient  cur- 
rency; without  a  bank  of  the  United  States  I  fear  we 
cannot  have  a  sound  currency.  But  it  is  the  end,  that 
of  a  sound  and  sufficient  currency,  and  a  faithful  exe- 
cution of  the  fiscal  duties  of  Government,  that  should 
engage  the  dispassionate  and  candid  consideration  of 
the  whole  community.  There  is  nothing  in  the  name 
of  a -bank  of  the  United  States  which  has  any  mag- 
ical charm,  or  to  which  any  one  need  be  wedded.  It  is 
to  secure  certain  great  objects,  without  which  society 
cannot  prosper;  and  if,  contrary  to  my  apprehension, 
these  objects  can  be  accomplished  by  dispensing  with 
the  agency  of  a  bank  of  the  United  States,  and  em- 
ploying that  of.State  banks,  all  ought  to  rejoice  and 
heartily  acquiesce,  and  none  would  more  than  I  should. 

U2.  That  the  public  lands,  in  conformity  with  the 
trusts  created  expressly,  or  by  just  implication,  on 
their  acquisition,  be  administered  in  a  spirit  of  lib- 
erality towards  the  new  States  and  Territories,  and  in 
a  spirit  of  justice  towards  all  the  States. 

"The  land  bill,  which  was  rejected  by  President  Jack- 
son, and  acts  of  occasional  legislation,  will  accomplish 
both  these  objects.  I  regret  that  the  time  does  notad- 
mif  of  my  exposing  here  the  nefarious  plans  and  pur- 
poses of  the  administration  as  to  this  vast  natioual  re- 
source. That,  like  every  other  great  interest  of  the 
countrv,  is  administered  with  the  sole  view  of  the  ef- 
fect upon  the  interests  of  the  party  in  power.  A  bill  has 
passed  the  Senate,  and  is  now  pending  before  the 
House,  according  to  which  forty  millions  of  dollars  are 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  209 

stricken  from  the  real  value  of  a  certain  portion  of  the 
public  lands  by  a  short  process;  and  a  citizen  of  Virginia 
residing  on  the  southwest  side  of  the  Ohio  is  not  al- 
lowed to  purchase  lands  as  cheap  by  half  a  dollar  per 
acre  as  a  citizen  living  on  the  northwest  side  of  that 
river.  I  have  no  hesitation  in  expressing  my  convic- 
tion that  the  whole  public  domain  is  gone  if  Mr.  Van 
Buren  be  re-elected. 

"3.  THAT  THE  POLICY  OF  PROTECTING  AND  ENCOUR- 
AGING THE  PRODUCTIONS  OF  AMERICAN  INDUSTRY,  EN- 
TERING INTO  COMPETITION  WITH  THE  RIVAL  PRODUC- 
TIONS OF  FOREIGN  INDUSTRY,  HE  ADHERED  TO  AND 
MAINTAINED  ON  THE  BASIS  OF  THE  PRINCIPLES  AND 
IN  THE  SPIRIT  OF  THE  COMPROMISE  OF  MARCH, 1833. 

u  PROTECTION  AND  NATIONAL  INDEPENDENCE  ARE, 

IN  MY  OPINON,  IDENTICAL  AND  SYNONYMOUS.  THE 
PRINCIPLE  OF  ABANDONMENT  OF  THE  ONE  CANNOT  BE 
SURRENDERED  WITHOUT  A  FORFEITURE  OF  THE  OTHER. 

Who,  with  just  pride  and  national  sensibility,  can  think 
of  subjecting  the  products  of  our  industry  to  all  the 
taxation  and  restraints  of  foreign  powers,  without  ef- 
fort on  our  part  to  counteract  their  prohibitions  and 
burdens  by  suitable  countervailing  legislation?  These 
questions  cannot  be,  ought  not  to  be,  one  of  principle, 
but  of  measure  and  degree.  I  adopt  that  of  the  com- 
promise act,  not  because  that  act  is  irrepealable,  but  be- 
cause it  met  with  the  sanction  of  the  nation.  Stability 
with  moderate  and  certain  protection,  is  far  more  im- 
portant than  instability,  the  necessary  consequence  of 
high  protection.  But  the  protection  of  the  compromise 
act  will  be  adequate,  in  most,  if  not  as  to  all  interests. 
The  twenty  per  cent,  which  it  stipulates,  cash  duties, 
home  valuations,  and  the  list  of  free  articles  inserted  in 
the  act  for  the  particular  advantage  of  the  manufacturer, 
will  insure,  I  trust,  sufficient  protection.  All  together, 
they  will  amount  probably  to  not  less  than  thirty  per 
cent. — a  greater  extent  of  protection  than  was  secured 
prior  to  the  act  of  1828,  which  no  one  stands  up  to 
defend.  Now,  the  valuation  of  foreign  goods  is  not 
made  by  the  American  authority,  except  in  suspected 
cases,  but  by  foreigners  and  abroad.  They  assess  the 

14 


2io  Reminiscences  of  the 

value  and  we  the  duty;  but,  as  the  duty  depends,  in 
most  cases  on  the  value,  it  is  manifest  that  those  who 
assess  the  value  fix  the  duty.  The  home  valuation 
will  give  our  Government  what  it  rightfully  possesses, 
both  the  power  to  ascertain  the  true  valuation  of  the 
thing  which  it  taxes,  as  well  as  the  amount  of  that  tax. 

"4-  That  a  strict  and  wise  economy  in  the  disburse- 
ment of  the  public  money  be  steadily  enforced;  and  that, 
to  that  end,  all  useless  establishments,  all  unnecessary 
offices  and  places,  foreign  and  domestic,  and  all  extrav- 
agance, either  in  the  collection  or  expenditure  of  the 
public  revenue  be  abolished  and  repressed. 

"  I  have  not  time  to  dwell  on  details  in  the  applica- 
tion of  this  principle.  I  will  say  that  a  pruning  knife, 
long,  broad,  and  sharp,  should  be  applied  to  every  de- 
partment or  the  Government.  There  is  abundant 
scope  for  honest  and  skillful  surgery.  The  annuafex- 
penditure  may,  in  reasonable  time,  be  brought  down 
from  its  present  amount  of  about  forty  millions  to  near 
one-third  of  that  sum. 

"  5.  That  several  States  have  made  such  great  and 
gratifying  progress  in  their  respective  systems  of  in- 
ternal improvement,  and  have  been  so  aided  by  the 
distribution  under  the  deposit  act,  that,  in  future,  the 
erection  of  new  roads  and  canals  should  be  left  to  them 
with  such  further  aid  only  from  the  General  Govern- 
ment as  they  would  derive  from  the  payment  of  the 
last  installment  under  that  act,  from  an  absolute  re- 
linquishment  of  the  right  of  Congress  to  call  upon 
them  to  refund  the  previous  installments,  and  from  that 
equal  and  just  quotas,  to  be  received  by  the  future  dis- 
tribution of  the  net  proceeds  from  the  sales  of  public 
lands.  And 

"  6.  That  the  right  to  slave  property  being  guaranteed 
by  the  Constitution  and  recognized  as  one  of  the  com- 
promises incorporated  in  that  instrument  by  our  an- 
cestors, should  beleft  where  the  Constitution  has  placed 
it,  undisturbed  and  unagitated  by  Congress. 

"These,  fellow-citizens,  are  views  both  of  the  struc- 
ture of  the  Government  and  its  administration  which 
appear  to  me  worthy  of  commanding  the  grave  atten- 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  211 

tion  of  the  public  and  its  new  servants.  Although, 
I  repeat,  I  have  neither  authority  nor  purpose  to  com- 
mit anybody  else,  I  believe  most,  if  not  all  of  them  are 
entertained  by  the  political  friends  with  whom  I  have 
acted.,  Whether  the  salutary  reforms  which  they  in- 
clude will  be  effected  or  considered,  depends  upon  the 
issue  of  that  great  struggle  which  is  now  going  on 
throughout  all  this  country.  This  contest  has  had  no 
parallel  since  the  period  of  the  Revolution.  In  both  in- 
stances there  is  a  similarity  of  object.  That  'was  to 
achieve,  this  is  to  preserve  the  liberties  of  the  country. 
Let  us  catch  the  spirit  which  animated  and  imitate  the 
virtues  which  adorned  our  noble  ancestors.  Their  de- 
votion, their  constancy,  their  untiring  activity,  their 
perseverence,  their  indomitable  resolution,  their  sacri- 
fices, their  valor!  If  they  fought  for  liberty  or  death, 
in  the  memorable  language  of  one  of  the  most  illustri- 
ous of  them,  let  us  never  forget  that  the  prize  now  at 
hazard  is  liberty  or  slavery.  We  should  be  encouraged 
by  the  fact  that  the  contest,  to  the  success  of  which 
they  solemnly  pledged  their  fortunes,  their  lives,  and 
their  sacred  honor,  was  far  more  unequal  than  that  in 
which  we  are  engaged.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  let  us 
cautiously  guard  against  too  much  confidence.  History 
and  experience  prove  that  more  has  been  lost  by  self- 
confidence  and  contempt  of  enemies  than  won  by  skill 
and  courage.  Our  opponents  are  powerful  in  numbers 
and  in  organization;  active,  insidious,  possessed  of 
ample  means,  and  wholly  unscrupulous  in  the  use  of 
them.  They  count  upon  success  by  the  use  of  two 
words,  Democracy  and  Federalism  Democracy,  which, 
in  violation  of  all  truth,  they  appropriate  to  themselves, 
and  Federalism,  which,  in  violation  of  all  justice,  they 
apply  to  us.  And  allow  me  to  conjure  }  ou  not  to  suffer 
yourselves  to  be  diverted,  deceived,  or  discouraged  by 
the  false  rumors  which  will  be  industriously  circulated 
between  the  present  time  and  the  period  of  the  elec- 
tion, by  our  opponents.  They  will  put  them  forth  in 
every  variety,  and  without  number,  in  the  most  impos- 
ing forms,  certified  and  sworn  to  by  conspicuous  names. 
They  will  brag,  they  will  boast,  they  will  threaten. 


212  Reminiscences  of  the 

Regardless  of  all  their  arts,  let  us  keep  steadily  and 
faithfully  and  fearlessly  at  work. 

"But  if  the  opposition  perform  its  whole  duty;  if 
every  member  of  it  act  as  in  the  celebrated  battle  of 
Lord  Nelson,  as  if  the  eyes  of  the  whole  nation  were 
fixed  on  him,  and  as  if  on  his  sole  exertions  depended 
the  issue  of  the  day,  I  sincerely  believe  that  at  least 
twenty  of  the  States  of  the  Union  will  unite  in  the  glor- 
ious work  of  the  salvation  of  the  Constitution  and  the 
redemption  of  the  country. 

"Friends  and  fellow-citizens,  I  have  detained  you 
too  long.  Accept  my  cordial  thanks  and  my  profound 
acknowledgments  for  the  honors  of  this  day,  and  for 
all  your  feelings  of  attachment  towards  me;  and  allow 
me,  in  conclusion,  to  propose  a  sentiment: 

"  Hanover  county:  It  was  the  first,  in  the  commence- 
ment of  the  Revolution,  to  raise  its  arms,  under  the  lead 
of  Patrick  Henry,  in  defense  of  American  liberty;  it 
will  be  the  last  to  prove  false  or  recreant  to  the  holy 
cause." 


LOG  CABIN  RAISING  AT  ALBANY. 

THE  PEOPLE  ARE  COMING,  HA,  HA!  HA,  HA! 

The  great  log  cabin  raising  at  Albany,  New  York, 
on  July  10,  brought  in  the  old  Dutch  farmers  from  the 
ancient  settlements  of  the  county,  and  the  timbers 
went  up  in  quick  time.  Over  5,000  Whigs  were 
present.  The  ladies  thronged  Stanwise  Hall  and 
buildings  around,  and  the  feasting  on  corn  bread, 
cheese  and  hard  cider,  together  with  speeches  from 
Mr.  Edmonds  and  others  went  on  to  a  late  hour. 

The  Whigs  of  New  York  had  a  great  celebration  of 
the  4th  at  the  Tabernacle.  The  Declaration  was  read 
by  Samuel  G.  Raymond,  Esq.,  and  there  was  an  elo- 
quent oration  by  John  A.  Sargeant,  Esq. 

At  Poughkeepsie  and  Hudson  there  were  also  large 
Whig  gatherings. 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  213 

At  Newcastle,  Georgia,  on  the  4th,  there  was  an  im- 
mense Harrison  meeting. 

The  Whigs  of  Philadelphia  had  a  glorious  celebra- 
tion on  the  island  opposite  that  city  on  the  4th  of  July, 
and  were  addressed  by  John  M.  Botts,  of  Virginia; 
Alford,  of  Georgia;  White,  of  Kentucky;  R.  Biddle 
and  John  Sergeant,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  others. 

A  large  log  cabin  was  raised  at  New  Orleans  on 
the  1 3th  of  June  for  a  place  of  meeting. 

There  was  a  great  Whig  meeting  and  log-cabin  rais- 
ing at  "North  Bend,"  in  Talbot  county,  Maryland,  on  the 
i6th  of  June;  ''open  house  was  kept"  in  the  peculiar 
way  of  the  Eastern  Shore,  and  the  invitation  was  gen- 
eral, ''Won't  you  take  pot  luck  with  me  ?" 

At  Easton,  there  was  a  mammoth  meeting  July  15, 
whereat  the  Eastern  Shore,  with  its  130  miles  and  ag- 
gregate population  greater  than  Delaware  or  Rhode 
Island,  turned  out  over  25,000  people  to  shout  and 
work  for  Harrison  and  Tyler.  All  the  classes  were 
represented,  and  log  cabins  and  canoes  were  numerous, 
and  hard  cider  as  liberally  dispensed  in  gourds,  and 
joy  reigned  supreme. 

At  Vienna,  on  Barren  Creek,  Maryland,  Whig  cele- 
bration, a  splendid  batteau  labeled,  "Tippecanoe" 
decorated  with  banners  and  flags,  placed  on  wheels 
and  drawn  by  four  horses,  commanded  by  F.  Chelton. 
Mr.  Allison  Parsons,  of  Salsbury,  was  there  with 
his  fine  canoe,  "Tip,"  also  on  wheels  and  decorated 
with  flags.  Mr.  Isaac  Leonard  had  another  beautiful 
canoe,  and  other  devices  were  there.  Speeches 
were  made  by  C.  H.  Pitts,  Yates  Walsh,  John  L.  Kerr. 
Much  enthusiasm,  and  hospitality  was  unbounded. 

Over  one  thousand  sturdy  Whigs  of  Arkansas  met 
at  Little  Rock,  on  the  i3th  and  i4th,  and  were  ad- 
dressed by  Albert  Pike,  William  Byers  and  others. 

At  Steubenville,  Ohio,  over  ten  thousand  freemen 
met  in  convention  and  were  addressed  by  Gen.  Sam. 
Stokely,  Colonel  James  Collier  and  others. 

New  Jersey  met  in  convention  at  Trenton,  and 
chose  as  electors,  Dr.  Lewis  Condict,  Cornelius  Lup- 
ton,  James  Iliff,  J.  M.  Ryerson,  John  Rank,  Sam. 


214  Reminiscences  of  the 

C.  Wright,  Thomas  Newbold  and  Joshua  Townsend. 

At  Cadiz,  Ohio,  on  July  4,  there  was  a  strange  and 
exciting  scene.  There  were  two  meetings  held,  and,  as 
the  processions  were  passing,  a  "Harrison"  banner  was 
unfurled  in  the  Democratic  line  by  one  who  spoke  to 
them  and  then  marched  out  with  sixty  others  into  the 
Republican  crowd.  On  the  banner  were  lettered  the 
noble  words  of  Levi  Mallonee,  "  Strike  My  Name 
From  the  Nottingham  List!  I  Can  Do  That  Work 
No- More." 

On  the  3oth  of  July  there  was  an  immense  Republi- 
can meeting  at  Charlestown,  Virginia. 

The  Whig  State  central  committee,  of  New  York, 
from  Albany,  on  the  2oth,  put  out  a  rousing  address  to 
the  Whigs  of  the  Union. 

At  Henderson,  Kentucky,  over  three  thousand  peo- 
ple met  July  20  and  were  addressed  by  Judge  Under- 
wood and  others. 

The  patriotic  Whigs  of  Pittsylvania,  Virginia,  gave 
a  public  dinner  on  the  2^th  to  Hon.  Waddy  Thompson, 
of  South  Carolina,  who  delivered  to  them  an  eloquent 
address. 

At  Columbus,  Georgia,  more  than  three  thousand 
persons  attended  a  Tippecanoe  celebration. 

At  Tallahassee,  Florida,  a  grand  Harrison  and  reform 
meeting  was  addressed  by  General  Clinch  and  Gen- 
eral Flovd. 


HILLSBOROUGH,  OHIO,  MEETING. 


A   SAMPLE    OF   OHIO   GATHERINGS    FOR   HARRISON 
AND  REFORM. 

Notice  had  been  given  a  few  weeks  previously,  and 
arrangements  made  for  a  convention  of  the  three  coun- 
ties of  Adams,  Fayette,  and  Highland,  to  select  and 
nominate  their  candidates  for  the  legislature  and  pre- 
pare for  the  coming  contest  in  October. 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  215 

Our  friends  everywhere  were  invited  to  attend  on 
the  3Oth  of  July,  and  as  it  was  designed  to  make  this  a 
proud  day  for  Harrison  and  reform,  we  specially  ad- 
dressed Messrs.  Corwin,  Bond,  and  Governor  Morrow, 
of  Ohio;  and  Hon.  H.  Clay,  Southgate,  and  General 
Collins,  of  Kentucky.  Mr.  Corwin*  (whom  we  de- 
light to  honor  as  the  late  representative  in  Congress 
from  this  district)  was  obliged  to  be  at  Steubenville  to 
meet  Governor  Shannon;  and  Mr.  Clay,  from  pressing 
private  engagements,  was  prevented  from  being  pres- 
ent. The  other  gentlemen  named  above  were,  with 
Richard  Douglass,  Esq.,  of  Chillicothe,  and  other  cham- 
pions, on  the  ground;  Professor  Galloway,  of  Indiana, 
and  young  Buckeye  Carson,  of  Ross  county,  also  ad- 
dressed the  meeting.  But  the  people  were  here!  The 
hardy  and  industrious  yeomany  of  the  Buckeye  soil — 
the  laborer  and  the  mechanic,  the  merchant  and  pro- 
fessional man,  with  their  families,  their  wives,  their 
sons  and  daughters,  all,  all  were  with  us,  with  ap- 
propriate badges  and  banners,  with  log  cabins,  Fort 
Meigs,  and  balls  rolling,  with  bands  of  music  pealing 
their  martial  notes,  reverberating  wildly  through  our 
highland  hills  and  valleys  for  many  a  mile.  The  dele- 
gates arriving  from  every  point  of  the  compass,  in  heavy 
columns  of  thousands,  and  processions  from  three  dif- 
ferent roads,  extending  upwards  of  a  mile,  presented 
a  scene  the  -most  thrilling  and  imposing.  Here  was 
an  ai  my  of  peaceful  and  patriotic  citizens,  whose  march 
was  that  of  firmness  and  devotion  to  the  cause  of  their 
country.  The  wide  and  ample  streets  of  our  handsome 
village  could  not  contain  even  the  advance  guard  of  the 
swelling  columns  of  freemen,  and  our  marshals  were 
obliged  to  conduct  the  different  divisions  as  they  ar- 
rived to  the  extensive  and  beautiful  grove  adjacent, 
which  was  prepared  for  the  convention.  There  they 
were  all  concentrated  by  1 1  a.  m.,  and  during  the  day 
from  fifteen  to  twenty  thousand  people  listened  attent- 
ively to  the  eloquent  and  forcible  appeals  of  Bond, 
Southgate,  and  that  well-tried  and  veteran  statesman, 
Governor  Morrow.  Tables,  upwards  of  twelve  thou- 
sand feet  in  length,  and  provisions  to  cover  them,  were 


216  Reminiscences  of  the 

at  hand,  where  ladies  and  gentlemen  (during  a  recess 
of  thirty  minutes)  partook  of  substantial  log  cabin 
fare. 

The  speaker's  stand  was  a^ain  occupied;  Bond  was 
at  home,  with  facts  for  the  people,  while  Southga-te's 
fervid  and  impassioned  eloquence  sent  them  home  to 
the  conviction  of  every  honest  and  unprejudiced  mind. 
Governor  Monow's  plain  and  practical  speech,  char- 
acterized by  good  sense  and  enforced  by  that  sterling 
integrity  and  political  honesty,  unimpeached  and  un- 
impeachable, was  well  adapted  to  the  occasion,  and 
produced  a  strong  and  deep  impression.  In  the  ab- 
sence of  General  Collins  at  the  moment,  Mr.  Gallr- 
way  followed  Governor  Morrow  in  an  able  speech, 
and  closed  the  discussion  of  the  day.  Hundreds,  pe; - 
haps  thousands,  remained  during  the  night,  crowding 
the  private  dwellings  of  our  citizens.  The  public 
square  was  splendidly  illuminated,  and  our  speakers 
were  again  called  to  the  stand.  R.  Douglass,  Esq.,  of 
Chillicothe,  a  well-tried  soldier  **nd  patriot  of  1812, 
was  first  called  for,  and  he  ,  responded  in  an  able 
and  effective  speech.  Next  was  presented  a  native 
''Buckeye  Boy,"  Mr.  Carson,  of  Ross  county,  a  tanner 
and  currier,  who,  amid  the  loud  and  repeated  cheers 
of  tlie  audience,  occupied  the  stump  for  about  three 
hours,  in  which  time  he  tanned  and  curried  Kendall  & 
Co.  with  neatness  and  dispatch.  Southgate  gave  the 
valedictory  the  next  morning,  and  left  for  a  convention 
next  day  in  Warren.  Revolutionary  soldiers,  soldiers 
of  Wayne  and  of  Harrison's  campaign  of  1813,  were 
here,  all  joyously  responding  to  the  tribute  paid  to  the 
worth  of  Harrison,  and  repelling  indignantly  the  in- 
sults offered' to  their  gallant  chief  by  Kendall  and  his 
tribe  of  pensioned  slanderers. 

Hope  an$  joy  seemed  to  animate  every  breast,  while 
the  smiles  of  the  virtuous  fair  chastened  and  subdued 
the  strong  and  indignant  feeling  of  freemen,  aroused  to  a 
.sense  of  the  wrongs  and  outrages  which  they  have 
suffered  and  borne  with  patience  too  long. 

We  are  prepared  to  engage  in  the  approaching  con- 
test against  a  hitherto  superior  force,  and  we  hope 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  217 

not  only  to  maintain  our  outposts,  but  to  plant  the 
standard  of  Harrison  and  reform  firmly  upon  the  ram- 
parts of  the  enemy,  and  force  him  from  his  strongholds 
in  Adams,  Highland  and  Fayette. 


GEN.   VAN  RENSSELAER'S    SPEECH. 


REMARKS  OF  GEN.  STEPHEN  VAN  RENSSELAEK,  AT 

THE  DINNER  GIVEN  TO  HIM    IN    CINCINNATI,   IN 

JULY,   1840. 

After  the  sixth  toast  was  read.  General  Van  Rens- 
selaer  returned  his  thanks  for  the  compliment  by  the 
following  remarks,  which  were  read  by  his  friend, 
Colonel  Pendleton,  in  consequence  of  General  Van 
Rensselaer's  voice  having  been  impaired  by  the  wound 
in  the  lungs  received  at  the  battle  of  Maumee  : 

"GENTLEMEN:  I  am  altogether  unaccustomed  to 
public  speaking;  my  life  has  been  one  of  action  rather 
than  words;  my  hand  has  been  more  conversant  with 
the  sword  than  the  pen.  I  cannot,  however,  suffer  the 
sentiment  which  you  have  just  given  to  pass  without 
the  expression  of  my  most  grateful  acknowledgments. 
While  that  sentiment,  gentlemen,  received  with  so 
much  cordiality,  is  justly  flattering  to  the  pride  of  an 
old  soldier,  it  recalls  events  and  scenes  productive  of 
other  and  better  emotions.  Your  allusion  to  the 
Maumee  carries  me  back  to  the  year  1792,  when  a 
youth  of  eighteen  years  of  age,  with  the  commission  of 
General  Washington  in  my  pocket,  and  I  trust,  some 
share  of  his  principles  in  my  bosom.  I  first  landed  in 
Cincinnati.  And  what  a  mighty  change  has  been 
wrought  in  that  short  period  !  What  higher  eulogy 
can  be  passed  upon  the  enlightened  enterprise  of  your 
people  than  the  simple  fact  that  the  humble  individual 
who  now  addresses  you  saw  the  site  of  your  noble 
city  when  there  were  no  houses  but  a  few  rudely  con- 
structed log  cabins  along  the  bank  of  your  river,  and 


2i8  Reminiscences  of  the 

the  challenge  of  the  sentinels  on  the  parapet  of  old. 
Fort  Washington  alone  interrupted  the  universal 
silence.  The  line  of  the  canal  was  then  our  Northern 
frontier,  beyond  which  the  lurking  Indian  made  it  unsafe 
to  penetrate;  and  the  pursuit  of  a  stray  horse  among  this 
magnificent  amphitheatre  of  hills  surrounding  your 
city  was  conducted  with  little  of  the  pomp,  to  be  sure, 
but  much  of  the  precaution  of  a  military  incursion. 
With  the  exception  of  a  few  old  settlements  on  the 
Wabash  and  Mississippi,  whose  inhabitants  had  be- 
come incorporated  with  the  surrounding  Indian  tribes, 
there  were  no  white  men  in  the  whole  Northwest 
Territory,  comprising  now  your  great  State  and  the 
States  of  Indiana,  Illinois,  Michigan  and  Wisconsin 
Territory.  The  roaming  Indian  alone  possessed  it. 
Where  are  they  now  ?  They  are  gone  like  the  falling 
leaves  of  their  own  boundless  forests  ;  but  unlike  those 
leaves,  no  reviving  Spring  shall  witness  their  return. 
Such  was  Cincinnati.  What  is  it  now  after  the  lapse 
of  forty-eight  years?  I  was  indebted  to  the  politeness 
of  the  Mechanics'  Institute  for  an  invitation  to  their 
fair  last  evening,  and  had  I  a  catalogue  of  the  articles 
there  exhibited,  I  would  produce  it  as  the  most  elo- 
quent and  comprehensive  answer  to  the  interesting 
question,  "What  is  Cincinnati  now?"  The  exquis- 
ite symmetry  and  beauty  of  the  various  articles  bore 
ample  testimony  to  the  skill  of  your  workers  in  wood, 
and  in  brass  and  in  iron,  while  nothing  can  exceed  the 
good  taste  exhibited  in  the  many  ornamental  specimens 
of  the  Institute. 

"  I  cannot,  however,  omit  to  remark,  and,  if  it  will 
not  be  considered  invidious,  commend  the  vast  pro- 
portion in  which  the  useful  exceeds  the  merely  orna- 
mental. The  combined  effect  of  the  whole  exhibition 
forces  upon  the  mind  the  reflection  that  he  who  would 
discover  the  secretof  the  unparalleled  growth  of  Cincin- 
nati, and  its  comparative  exemption  from  the  general 
embarrassment  of  the  times,  must  seek  it  in  her  work- 
shops and  in  her  factories. 

"  From  this  balcony,  fellow-citizens,  my  eye  rests 
upon  the  ground  where  it  was  my  daily  duty  to  ma- 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  219 

neuver  my  troops;  and  when  I  recall  the  scene  as  it 
then  existed  and  compare  it  with  what  I  now  see,  it 
fills  me  with  emotions  which  no  language  is  adequate 
to  express.  The  thoughtless  inconsideration  of  youth 
is  proverbially  short-sighted;  but  what  imagination 
could  then  have  boded  forth  the  grand  realities  which 
now  surround  it?  The  inclosures  of  some  dozen  mis- 
erable huts,  Fort  Washington  and  the  low  ground  on 
what  is  now  Columbia  street,  then  called  Hudson's 
Choice,  were  the  only  points  which  had  been  cleared 
of  the  Forest.  Your  handsome  private  buildings,  your 
noble  public  school-houses,  your  magnificent  churches 
have  succeeded,  and  a  log  cabin  is  not  to  be  found 
within  the  bounds  of  your  fair  city,  except  a.s  an  ap- 
propriate emblem  of  the  youthful  ardor,  the  indomita- 
ble spirit,  the  pure  and  disinterested  public  virtue, 
which,  through  years  of  toil  and  danger,  such  as  they 
only  can  conceive  who  have  felt  them,  have  watched 
over  the  infant  settlement  of  the  great  West,  and  pro- 
tected the  log  cabins  and  their  hardy  and  adventurous 
inmates  from  the  tomahawk  and  scalping  knife  of  the 
relentless  savage. 

"At  this  period  I  first  became  acquainted  with  Har- 
rison, he  nineteen  years  old,  and  I  one  year  younger. 
We  were,  for  a  long  time,  the  youngest  officers  in  the 
army,  and  I  am  happy  to  say,  at  this  distant  period, 
that  the  friendship  thus  formed  upon  youthful  sympa- 
thies and  congenial  dispositions  proved  too  strong  for 
time  and  absence,  and  we  met  in  New  York  in  1827, 
after  a  separation  of  thirty  years,  the  same  warm  friends 
as  we  had  parted  on  this  spot  in  '97.  This  period  re- 
calls to  my  mind  the  inauguration  of  the  elder  Adams, 
and  with  it  the  charge  against  General  Harrison  of 
"ancient  Federalism."  I  am  a  living  witness  that,  at 
the  period  to  which  I  refer,  the  charge  was  without 
the  slightest  foundation.  The  republican  principles  of 
Harrison  were  then  as  well  known  as  his  chivalric 
spirit,  and  he  had  no  superior  in  either.  It  has  been 
reserved  for  the  politicians  of  the  present  day,  even 
while  surrounded  by  the  monuments  of  his  civil  and 
military  virtues,  to  question  both.  General  Wayne  was 


22O  Reminiscences  of  the 

a  severe  disciplinarian  as  well  as  an  able  general  and  a 
gallant  soldier.  He  exacted  the  most  punctilious  con- 
formity to  all  the  rules  of  militaty  life;  particularly  did 
he  exhibit  himself  and  require  his  staff  to  exhibit  a 
constant  example  of  the  conduct  he  required  of  others. 
Brave,  temperate  and  laborious  himself,  he  selected  his 
staff  for  qualities  similar  to  his.  own.  Of  such  a  mili- 
tary family  thus  organized  Harrison  became  a  mem- 
ber in  the  confidential  relation  of  aide-de-camp.  The 
delicate  duties  of  that  responsible  station  he  performed, 
not  only  with  the  entire  approbation  of  Wayne,  but  the 
satisfaction  of  every  officer  in  the  army  with  whom 
his  duties  brought  him  into  a  most  daily  intercourse; 
and  such  was  his  uniform  urbanity  and  kindness  to  the 
soldiers  that  their  respect  for  him  as  an  officer  was 
only  equaled  by  their  love  for  him  as  a  man. 

"The  first  Northwest  army,  while  in  winter  quar- 
ters in  the  wilderness,  had  few  amusements  to  vary  the 
dull  routine  of  camp  duty.  The  consequence  was 
that  habits  of  dissipation  were  acquired  by  many  of 
the  officers,  whose  rank  and  age  made  the  habit  con- 
tagious. Harrison,  though  of  an  age  peculiarly  weak 
against  such  temptations,  was  strengthened  to  success- 
ful reMstance  by  an  unquenchable  thirst  for  knowledge, 
both  general  and  professional.  Temperate,  active  and 
studious — then,  as  now,  he  lost  no  time.  Then,  as 
now,  the  sun  never  found  him  in  bed;  and  the  inter- 
vals of  military  duty  were  devoted  to  a  course  of  ex- 
tensive historical  reading. 

"The  battle  of  the  Maumee,  on  2oth  August,  1794, 
was  fought  by  the  Indians  with  the  most  desperate 
courage.  There  was  no  point  of  the  line  at  which  the 
danger  was  not  imminent.  As  aide  de-camp  it  was 
Harrison's  duty  to  carry  the  orders  of  the  general  to 
any  part  of  the  army.  Thes  eorders,  of  course,  were 
most  fiequent  where  the  fight  was  thickest,  and  in 
those  parts  of  the  fight  I  generally  saw  him  on  that 
eventful  day. 

"I  can  attest  the  truth  of  the  remark  said  to  be 
made  by  General  Wilkinson  and  Colonel  Shambaughv 
that  Harrison  was  in  the  front  of  the  hottest  battle;  his 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  221 

person  was  exposed  from  the  commencement  to  the 
close  of  the  action;  wherever  duty  called  he  hastened, 
regardless  of  danger,  and  by  his  efforts  and  example 
contributed  as  much  to  secure  the  fortunes  of  the  day 
as  any  other  subordinate  to  the  commander-in-chief. 

"  General  Wayne,  in  his  official  account  of  the  bat- 
tle, after  naming  several  officers  who  distinguished 
themselves,  says:  'I  must  add  the  names  of  my  faith- 
ful and  gallant  aides-de-camp.  Captains  De  Butts 
and  T.  Lewis,  and  Lieutenant  Harrison,  who,  with  the 
Adjutant-General  Major  Mills,  rendered  the  most 
essential  service  by  communicating  my  orders  in  every 
direction,  and  by  their  conduct  and  bravery  exciting 
the  troops  to  press  for  victory.' 

"  I  was  stationed  with  my  troop  on  the  extreme  left, 
and  the  order  to  me  to  charge  was  delivered  by  Harri- 
son. In  that  charge  I  was  severely,  it  was  thought, 
mortally, wounded.  Perhaps  I  owe  my  life  to  the  prompt 
attention  of  my  young  friend,  who  carried  me  to  the 
general's  tent,  and  nursed  and  watched  me  with  the 
tenderness  and  affection  of  a  brother. 

"  Of  the  officers  of  that  army,  so  far  as  my  knowl- 
edge extends,  there  were  but  four  who  survive,  Gen- 
erals Harrison  and  Brady,  and  Major  John  Posey,  of 
Kentucky,  who  was  a  cornet  in  my  troop,  and  myself. 
General  Wayne,  whose  best  eulogy  is  the  grateful  and 
affectionate  remembrance  of  the  people  of  the  West, 
was  wholly  unnoticed  by  Congress,  and  died  at  a  mis- 
erable hovel  in  Pennsylvania;  and  there,  without  a 
stone  to  mark  the  place,  his  body  was  deposited.  And 
now,  when  the  people  are  calling  their  friend  and 
neighbor  from  his  farm  by  acclamation,  to  redeem  the 
country  from  degradation  to  which  it  has  been  reduced 
by  a  selfish  and  designing  politician,  the  others  have 
gone  forth  to  charge  upon  him,  whom  the  people 
assemble  in  unheard-of  numbers  to  honor,  the  most 
detestable  crimes,  civil  and  military,  which  the  wildest 
imagination,  unrestrained  by  a  single  moral  sense,  can 
conceive;  military  crimes  which,  if  true,  would  long 
since  have  consigned  his  body  to  a  felon's  tomb  and  his 
memory  to  general  execration;  civil  offenses  and  delin- 


2"  2  2  Reminiscences  of  the 

quencies,  which,  if  true,  think  you  he  would  now  stand 
first,  as  he  does  stand  first,  in  the  hearts  of  his  country- 
men? 

"  People  of  Ohio  and  Indiana!  You  who  have  been 
the  objects  of  his  civil  administration,  upon  you,  espe- 
cially, devolves  the  grateful  task  of  asserting  the  civil 
virtues  of  your  old  and  best-tried  friend — to  raise  his 
fair  fame  far  out  of  the  range  of  the  puny  shafts  of  low 
ambition;  and  I  hesitate  not  to  believe  it  will  be  effi- 
ciently performed.  You  are  now  called  upon  in  his 
old  age  to  repay  that  immense  and  accumulating  debt 
of  gratitude  which  I,  an  eye  witness,  not  from  hear- 
say, now  testify  your  fathers  incurred  in  his  early 
youth. 

"The  inheritance  has  descended  upon  you,  and  I 
will  not  do  you  the  injustice  to  doubt,  that  in  Novem- 
ber next,  you  will  entitle  yourselves  to  a  receipt  in  full, 
from  my  gallant  old  friend.  Is  this  the  language  of 
General  Harrison?  No!  disinterested  and  generous 
as  brave,  he  advances  no  claim  upon  his  country  for 
services  he  has  rendered.  It  is  the  language  of  his 
friend,  and  your  friend — of  one  removed  by  age  far 
from  the  temptation  to  flatter  either  friend  or  foe. 

"  What  shall  I  say  of  charges  against  his  military 
character?  Nothing.  One  old  soldier  cannot  be 
brought  to  vindicate  the  reputation  of  another  old  sol- 
dier from  a  charge  of  cowardice;  indignation  would 
choke  my  utterance.  I  appeal  from  the  living  to  the 
dead;  I  appeal  from  Van  Buren  and  Kendall  to  Shelby 
and  Perry. 

"  I  thank  you  again,  gentlemen,  for  the  kind  manner 
in  which  you  have  been  pleased  to  refer  to  my  early 
and  humble  services. 

"Permit  me  to  propose  the  following  sentiment: 
'The  City  of  Cincinnati — The  wonderful  creation  of 
virtue,  intelligence,  and  enterprise.  Her  name  asso- 
ciates in  our  remembrance  the  patriotic  farmers  of  old 
Rome  and  young  Ohio.'  ' 

During  the  entertainment,  a  large  concourse  of  per- 
sons had  collected  in  the  street  opposite  to  the  hotel, 
and  a  solicitation  being  expressed  to  hear'  addresses 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  223 

from  the  balcony,  the  company  adjourned  to  that  place, 
when  a  call  was  made  for  the  reading  of  General  Van 
Rensselaer's  speech.  When  it  was  concluded,  Gov- 
ernor Poindexter,  an  invited  guest,  was  called  for  by 
the  crowd,  and  addressed  them  extensively  upon  the 
subject  of  general  politics.  Animated  addresses  were 
then  made,  by  request,  by  Messrs.  White,  of  Indiana, 
Major  Chambers  and  W.  W.  Southgate,  Esq.,  of  Ken- 
tucky, William  Johnson,  Esq.,  of  Cincinnati,  and  Mr. 
Turner,  of  Baltimore.  This  entertainment  continued 
until  the  approach  of  night,  when  the  crowd  dispersed 
in  great  harmony. 


INSULT   TO   MECHANICS. 


The  present  party  in  power  pretend  to  be  the  friends 
of  the  poor  man,  and  insist  that  they  are  for  reducing 
prices  by  way  of  aiding  the  laboring  man  and  the  me- 
chanic. It  was  but  the  other  day  that  an  esteemed 
correspondent  quoted  the  language  of  a  distinguished 
partisan  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  who  boldly  avowed  that 
they. were  for  putting  down  the  banks,  because  the  use 
of  credit  enabled  the  poor  man  to  rise  above  his  con- 
dition in  life,  and  to  obtrude  his  sons  into  the  learned 
professions.  His  language,  that  if  the  banks  were  put 
down  they  would  not  have  the  use  of  credit,  and  the 
tinker's  son  must  be  a  tinker  like  his  father,  and  the 
cobler's  son  must  be  a  cobler  too,  but  we  did  not  ex- 
pect to  see  the  Republican  insulting  the  mechanics  of 
this  city,  by  denouncing  such  men  as  the  honest  and 
patriotic  blacksmith  of  Ohio,  and  by  proclaiming  as 
the  creed  of  the  party,  that  the  blacksmith  should  stick 
to  his  anvil  and  the  shoemaker  to  his  last  Yet  here  is 
the  language  of  the  Republican  itself.  Mechanics, 
read: 


224  Reminiscences  of  the 

COLD  IRON  FOR  THE  BUCKEYE  BLACKSMITH,  OR  AN  IMPOS- 
TOR LAID  BARE. 

When  this  old  hat  was  new,  then  I  heard  my  mother  say 
Mechanics  stuck  close  to  their  work,  and  seldom  went  astray, 
No  growling  bears  prowl'd    through    the    land — loafers    then 

were  few; 
And  everything  went  on  so  snug,  when  this  old  hat  was  new. 

When  this  old  hat  was  new,  by  hammer  and  by  hand 
Each  blacksmith  and  mechanic  lad.  throughout  our  happy  land, 
Stuck  to  his  anvil  or  his  last,  never  hard  times  knew; 
For  banks  were  scarce  as   white  black  birds,  when  this  old  hat 
was  new! 

It  would  seem  that  the  infatuation  of  party  spirit 
would  sacrifice  every  principle  that  is  dear  to  us  as  a 
people,  that  all  the  sources  of  prosperity  are  to  be  dried 
up,  and  that  all  the  avenues  to  honor  and  preferment 
are  to  be  closed,  except  it  be  to  the  servile  instruments 
of  faction  and  misrule.  Miles  Hotchkiss  can  be  re- 
warded by  an  office  for  playing  the  hypocrite  and 
writing  an  insolent  letter  to  General  Harrison.  Negroes 
can  be  admitted  as  witnesses  against  high-minded  offi- 
cers of  your  Navy,  but  if  a  blacksmith  or  a  shoemaker 
dares  to  interfere  in  politics,  he  and  all  mechanics  are 
insulted  by  being  told  he  should  stick  to  his  anvil  or 
his  last!  !  !  And  this  is  done  in  this  city  of  Baltimore, 
and  in  the  face  of  a  population  consisting  so  largely  of 
the  mechanic  classes! 

It  is  in  such  things  that  the  arrogance  of  the  purse- 
proud  office-holder  shows  itself,  and  the  hypocrisy  of 
those  who  would  use  the  mechanics  is  manifested. — 
The  Pilot. 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  225 


WEBSTER    AT  SARATOGA. 

SPEECH    OF    DNNIEL    WEBSTER,    AT    THE    GREAT 

MASS   MEETING  AT  SARATOGA,  ON  THE   I9TH  OF 

AUGUST,  1840. 

We  are  here,  my  friends,  in  the  midst  of  a  great 
movement  of  the  people.  That  a  revolution  in  public 
sentiment  on  some  important  questions  of  public  policy 
has  begun,  and  is  in  progress,  it  is  vain  to  attempt  to 
conceal,  and  folly  to  deny.  What  will  be  the  extent  of 
this  revolution,  what  its  immediate  effects  upon  po- 
litical men  and  political  measures — what  ultimate 
influence  it  may  have  on  the  integrity  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  the  permanent  prosperity  of  the  country,  re- 
mains to  be  seen.  Meantime,  no  one  can  deny  that  an 
extraordinary  excitement  exists  in  the  country,  such  as 
has  not  been  witnessed  for  more  than  half  a  century 
— not  local,  not  confined  to  any  two,  or  three,  or  ten 
States,  but  pervading  the  whole,  from  North  to  South, 
and  from  East  to  West,  with  equal  force  and  intensity. 
For  an  effect  so  general,  a  cause  of  equal  extent  must 
exist.  No  cause,  local  or  partial,  can  produce  conse- 
quences so  general  and  universal.  In  some  parts  of 
the  country,  indeed,  local  causes  may  in  some  degree 
add  to  the  flame;  but  no  local  cause,  nor  any  number 
of  local  causes,  can  account  for  the  general  excited 
state  of  the  public  mind. 

In  portions  of  the  country  devoted  to  agriculture 
and  manufactures,  we  hear  complaints  of  want  of 
market  and  of  low  prices.  Yet  there  are  other  por- 
tions 'of  the  country  which  are  consumers,  and  not 
producers  of  food  and  manufactures,  and  as  purchasers, 
they  should,  it  would  seem,  be  satisfied  with  the  low 
prices  of  which  the  sellers  complain;  but  in  these  por- 
tions too  of  the  country,  there  is  dissatisfaction  and 
discontent.  Everywhere  there  is  complaining  and  a 
desire  for  change. 

There  are  those  who  think  this  excitement  among  the 
people  transitory  and  evanescent  I  am  not  of  that 

15 


226  Reminiscences  of  the 

opinion.  So  far  as  I  can  judge,  attention  to  public  af- 
fairs among  the  people  of  the  United  States  has  in- 
creased, is  increasing,  and  is  not  likely  to  be  diminished, 
and  this  not  in  one  part  of  the  country,  but  all  over. 
This  certainly  is  a  fact,  if  we  may  judge  from  recent 
information.  The  breeze  of  popular  excitement  is 
blowing  everywhere.  It  fans  the  air  in  Alabama,  and 
the  Carolinas,  and  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  when  it 
shall  cross  the  Potomac,  and  range  along  the  northern 
Alleghanies,  it  will  grow  stronger  and  stronger,  until 
mingling  with  the  gales  of  the  Empire  State  and  the 
mountain  blasts  of  New  England,  it  will  blow  a  per- 
fect hurricane. 

There  are  those,  again,  who  think  these  vast  public 
meetings  are  got  up  by  effort,  but  I  say  that  no  effort 
can  get  them  up  and  no  effort  can  keep  them  down. 
There  must,  then,  be  some  general  cause  that  animates 
the  whole  country.  What  is  that  cause?  It  is  upon 
this  point  I  propose  to  give  my  opinion  to-day.  I  have 
no  design  to  offend  any  feeling,  but  in  perfect  plain- 
ness to  express  my  views  to  the  vast  multitude  as- 
sembled here.  I  know  there  are  among  them  many 
who  from  first  to  last  supported  General  Jackson.  I 
know  there  are  many  who,  if  conscience  and  patriot- 
ism had  permitted,  would  support  his  successor,  and  I 
should  ill  repay  the  attention  with  which  they  may 
honor  me  by  any  reviling  or  denunciation.  Again,  I 
come  to  play  no  part  of  oratory  before  you.  If  there 
have  been  times  and  occasions  in  my  life  when  I  might 
be  supposed  anxious  to  exhibit  myself  in  such  a  light, 
that  period  has  passed,  and  this  is  not  one  of  the  occa- 
sions. I  come  to  dictate  or  prescribe  to  no  man.  If 
my  experience,  not  now  short  in  the  affairs  of  govern- 
ment, entitle  my  opinions  to  any  respect,  those  opin- 
ions are  at  the  service  of  my  fellow  citizens.  What  I 
shall  state  as  facts  I  shall  hold  myself  and  my  character 
responsible  for;  what  I  shall  state  as  opinions,  all  are 
alike  at  liberty  to  reject  or  receive;  asking  only  such 
fair  interpretation  of  them  as  the  fairness  and  sincerity 
with  which  they  are  uttered  may  claim. 

What,  then,  has  excited  the   whole  land  from  Maine 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  227 

to  Georgia,  and  that  gives  us  assurance  that  while  we 
here  are  meeting  in  New  York  in  such  vast  numbers, 
other  like  meetings  are  holding  throughout  all  the 
States?  That  this  cause  must  be  general  in  its  effect  is 
certain,  for  it  agitates  the  whole  country  and  not  parts 
only. 

When  that  fluid  in  the  human  system  indispensable  to 
life  becomes  disordered,  corrupted,  or  obstructed  in  its 
circulation,  not  the  head  or  the  heart  alone  suffers,  but 
the  whole  body,  head,  heart  and  hand,  all  the  mem- 
bers and  all  the  extremities  are  affected  with  deoility, 
paralysis,  numbness,  and  death.  The  analogy  between 
the  human  system  and  the  social  and  political  system 
is  complete,  and  what  the  life-blood  is  to  the  former 
circulation,  money,  currency,  is  to  the  latter;  and  if  that 
be  disordered  or  corrupted,  paralysis  must  fall  on  the 
system. 

Mr.  Webster  went  into  the  discussion  of  the  sub- 
treasury  at  great  length,  which  for  want  of  space  is 
omitted. 

PROTECTION    TO    AMERICAN    LABOR. 

This  leads  me  naturally  to  the  great  subject  of 
American  labor,  which  has  hardly  been  considered  or 
discussed  as  carefully  as  it  deserves.  WThat  is  Ameri- 
can labor  ?  It  is  best  described  by  saying,  it  is  not 
European  labor.  Nine-tenths  of  the  whole  labor  of 
this  country  is  performed  by  those  who  cultivate  the 
land  they  or  their  fathers  own,  or  who  in  their  work- 
shops employ  some  little  capital  of  their  own,  and  mix 
it  up  with  their  labor.  Where  does  this  exist  else- 
where ?  Look  at  the  different  departments  of  in- 
dustry, whether  agricultural,  manufacturing  or  mechan- 
ical, and  you  will  find  that  in  all,  the  laborers  mix  up 
some  little  capital  with  the  work  of  their  hands.  The 
laborer  of  the  United  States  is  the  United  States; 
strike  out  the  laborers  of  the  United  States,  including 
therein  all  who  in  some  way  belong  to  the  industrious  or 
working  classes,  and  you  reduce  the  population  of  the 
United  States  from  sixteen  millions  to  one  million. 
The  American  laborer  is  expected  to  have  a  comforta- 


228  Reminiscences  of  the 

ble  home,  decent,  though  frugal  living;  to  clothe  and 
educate  his  children,  to  qualify  them  to  take  part,  as 
we  are  called  to  do,  in  the  political  affairs  and  Govern- 
ment of  their  country.  Can  this  be  said  of  any  Euro- 
pean laborer  ?  Does  he  take  any  share  in  the  govern- 
ment of  his  country,  or  feel  it  an  obligation  to  educate 
his  children?  There,  nine-tenths  of  the  laborers  have 
no  interest  in  the  soil  they  cultivate,  nor  in  the  fabrics 
they  produce;  no  hope  under  any  circumstances  of  rais- 
ing themselves,  or  raising  their  children  above  the  con- 
dition of  a  day  laborer  at  wages,  and  only  know  the 
government  under  which  they  live  by  the  sense  of  its 
oppressions,  which  they  have  no  voice  in  mitigating. 

To  compare  such  a  state  of  labor  with  the  labor  of 
this  country,  or  to  reason  from  that  to  ours,  is  prepost- 
erous. And  yet,  the  doctrine  now  is,  not  of  individ- 
uals only,  but  of  the  administration,  that  the  wages  of 
American  labor  must  be  brought  down  to  the  level  of 
those  of  Europe. 

I  have  said  this  is  not  the  doctrine  of  a  few  indi- 
viduals, and  on  that  head  I  think  injustice  has  been 
done  to  a  Senator  from  Pennsylvania,  who  has  been 
made  to  bear  a  large  share  of  the  responsibility  of  sug- 
gesting such  a  policy.  If  I  mistake  not,  the  same  idea 

is  thrown  out  in  the  President's  message  of  ,  and 

in  the  Treasury  report.  Hear  what  Mr.  Woodbury 
says: 

*'  Should  the  States  not  speedily  suspend  more  of  their 
undertaking  which  are  unproductive,  but  by  new  loans 
or  otherwise  find  means  to  employ  armies  of  laborers, 
in  consuming,  rather  than  raising  crops,  and  should 
prices  thus  continue  in  many  cases  to  be  unnaturally 
inflated,  as  they  have  been  of  late  years,  in  the  face  of 
a  contracting  currency,  the  effect  of  it  on  our  finances 
would  be  still  more  to  lessen  exports,  and  consequently, 
the  prosperity  and  revenue  of  our  foreign  trade." 

He  is  for  turning  off  from  the  public  works  these 
"armies  of  laborers"  who  consume  without  producing 
crops,  and  thus  bring  down  prices,  both  of  crops  and 
labor.  Diminish  the  mouths  that  consume,  and  multi- 
ply the  arms  that  produce,  and  you  have  the  Treasury 


4    Political   Campaign  of  1840.  229 

prescription  for  mitigating  distress  and  raising  prices  ! 
How  would  that  operate  in  this  great  State.  You  have, 
perhaps,  some  fifteen  thousand  men  employed  on  your 
public  works — works  of  the  kind  that  the  Secretary 
calls  "unproductive" — and  even  with  such  a  demand 
as  they  must  produce  for  provisions,  prices  are  very 
low.  The  Secretary's  remedy  is  to  set  them  to  raise 
provisions  themselves,  and  thus  augmet  the  supply 
while  they  diminish  the  demand.  In  this  way  the 
wages  of  labor  are  to  be  reduced,  as  well  as  the  prices 
of  agricultural  productions.  But  this  is  not  all.  I  have 
in  my  hand  an  extract  from  a  speech  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  of  a  gentleman  from  New  Hampshire, 
Mr.  Burke,  a  zealous  supporter  of  the  administration, 
who  maintains  that,  other  things  being  reduced  in  pro- 
portion, you  may  reduce  the  wages  of  labor  without 
evil  consequences.  And  where  does  he  seek  his  ex- 
ample? In  the  Mediterranean.  He  fixed  himself  upon 
Corsica  and  Sardinia.  But  what  is  the  Corsican  la- 
borer that  he  should  be  the  model  upon  which  Amer- 
ican labor  is  to  be  formed  ?  Does  he  know  anything 
himself  ?  Has  he  any  education,  or  does  he  give  any  to 
his  children  ?  Has  he  a  home,  a  freehold,  and  the  com- 
forts of  life  around  him  ?  No.  With  a  crust  of  bread 
and  a  handful  of  olives,  his  daily  wants  are  satisfied. 
And  yet  from  such  a  state  of  society  the  laborer  of  New 
England,  the  laborer  of  the  United  States,  is  to  be 
taught  submission  to  low  wages.  The  extract  before 
me  states  that  the  wages  of  Corsica  are,  for  the  male 
laborer,  24  cents  a  day,  and  the  female  laborer,  n 
cents  a  day.  And  the  honorable  gentleman  argues, 
that  owing  to  the  greater  cheapness  of  other  articles, 
this  is  relatively  as  much  as  the  American  laborer  gets, 
and  he  illustrates  the  fact  by  this  bill  of  clothing  for  a 
Corsican  laborer:  Jacket,  lasting  24  months,  S  francs; 
cap,  lasting  24  months.  2  francs;  waistcoat  lasting  36 
months, 4  francs;  pantaloons,  lasting  18 months,  5  francs; 
shirt,  lasting  12  months,  3  francs;  pair  of  shoes,  lasting 
6  monts,  6  francs;  total,  28  francs. 

Now  what  say  you,  my  friends — what  will  the  farmer 
of  New  York,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  New  England  say, 


230  Reminiscences  of  the 

to  the  idea  of  walking  on  Sunday  to  church  at  the 
head  of  his  family,  in  his  jacket  two  years  old?  What 
will  the  young  man  say,  when,  his  work  ended,  he  de- 
sires to  visit  the  families  of  his  neighbors,  to  the  one 
pair  of  pantaloons,  not  quite  two  years  old  indeed,  but, 
as  the  farmers  say  of  a  colt,  coming  two  next  grass, 
and  which  for  18  months  have  done  yeoman's  service? 
Away  with  it  all — away  with  this  plan  for  humbling 
and  degrading  the  free,  intelligent,  well  educated,  and 
well-paid  labor  of  the  United  States  to  the  level  of  the 
almost  brute  labor  of  Europe. 

There  is  not  much  danger  that  schemes  and  doctrines 
such  as  these  shall  find  favor  with  the  people.  They 
understand  their  own  interest  too  well  for  that.  Gentle- 
men, I  am  a  farmer,  on  the  sea-shore,  and  have,  of 
course,  occasion  to  employ  some  degree  of  agricultural 
labor.  I  am  sometimes  also  rowed  out  to  sea,  bei  ig, 
like  other  New  England  men  fond  of  occasionally  catch- 
ing a  fish,  and  finding  health  and  recreation  in  warm 
weather  from  the  air  of  the  ocean.  For  the  few  months 
during  which  I  am  able  to  enjoy  this  retreat  from  labor, 
public  or  professional,  I  do  not  often  trouble  my  neigh- 
bors, or  they  me,  with  conversation  on  politics.  It 
happened,  however,  about  three  weeks  ago,  that  on 
such  an  excursion  as  I  have  mentioned,  with  one  man 
only  with  me,  I  mentioned  this  doctrine  of  the  reduc- 
tion of  prices,  and  asked  him  his  opinion  of  it. 

He  said  he  did  not  like  it.  I  replied,  the  wages  of 
labor,  it  is  true,  are  reduced;  but  then  flour  and  beef, 
and  perhaps  clothing,  all  of  which  you  buy,  are  re- 
duced also.  What,  then,  can  be  your  objections  ? 
Why,  said  he,  it  is  true  that  flour  is  now  low;  but  then 
it  is  an  article  that  may  rise  suddenly,  by  means  of  a 
scanty  crop,  in  England,  or  at  home;  and  if  it  should 
rise  from  five  dollars  to  ten,  I  do  not  know  for  certain 
that  it  should  fetch  the  price  of  my  labor  up  with  it. 
But  while  wages  are  high,  then  I  am  safe,  and  if  pro- 
duce chances  to  fall,  so  much  the  better  for  me.  But 
there  is  another  thing.  I  have  but  one  thing  to  sell, 
that  is  my  labor;  but  I  must  buy  many  things — not 
only  flour,  and  meat  and  clothing,  but  also  some  arti- 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  231 

cles  that  come  from  other  countries;  a  little  sugar,  a 
a  little  coffee,  a  little  tea,  a  little  of  common  spices,  and 
such  like. 

Now,  I  do  not  see  how  these  foreign  articles  will  be 
brought  down  by  reducing  wages  at  home;  and  be- 
fore the  price  is  brought  down  of  the  only  thing  I  have 
to  sell,  I  want  to  be  sure  that  the  prices  will  fall,  also, 
not  of  a  part,  but  of  all  the  things  which  I  must  buy. 

Now,  gentlemen,  though  he  will  be  astonished,  or 
amused,  that  I  should  tell  the  story  before  such  a  vast 
and  respectable  assemblage  as  this,  I  will  place  this 
argument  of  Seth  Peterson,  sometimes  farmer  and 
sometimes  fisherman  on  the  coast  of  Massachusetts, 
stated  to  me  while  pulling  an  oar  with  each  hand,  and 
with  the  sleeves  of  his  red  shirt  rolled  up  above  his  el- 
bows, against  the  arguments,  the  theories,  and  the 
speeches  of  the  administration  and  all  its  friends,  in  or 
out  of  Congress,  and  take  the  verdict  of  the  country, 
and  of  the  civilized  world,  whether  he  has  not  the  best 
side  of  the  question. 

Since  I  have  adverted  to  this  conversation,  gentle- 
men, allow  me  to  say,  that  this  neighbor  of  mine  is  a 
man  of  fifty,  one  of  several  sons  of  a  poor  man;  that  by 
his  labor  he  has  obtained  some  few  acres,  his  own  un- 
incumbered  freehold,  has  a  comfortable  dwelling,  and 
plenty  .of  the  poor  man's  blessings.  Of  these  I  have 
known  six,  decently  and  cleanly  clad,  each  with  the 
book,  the  slate  and  the  map,  proper  to  its  age,  all  go- 
ing at  the  same  time  daily  to  enjoy  the  blessings  of 
that  which  is  the  great  glory  of  New  England,  the 
common  free  school.  Who  can  contemplate  this  and 
thousands  of  other  cases  like  it,  not  as  pictures  but  as 
common  facts,  without  feeling  how  much  our  free  in- 
stitutions, and  the  policy  hitherto  pursued  have  done 
for  the  comfort  and  happiness  of  the  great  mass  of  our 
citizens!  Where  in  Europe,  where  in  any  part  of  the 
world  out  of  our  country,  shall  we  find  labor  thus 
rewarded,  and  the  general  condition  of  the  people  so 
good?  Nowhere!  Away,  then,  with  the  injustice  and  the 
folly  of  reducing  the  cost  of  productions  with  us  to  what 
is  called  the  common  standard  of  the  world.  Away, 


232  Reminiscences  of  the 

then,  away  at  once  and  forever,  with  the  miserable 
policy  which  would  bring  the  condition  of  a  laborer  in 
the  United  States  to  that  of  a  laborer  in  Russia  or 
Sweden,  in  France  or  Germany,  in  Italy  or  Corsica. 
Instead  of  following  these  examples,  let  us  hold  up  our 
own  which  all  nations  may  well  envy,  and  which  unhap- 
pily in  most  parts  of  the  earth  it  is  easier  to  envy  than 
to  imitate. 

But  it  is  the  cry  and  effort  of  the  times  to  stimulate 
those  who  are  called  poor  against  those  who  are  called 
rich:  and  yet  among  those  who  urge  this  cry  and  seek 
to  profit  by  it,  there  is  betrayed  sometimes  an  occa- 
sional sneer  at  whatever  savors  of  humble  life.  Wit- 
ness the  reproach  against  a  candidate  now  before  the 
people  for  their  highest  honors,  that  a  log  cabin  and 
plenty  of  hard  cider  is  good  enough  for  him. 

It  appears  to  some  persons  that  a  great  .deal  too 
much  use  is  made  of  the  symbol  of  the  log  caoin.  No 
man  of  sense  suppo>es,  certainly,  that  the  having  lived 
in  a  log  cabin  is  any  further  proof  of  qualification  for 
the  Presidency  than  as  it  creates  a  presumption  that 
any  one  who.  from  humble  condition  or  under  un- 
favorable circumstances,  has  been  able  to  attract  a  con- 
siderable degree  of  public  attention,  is  possessed,  of 
reputable  qualities,  moral  and  intellectual. 

But  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  this  matter,  of  the 
log  cabin  originated,  not  with  the  friends  of  the  Whig 
candidate,  but  with  his  enemies.  Soon  after  his  nom- 
ination at  Harrisburg,  a  writer  for  one  of  the  leading 
administration  papers  spoke  of  this  log  cabin  and  his 
use  of  hard  cider  by  way  of  sneer  and  reproach.  As 
might  have  been  expected,  for  pretenders  are  generally 
false,  his  taunt  at  humble  life  proceeded  from  the  party 
which  claims  for  itself  the  character  of  the  purest  De- 
mocracy. The  whole  party  appeared  to  enjoy  it,  or  at 
least  they  countenanced  it  by  silent  acquiescence;  for  I 
do  not  know  that  to  this  day  any  eminent  individual 
or  any  leading  newspaper  attached  to  the  aministra- 
tion,  has  rebuked  this  scornful  jeering  at  the  supposed 
humble  condition  or  circumstances  in  life,  past  or  pres- 
ent, of  a  worthy  man  and  a  war-worn  soldier.  But  it 


Political  Campaign  of  IS 40.  233 

touched  a  tender  point  in  the  public  feeling.  It  natu- 
rally roused  indignation.  What  was  intended  as  re- 
proach was  immediately  seized  on  as  merit.  "  Be  it  so. 
be  it  so,"  was  the  instant  burst  of  the  public  voice. 
"  Let  him  be  the  log-cabin  candidate.  What  you  say  in 
scorn  we  will  shout  with  all  our  lungs;  from  this  day, 
we  have  our  cry  of  rally,  and  we  shall  see  whether  he, 
who  has  dwelt  in  one  of  the  rude  abodes  of  the  West, 
may  not  become  the  best  housed  in  the  country." 

All  this  is  natural,  and  springs  from  sources  of  just 
feeling.  Other  things,  gentlemen,  have  had  a  similar 
origin.  We  all  know  that  the  term  "  Whig,"  was 
bestowed  in  derision,  two  hundred  years  ago,  on  those 
who  were  thought  too  fond  of  liberty;  and  our  national 
air  of  Yankee  Doodle  was  composed  by  British  offi- 
cers, in  ridicule  of  the  American  troops.  Yet,  ere 
long,  the  last  of  the  British  armies  laid  down  its  arms 
at  Yorktown,  while  this  same  air  was  playing  in  the 
ears  of  officers  and  men.  Gentlemen,  it  is  only  shal- 
low-minded pretenders,  who  either  make  distinguished 
origin  matter  of  personal  merit,  or  obscure  origin 
matter  of  personal  reproach.  Taunt  and  scoffing  at 
the  humble  condition  of  early  life  affect  nobody  in 
this  country  but  those  who  are  foolish  enough  to 
indulge  in  them,  and  they  are  generally  sufficiently 
punished  by  public  rebuke.  A  man  who  is  not 
ashamed  of  himself  need  not  be  ashamed  of  his  early 
condition. 

Gentlemen,  it  did  not  happen  to  me  to  be  born  in  a 
log  cabin;  but  my  elder  brothers  and  sisters  were  born  in 
a  log-cabin,  raised  amid  the  snow-drifts  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, at  a  period  so  early,  as  that  when  the  smoke  first 
rose  from  its  rude  chimney,  and  curled  over  the  frozen 
hills,  there  was  no  similar  evidence  of  a  white  man's 
habitation  between  it  and  the  settlements  on  the  rivers 
of  Canada.  Its  remains  still  exist.  I  make  to  it  an 
annual  visit.  I  carry  my  children  to  it,  to  inspire  like 
sentiments  in  them,  and  to  teach  them  the  hardships 
endured  by  the  generations  which  have  gone  before 
them.  I  love  to  dwell  on  the  tender  recollections,  the 
kindred  ties,  the  early  affections,  and  the  touching  nar- 


234  Reminiscences  of  the 

ratives  and  incidents,  which  mingle  with  all  I  know  of 
this  humble  primitive  family  abode.  I  weep  to  think 
that  none  of  those  who  inhabited  it  are  now  among 
the  living;  and  if  ever  I  am  ashamed  of  it,  or  if  I  ever 
fail  in  affectionate  veneration  for  HIM  who  reared  it 
and  defended  it  against  savage  violence  and  destruction, 
cherished  all  the  domestic  virtues  beneath  its  roof,  and 
through  the  fire  and  blood  of  a  seven-years  Revolu- 
tionary War,  shrunk  from  no  danger,  no  toil,  no  sacri- 
fice, to  serve  his  country,  and  to  raise  his  children  to  a 
condition  better  than  his  own,  may  my  name,  and  the 
name  of  my  posterity,  be  blotted  for  ever  from  the 
memory  of  mankind! 

[Mr.  Webster  then  reviewed  the  expenditures  of  the 
Government,  but  just  at  the  last  moment,  we  find  with 
regret  that  the  sheet  containing  this  portion  of  the 
speech  has  been  mislaid  or  lost.  We  supply  therefore 
from  memory  a  very  brief,  and  we  are  aware,  a  very 
inadequate  outline  of  the  argument] 

The  expenditures  of  this  administration  have  been 
eminently  wasteful  and  extravagant.  Over  and  above 
the  ordinary  revenue  of  the  country,  Mr.  Van  Buren 
has  spent  more  than  twenty  millions,  that  reached  the 
Treasury  from  other  sources.  I  specify: 

Reserved  under  the  deposit  act $6,000,000 

Fourth  installment  of  surplus  kept  back .     9,000,000 

Payment  by  the  Bank  of  United  States  on  its  bonds.      5,000,000 

20,000,000 

But  even  this  has  been  found  insufficient  for  the  prod- 
igality of  the  administration,  and  we  had  not  been  long 
assembled  in  Congress  before  a  demand  was  made 
upon  ^notwithstanding  the  flattering  representations  of 
the  message  and  the  Treasury  report,  for  authority  to 
issue  jive  millions  more  of  Treasury  notes;  and  this,  we 
were  assured,  if  Congress  would  only  keep  within  the 
estimates  submitted  by  the  departments,  would  be 
ample.  Congress  did  keep  within  the  estimates;  and 
yet,  before  we  broke  up,  intimations  came  from  the 
Treasury  that  they  must  have  authority  to  borrow,  or 
issue  Treasury  notes  for  four  and  a  half  millions  more. 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  235 

This  time  even  the  friends  of  the  administration  de- 
murred, and  finally  refused  to  grant  this  new  aid:  and 
what  then  was  the  alternative  ?  Why,  after  having 
voted  appropriations  for  the  various  branches  of  the 
public  service,  all  within  the  estimates,  and  all  of  which 
they  were  told  were  indispensable,  they  conferred  on 
the  President,  by  a  special  section,  authority  to  with- 
hold these  appropriations  from  such  objects  as  he 
pleased,  and  to  select  at  his  discretion  the  objects  upon 
which  money  should  be  expended.  Entire  authority 
was  thus  given  to  the  President  over  all  these  expen- 
ditures, in  direct  contravention  of  that  provision  of 
the  Constitution  forbidding  all  expenditure  except  by 
virtue  of  appropriations,  which  if  it  mean  anything, 
must  mean  the  specification  of  distinct  sums  for  dis- 
tinct purposes. 

In  this  way,  then,  it  is  proposed  to  keep  back  from 
indispensable  works  four  and  a  half  millions,  which  are, 
nevertheless,  appropriated,  and  which,  with  the  five 
millions  of  Treasury  notes  already  issued,  will  constitute 
a  debt  of  from  nine  to  ten  millions. 

So,  then,  when  General  Harrison  shall  succeed  in 
March  next  to  the  Presidential  chair,  all  that  he  will 
inherit  from  his  predecessors,  besides  their  brilliant  ex- 
ample, will  be  these  Treasury  vaults  and  safes,  without 
a  dollar  in  them,  and  a  debt  of  ten  millions  of  dollars. 

The  whole  revenue  policy  of  this  administration 
has  been  founded  in  error.  While  duties  are  laid  on 
articles  of  daily  use  and  necessity,  articles  of  luxury  are 
admitted  free  of  duty.  Look  at  the  custom-house  re- 
turns, 20000,000  dollars  worth  of  silks  imported  in  one 
year  free  of  duty;  and  other  articles  of  luxury  in  pro- 
portion, that  should  be  made  to  contribute  to  the  reve- 
nue. 

We  have,  in  my  judgment,  imported  excessively, 
and  yet  the  President  urges  it  as  an  objection  to 
works  of  public  improvement,  to  railroads  and  canals, 
that  they  diminish  our  importations,  and  thereby  in- 
terfere with  the  comforts  of  the  people!  His  message 
says  : 

"  Our  people  will  not  long  be  insensible  to  the  ex- 


236  Reminiscences  of  the 

tent  of  the  burdens  entailed  upon  them  by  the  false 
system  that  has  been  operating  on  their  sanguine, 
energetic,  and  industrious  character;  nor  to  the  means 
necessary  to  extricate  themselves  from  these  embar- 
rassments. The  weight  which  presses  upon  a  large 
portion  of  the  people,  and  the  States,  is  an  enormous 
debt,  foreign  and  domestic.  The  foreign  debt  of  our 
States,  corporations,  and  men  of  business,  can  scarcely 
be  less  than  two  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  requiring 
more  than  ten  millions  of  dollars  a  year  to  pay  the  in- 
terest. This  sum  has  to  be  paid  out  of  the  exports  of 
the  country,  and  must  of  necessity  cut  off  imports  to 
that  extent,  or  plunge  the  country  more  deeply  in  debt 
from  year  to  year.  It  is  easy  to  see  that  the  increase 
of  this  foreign  debt  must  augment  the  annual  demand 
on  the  exports  to  pay  the  interest,  and  to  the  same  ex- 
tent diminish  the  imports;  and  in  proportion  to  the  en- 
largement of  the  foreign  debt,  and  the  consequent  in- 
crease of  interest  must  be  the  decrease  of  the  import 
trade.  In  lieu  of  the  comforts  which  it  now  brings  us, 
we  might  have  one  gigantic  banking  institution,  and 
splendid,  but  in  many  instances  profitless,  railroads 
and  canals,  absorbing  to  a  great  extent,  in  interest  upon 
the  capital  borrowed  to  construct  them,  the  surplus 
fruits  of  national  industry  for  years  to  come,  and  secur- 
ing to  posterity  no  adequate  return  for  the  comforts 
which  the  labors  of  their  hands  might  otherwise  have 
secured." 

What  are  these  comforts  that  we  are  to  get  so  much 
more  of  if  we  will  onlv  stop  our  railroads  and  canals  ? 
Foreign  goods,  loss  of  employment  at  home  or  Euro- 
pean wages,  and  lastly  direct  taxation. 

One  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  South,  of  that  nullify- 
ing State-Rights  party  that  has  absorbed  the  adminis- 
tration, or  been  absorbed  by  it,  comes  boldly  out  with 
the  declaration  that  the  period  is  arrived  for  a  direct 
tax  on  land,  and  among  the  reasons  'assigned  for  this 
project  is  this  one,  that  it  will  bring  the  North  to  the 
grindstone.  We  shall  see,  before  this  contest  is  over, 
who  will  be  the  parties  ground,  and  who  the  grinders. 
It  is,  however,  but  just  to  add  that  thus  far,  this  is  only 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  237 

an  expression  of  individual  opinion,  and  I  do  not  charge 
it  to  be  otherwise. 

I  had  proposed  to  say  something  of  the  militia  bill, 
but  it  is  already  so  late  that  I  must  forego  this  topic. 
[No,  no;  go  on,  go  on;  from  the  crowd.] 

Mr.  Webster  resumed,  and  briefly  analyzed  the  bill. 

Owing,  however,  to  the  lateness  of  the  hour  he  did 
not  go  largely  into  the  discussion.  He  did  not,  he 
said,  mean  to  charge  Mr.  Van  Buren  with  any  pur- 
pose to  play  the  part  of  a  Caesar  or  a  Cromwell,  but  he 
did  say  that  in  his  judgment,  the  plan  as  recom- 
mended by  the  President  in  his  message,  and  of  which 
the  annual  report  of  the  Secretary  of  War  accompany- 
ing the  message  developed  the  leading  features  would, 
if  carried  into  operation,  be  expensive,  burdensome,  in 
derogation  of  the  Constitution  and  dangerous  to  our 
liberities.  Mr.  W.  referred  rapidly  to  the  President's 
recent  letter  to  some  gentleman  in  Virginia  endeavor- 
ing to  exculpate  himself  for  the  recommendation  in  the 
message,  by  endeavoring  to  show  a  difference  between 
the  plan  then  so  strongly  commended,  and  that  sub- 
mitted in  detail  some  months  afterwards  by  the  Secre- 
tary of  War  to  Congress.  Mr.  W.  pronounced  this  at- 
tempt wholly  unsatisfactory. 

Mr.  Webster  then  went  onto  say:  I  have  now  frankly 
stated  my  opinions  as  to  the  nature  of  the  present 
excitement,  and  have  answered  the  question  I  pro- 
pounded as  to  the  causes  of  the  revolution  in  public 
sentiment  now  in  progress.  Will  this  revolution  suc- 
ceed? Does  it  move  the  masses,  or  is  it  an  ebullition 
merely  on  the  surface?  And  who  is  it  that  opposes 
the  change  which  seems  to  be  going  forward?  [Here 
some  one  in  the  crowd  cried  out,  "None  hardly  but  the 
office-holders  oppose  it."]  Mr.  Webster  continued: 
I  hear  one  say  that  the  office-holders  oppose  it,  and 
that  is  true.  If  they  were  quiet,  in  my  opinion,  a 
change  would  take  place  almost  by  common  consent. 
I  have  heard  of  an  anecdote,  perhaps  hardly  suited  to 
the  sobriety  and  dignity  of  this  occasion,  but  which 
confirms  the  answer  which  my  friend  in  the  crowd  has 
given  to  my  question.  It  happened  to  a  farmer's  son; 


238  Reminiscences  of  the 

that  his  load  of  hay  was  blown  over  by  a  sudden  gust 
on  an  exposed  plain.  Those  near  him  seeing  him  mani- 
fest a  degree  of  distress  which  such  an  accident  would 
not  usually  occasion,  asked  him  the  reason;  he  said  he 
should  not  take  on  so  much  about  it,  only  father  was 
under  the  load.  I  think  it  very  probable,  geptlemen, 
that  there  are  many  now  very  active  and  zealous 
friends,  who  would  not  care  much  whether  the  wagon 
of  the  administration  were  blown  over  or  not,  if  it 
were  not  for  the  fear  that  father,  or  son,  or  uncle,  or 
brother,  might  be  found  under  the  load.  Indeed  it  is 
remarkable  how  fervently  the  fire  of  patriotism  glows 
in  the  breasts  of  the  holders  of  office.  A  thousand 
favored  contractors  fear  lest  the  proposed  change 
should  put  the  interests  of  the  public  in  great  danger. 
Ten  thousand  post-offices,  moved  by  the  same  appre- 
hension, join  in  the  cry  of  alarm,  while  a  perfect 
earthquake  of  disinterested  remonstrances  proceeds 
from  the  custom-houses.  Patronage  and  favoritism 
tremble  and  quake,  through  every  limb  and  every 
nerve,  lest  the  people  should  be  found  in  favor  of  a 
change  which  might  endanger  the  liberties  of  the 
country,  or  at  least  break  down  its  present  eminent 
and  distinguished  prosperity  by  abandoning  the  meas- 
ures, so  wise,  so  beneficent,  so  successful,  and  so  popu- 
lar, which  the  present  administration  has  pursued! 

Fellow-citizens,  we 'have  all  sober  and  important 
duties  to  perform.  I  have  not  addressed  you  today  for 
the  purpose  of  joining  in  a  premature  note  of  triumph, 
or  raising  a  shout  for  anticipated  victories.  We  are  in 
the  controversy,  not  through  it.  It  is  our  duty  to  spare 
no  pains  to  circulate  information,  and  to  spread  the 
truth  far  and  wide.  Let  us  persuade  those  who  differ 
from  us,  if  we  can,  to  hear  both  sides.  Let  us  remind 
them  that  we  are  all  embarked  together,  with  a  com- 
mon interest  and  a  common  fate;  and  let  us,  without 
rebuke  or  unkindness,  beseech  them  to  consider  what 
the  good  of  the  whole  requires,  what  is  best  for  them 
and  for  us.  There  are  two  causes  which  keep  back 
thousands  of  honest  men  from  joining  those  who  wish 
for  a  change. 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  239 

The  first  of  these  is  the  fear  of  reproach  from  former 
associates,  and  the  pain  which  party  denunciation  is 
capable  of  inflicting.  But,  surely,  the  manliness  of  the 
American  character  is  superior  to  this!  Surely,  no 
American  citizen  will  feel  himself  chained  to  the  wheels 
of  any  party,  nor  bound  to  follow  it,  against  his  con- 
science and  his  sense  of  the  interest  of  the  country. 
Resolution  and  decision  ought  to  dissipate  such  re- 
straints, and  to  leave  men  free  at  once  to  act  upon  their 
own  convictions.  Unless  this  can  be  done,  party  has 
entailed  upon  us  a  miserable  slavery  by  compelling  us 
to  act  against  our  consciences  on  questions  of  the  great- 
est importance. 

The  other  cause  is  the  constant  cry  that  the  party  of 
the  administration  is  the  true  Democratic  party,  or  the 
more  popular  party  in  the  Government  and  in  the 
country.  The  falsity  of  this  claim  has  not  been  suffi- 
ciently exposed.  It  should  have  been  met,  and  should 
be  now  met,  not  only  by  denial,  but  by  proof.  If  they 
mean  the  new  Democracy,  the  cry  against  credit, 
against  industry,  against  labor,  against  a  man's  right  to 
leave  his  own  earnings  to  his  own  children — why,  then, 
doubtless,  they  are  right;  all  this  sort  of  Democracy  is 
theirs.  But  if  by  Democracy  they  mean  a  conscien- 
tious and  stern  adherence  to  the  true  popular  princi- 
ples of  the  Constitution  and  the  Government,  then  I 
think  they  have  very  little  claim  to  it.  Is  the  augment- 
ation of  executive  power  a  Democratic  principle  ?  Is 
the  separation  of  the  currency  of  Government  from  the 
currency  of  the  people  a  Democratic  principle  ?  Is  the 
embodying  of  a  large  military  force,  in  time  of  peace, 
a  Democratic  principle  ? 

Let  us  entreat  honest  men  not  to  take  names  for 
things,  nor  pretences  for  proofs.  If  Democracy,  in  any 
constitutional  sense  belongs  to  our  adversaries,  let 
them  show  their  title,  and  produce  their  evidence. 
Let  the  question  be  examined,  and  let  not  inteilligent 
and  well-meaning  citizens  be  kept  to  the  support  of 
measures,  which  in  their  hearts  and  consciences  they 
disapprove,  because  their  authors  put  forth  such  loud 
claims  to  the  sole  profession  of  regard  for  the  people. 


240  Reminiscences  of  the 

Fellow-citizens  of  the  county  of  Saratoga,  in  tak- 
ing leave  of  you,  I  cannot  but  remind  you  how  dis- 
tinguished a  place  your  county  occupies  in  the  history 
of  the  country.  I  cannot  be  ignorant  that  in  the  midst 
of  you  are  many,  at  this  moment,  who  saw  in  this 
neighborhood  the  triumph  of  Republican  arms  in  the 
surrender  of  General  Burgoyne.  I  cannot  doubt  that 
a  fervent  spirit  of  patriotism  burns  in  their  breasts  and 
in  the  breasts  of  their  children.  They  helped  to  save 
their  country  amidst  the  storms  of  war;  they  will  help 
to  save  it  I  am  fully  persuaded,  in  the  present  severe 
civil  crisis.  Fellow-citizens,  I  verily  believe  it  is  true, 
that  of  all  that  are  left  to  us  from  the  Revolution,  nine- 
tenths  are  with  us  in  the  existing  contest.  If  there  be 
living  a  Revolutionary  officer  or  soldier  who  has  joined 
in  the  attacks  upon  General  Harrison's  military  char- 
acter, I  have  not  met  with  him.  It  is  not,  therefore,  in 
the  county  of  Saratoga  that  a  cause  sustained  by  such 
means  is  likely  to  prevail. 

Fellow-citizens,  the  great  question  is  now  before 
the  country.  If  with  the  experience  of  the  past  the 
American  people  think  proper  to  confirm  power  in  the 
hands  which  now  hold  it,  and  thereby  sanction  the 
leading  policy  of  the  administration,  it  will  be  your 
duty  and  mine  to  bow  with  submission  to  the  public 
will;  but,  for  myself,  I  shall  not  believe  it  possible  for 
me  to  be  of  service  to  the  country  in  any  department 
of  public  life.  I  shall  look  on,  with  no  less  love  of 
country  than  ever,  but  with  fearful  forebodings  of  what 
may  be  near  at  hand. 

But,  fellow-citizens,  I  do  not  at  all  expect  that 
result.  I  fully  believe  that  change  is  coming.  If  we 
all  do  our  duty,  we  shall  restore  the  Government  to  its 
former  policy,  and  the  country  to  its  former  prosperity. 
And  let  us  here,  today,  fellow-citizens,  with  full  reso- 
lution and  patriotic  purpose  of  heart,  give  and  take 
pledges,  thafc  until  this  great  controversy  be  ended,  our 
time,  our  talents,  our  efforts,  are  all  due  and  shall  all 
be  faithfully  given,  to  OUR  COUNTRY. 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  241 

/ 

PRENTISS'  SPEECH. 


AN  ELOQUENT  EXTRACT  FROM  THE  SPEECH  OF 
HON.  S.  S.  PRENTISS,  DELIVERED  AT  PORTLAND, 
ME.,  AUGUST  21,  1840. 

"  Fellow-citizens,"  continued  Mr.  Prentiss,  "  victory 
is  before  you;  but,  as  good  soldiers,  every  man  must 
gird  on  his  armor  for  the  fight.  Although  victory  may 
be  certain,  yet  shame  alone  will  keep  every  man  from 
being  listless  and  inactive  in  the  contest.  Let  every 
man  recollect  his  own  strength  and  responsibility.  The 
mighty  ocean  is  made  up  of  drops;  and  were  the  drops 
of  water  to  say  to  the  majestic  rivers,  I  will  not  run 
from  this  hill,  or  flow  from  this  mountain,  or  pass  along 
this  stream,  you  might  pass  along  their  extensive  beds 
dry-shod.  It  is  your  right  and  your  duty,  fellow-citi- 
zens, to  act.  At  Bunker  Hill  nothing  would  have  re- 
strained you  from  taking  part  in  the  battle.  There  is 
as  much  at  stake  here  as  there  was  there.  Your  ballot 
now  is  your  bullet,  and  the  one  may  do  as  much  good  here 
as  the  other  did  there.  Go  forth  then  and  rescue  your 
country  from  the  hands  of  the  spoilers — from  the  bad 
men  in  power.  Behold  your  father  looking  down  from 
the  bright  skies  above  you.  They  appeal  to  you,  as 
posterity  would,  could  they  speak  through  the  womb 
of  time. 

"  Be  united,  then,  and  let  no  local  difficulties  separate 
you.  It  is  not  when  the  vessel  is  grating  upon  the 
coral  reefs  that  men  quarrel.  Then  they  fly  to  the 
pumps  and  the  ropes,  and  after  the  ship  is  safe  and  life 
secure,  they  sit  down  and  talk  over  their  little  diffi- 
culties. Many  a  battle  has  been  lost  because  men  have 
not  gone  forth  to  battle  with  one  heart  and  one  mind, 
and  if  the  Whigs  do  not  gain  this  battle,  we  shall  lose 
all  and  have  no  little  differences  to  quarrel  about. 
There  never  was  such  a  necessity  for  union  as  there  is 
now,  and  I  am  happy  to  believe  there  never  was 
such  unanimity  as  there  is  now.  I  have  traveled  from 

16 


242  Reminiscences  of  the 

one  end  of  the  Union  to  the  other,  and  everywhere  I 
have  heard  the  Whigs  using  the  same  arguments  and 
governed  by  the  same  hopes.  The  meetings  every- 
where are  enthusiastic,  and  the  enthusiasm  is  seen 
everywhere  where  the  people  are  seen.  The  peo- 
ple are  resolved  to  raise  themselves  from  the  muddy 
pools  of  Loco  Focoism.  I  have  seen  enough  in  trav- 
eling through  the  country  to  make  me  believe  that 
the  vestal  flame  of  liberty  will  not  be  extinguished  in 
our  land.  If  not  for  interest,  for  honor  men  will  unite 
to  drive  forth  the  usurpers  from  the  places  they  have 
usurped.  If  they  do  not  fight  the  battle  before  them 
for  themselves,  they  will  for  their  wives  and  children, 
for  their  mothers,  their  sisters  and  their  sweethearts. 

"  We  are,"  continued  Mr.  Prentiss,  "men,  coarse, 
hardy  men,  who  can  buffet  the  storms  of  life,  but  we 
have  kindred  and  friends  to  protect,  who  appeal  to  us 
by  the  strongest  of  all  human  ties — the  ties  of  blood.  If 
ever  there  was  a  flower  that  needed  protection  from  the 
pestilential  effluvia  of  Loco  Focoism,  that  flower — the 
fairest  and  lovliest  of  creation — is  woman.  If  there 
is  any  one  thing  in  our  free  institutions  which  we 
boast  of  over  another,  it  is  the  respect  they  vouchsafe 
to  womankind. 

"  In  this  country  we  may  thank  God  that  female 
beauty  and  female  character  has  a  greater  value — a 
higher  reward  than  in  all  the  earth  besides.  But  let 
Loco  Focoism  prevail,  and  what  will  be  the  result?  The 
war  which  is  going  on  against  society  destroys  that 
which  protects  and  sustains  female  character.  It  is  one 
of  the  distinguishing  features  of  a  republican  govern- 
ment that  elevates  female  character  to  its  own  proper 
and  noble  dignity.  If  not  then  for  yourselves,  for  the 
honor  and  protection  and  name  of  those  so  dear  to  you, 
I  call  upon  you,  men,  to  shield  the  fairest  flower  that 
blooms,  by  staying  the  hand  and  by  resisting  the  blow 
that  would  destroy  its  sweetness  and  its  beauty.  You 
should  feel  every  honorable  sensation — and  if  not  as  a 
patriot 'aloud — as  a  man — as  a  Whig — to  exert  your- 
selves in  protecting  all  of  womankind. 

"  Permit  me,"  said  Mr.  Prentiss,  in  conclusion — ad- 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  243 

dressing  himself  to  the  hundreds  of  mothers  and 
daughters  scattered  arouud  him — "  permit  me  to  thank 
you,  as  most  heartily  I  do  in  my  own  name,  and  in  the 
name  of  every  Whig  here,  for  your  presence  and  for  the 
attention  you  have  vouchsafed  to-night.  It  is  pleasant 
thus  to  meet  and  hold  communion  together,  and  espec- 
ially here  in  the  delightful  city  of  Portland.  Amid  all 
my  wanderings  I  have  seen  no  city  more  beautiful: 
The  bay  that  lies  at  her  feet,  is  the  fairest  dimple  on 
the  cheek  of  the  ocean,  and  the  city  that  rises  from  it's 
waters  is  the  brightest  jewel  that  sparkles  in  the  dia- 
dem that  adorns  old  ocean's  brows. 

"  When  you,  fair  daughters,  come  forth  to  encourage 
us  by  your  smiles  and  your  presence,  we  feel  ourselves 
doubly  armed,  and  though  it  be  out  of  the  common 
course  for  you  to  take  part  in  the  political  strife  which 
engages  the  sterner  sex,  yet  it  is  your  right  and  your 
duty  to  come  forward  in  a  time  like  this,  and  say  by  the 
interest  your  presence  manifests,  how  much  you  have 
at  stake  in  a  contest  like  that  to  come.  This  is  the 
time,  and  the  occasion  when  we  mee,t  to  discuss  the 
principles  of  our  fathers  of  the  Revolution — yes,  and  of 
the  mothers  of  the  Revolution,  too — for  in  our  fiercest 
struggles  for  independence  it  was  the  stronger  and 
more  courageous  heart  of  woman  that  gave  to  man 
hope  and  sympathy,  the  promises  of  affection  and  of 
love. 

"Yes,  our  revered  mothers  and  grandmothers  were  as 
much  engaged  in  olden  time  in  the  cause  of  liberty  as 
were  their  fathers,  their  husbands  and  their  brothers. 
I  have  read  until  my  heart  thrilled  within  me  of  the 
generous  sacrifices  which  woman  has  made  in  all  ages, 
in  the  Old  World  and  the  New,  for  the  accomplisment 
of  every  good  and  noble  work.  Our  own  mothers, 
who,  though  poor  in  this  world's  goods,  were  not  poor 
in  spirit,  gave  their  little  all  for  the  cause  of  liberty. 
They  had  no  jewels  to  give,  but  what  they  had  they 
gave.  Their  pewter  spoons  were  melted  into  bullets 
by  their  own  hands,  and  conveyed  to  the  camp  of  the 
army.  As  in  Poland,  the  mothers  and  daughters  gave 
their  caskets  of  jewels,  their  bracelets  and  their  rings 


244  Reminiscences  of  the 

into  the  common  treasury,  so   in   our  land  our  mothers 
added  their  mite  in  the  cause  of  freedom. 

"  It  is  time  that  I  should  close,"  said  Mr.  Prentiss. 
"This  night  I  shall  ever  remember  as  one  of  the  hap- 
piest of  my  life,  not  only  for  the  privilege  I  have  en- 
joyed of  taking  counsel  with  my  old  and  new  friends, 
but  for  seeing  in  wreathed  smiles  and  bright  glances 
the  halo  which  has  been  spread  around  us  by  the  ladies 
of  Portland.  I  wish  you  all  that  happiness  which  be- 
longs to  morality,  to  virtue  and  intelligence.  I  trust 
that  we  men  shall  not  become  so  deteriorated  as  to  be 
unworthy  sons  of  the  fathers  and  mothers  of  the  Revo- 
lution. I  must  apologize  for  having  detained  you  so 
long. 

"  I  commenced  by  shaking  hands  with  you  all  in  my 
heart,  and  trusting  that  we  may  often  be  permitted  to 
meet  together,  I  close,  by  bidding  you  an  affectionate 
good  night." 

It  was  nearly  10  o'clock  when  Mr.  Prentiss  closed. 
The  audience  heard  him  for  more  than  three  hours  and 
without  a  single  sign  of  impatience.  All  were  de- 
lighted, and  with  one  heart  united  at  the  close  of  his 
eloquent  address,  in  giving  the  distinguished  speaker 
twelve  cheers.  The  welkin  rung  with  applause,  and 
after  a  brief  address  from  Mr.  Kinsman,  the  chairman 
of  the  meeting,  three  cheers  for  Mississippi,  three  cheers 
for  Maine  and  three  others  for  Sargeant  S.  Prentiss, 
the  multitude  separated. 


HARRISON  AT    FORT  GREENVILLE. 

THE  OLD  PATRIOT  SPEAKS  TO  THE  PEOPLE  ON  OLD 

TIMES  AND  PUBLIC  AFFAIRS. 

The  celebration  at  Fort  Greenville  drew  to  that  his- 
toric spot  an  immense  concourse  of  Buckeyes  and 
Hoosiers — who  had  gathered  together  expecting  to 
meet  the  brave  defender  of  the  log  cabins  in  the  war 
of  1812.  This  gathering  of  people  was  the  largest  ever 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  245 

seen  in  this  locality  and  the  speech  of  welcome  and 
the  reply  of  General  Harrison  are  given  in  the  follow- 
ing words  in  the  Eaton  Register  of  August,  1840. 

After  Hiram  Bell,  Esq.,  had  delivered  an  eloquent 
address  of  welcome,  General  Harrison  replied  as  fol- 
lows: 

FRIENDS  AND  FELLOW-CITIZENS:  It  is  with  no  slight 
emotion  that  I  undertake  to  address  you  on  this  occa- 
sion. Nor  am  I  a  little  embarrassed  for  words  wherein 
to  express  my  deep  sense  of  your  kindness  towards 
me,  manifested  by  the  friendliness  and  magnanimity  of 
your  greeting.  I  must  receive  a  different  nature,  be- 
coming more  or  less  than  what  I  am,  than  what  any 
man  whlie  living  can  be,  before  I  can  cease  to  remem- 
ber and  appreciate  the  too  favorable  regard  and  the 
kind  demonstration  of  respect  for  me  of  my  fellow- 
citizens  here  present.  My  heart  yields  up  to  you  the 
homage  of  its  deepest  gratitude,  though  my  tongue  ex- 
presses it  not. 

Fellow-citizens,  you  are  all  aware  of  the  position 
that  I  occupy  before  the  American  people — being  a 
candidate  of  a  portion  of  them  for  the  Presidency  of 
the  United  States.  It  will  doubtless  be  said  by  some 
that  I  am  here  for  the  purpose  of  electioneering  for 
myself;  that  I  have  come  to  solicit  your  votes;  but  be- 
lieve me  gentlemen,  this  is  not  the  case.  I  am  present 
on  this  occasion  but  as  an  invited  guest  of  the  citizens 
of  Darke.  It  is  my  deliberate  opinion  and  sincere  de- 
sire that  the  bestowment  of  office  should  be  the  free  act 
of  the  people,  and  I  have  no  wish  to  bias  their  judg- 
ment unjustly  in  my  favor.  But,  notwithstanding  my 
wish  and  determination  not  to  engage  as  a  politician 
in  the  pending  canvass  for  officers  to  administer  the 
General  Government,  although  I  would  have  preferred 
to  remain  with  my  family  in  the  peace  and  quiet  of  our 
log  cabin  at  the  Bend,  rather  than  become  engaged  in 
political  or  other  disputes  as  the  advocate  of  my  own 
rectitude  of  conduct,  yet,  from  the  continued  torrent  of 
calumny  that  has  been  poured  upon  me,  from  the 
slanders,  abuses,  and  obloquy  which  have  been  pro- 
mulgated and  circulated  to  my  discredit,  designed  to 


246  Reminiscences  of  the 

asperse  and  blacken  my  character,  and  from  the  vil- 
lainous and  false  charges  urged  against  me  by  the: 
pensioned  presses  of  this  administration,  my  attend- 
ance at  this  celebration  appeared  to  have  been  made 
an  act  of  necessity,  a  step  which  I  was  compelled  to 
take  for  self-defense.  Chiefly  for  this  purpose  have  I 
come  among  you,  and  trusting  you  will  all  perceive 
the  propriety  of  its  course,  it  seems  superfluous  to  add 
any  further  reasons  for  its  adoption. 

Years  ago,  fellow-citizens,  when  I  left  this  spot — for 
aught  I  knew,  for  the  last  time — I  had  little  idea  of 
the  surprising  change  which  would  be  wrought  in  its 
appearance  during  the  time  which  has  supervened. 
Never  did  I  expect  to  stand  here  and  behold  such  a 
scene  as  this.  It  resembles  somewhat  the  recent  siege 
of  "Old  Fort  Meigs."  I  am  now  sixty-seven  years  of 
age.  I  have  therefore  lived  to  behold  much  of  the 
glory  of  my  country;  I  have  seen  the  palmy  days  of 
this  Republic;  and  especially  have  I  witnessed  many 
of  the  brilliant  events  which  have  characterized  the 
growing  greatness  of  the  lovely  West;  but  this  very 
day  and  its-incidents  mark  an  epoch  in  my  own  history 
the  like  of  which  I  have  seldom  experienced.  It  is 
now  twenty-five  years  since  I  was  at  Fort  Greenville 
— then  surrounded  by  a  dense  forest,  dark  and  drear. 
At  that  period  there  was  scarce  a  log  cabin  between 
Greenville  and  Cincinnati — all  between  was  one  en- 
tire, unbroken  wilderness.  How  wonderfully  and  how 
speedily  have  the  giant  woods  bowed  their  stately  tops 
to  the  industry  and  enterprise  of  Western  pioneers,  as 
if  some  magic  power  had  cleaved  them  from  the  earth  ! 
And  now  in  their  stead  what  do  we  behold  ?  Broad, 
cultivated  fields,  flowery  gardens,  and  happy  homes. 
Delightful  picture — gratifying  change  !  Proud  reflec- 
tion !  that  this  transition  of  things  is  the  result  of  the 
handiwork  of  Westers  people — of  American  freemen. 

Fellow-citizens,  you  have  undoubtedly  seen  it  often- 
times stated  in  a  certain  class  of  newspapers  that  I  am 
a  very  decrepit  old  man,  obliged  to  hobble  about  on 
crutches;  that  I  was  caged  up,  and  that  I  could  not 
speak  loud  enough  to  be  heard  more  than  four  or  five  feet 


Political  Campaign  of  IS 40.  247 

distant,  in  cousequence  of  which  last  misfortune  I  am 
stigmatized  with  the  cognomen  of  "  General  Mum." 
You  now  perceive,  however,  that  these  stories  are  false. 
But  there  are  some  more  serious  matters  charged  against 
me,  which  I  shall  take  the  liberty  to  prove  untrue.  You 
know  it  has  been  said  by  some  that  I  have  no  princi- 
ples; that  I  dare  not  avow  any  principles;  and  that  I 
am  kept  under  the  surveillance  of  a  "committee."  All 
this  is  fahe — unconditionally  false.  The  charge  of  my 
being  in  the  keeping  of  a  committee  is  the  only  one  that 
seems  to  merit  a  moment's  consideration,  and  that  barely 
to  indicate  its  origin.  A  few  months  past  almost  every 
mail  that  has  come  to  the  post-offices  at  which  I  re- 
ceive my  letters  and  papers  has  brought  me  a  greater 
or  less  number  of  letters,  all  of  which  I  have  opened  and 
exanrned.  Some  of  them  have  proved  abusive  and  con- 
templible,  designed  especially  to  taunt  and  insult;  and 
such  were,  of  course,  consigned  to  the  flames.  But,  on 
the  other  hand,  letters  decorously  written,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  eliciting  information,  have  been  uniformly  re- 
plied to  either  by  myself  personally,  or  by  some  one 
acting  under  my  authority  and  obeying  my  instructions 
— communicating  my  opinions,  and  not  his  own.  Is 
there  anything  criminal  or  improper  in  this  mode  of 
doing  business  ?  Surely,  my  friends,  I  trow  not. 

Now,  with  regard  to  the  political  condition  of  our 
common  country,  I  trust  there  is  no  impropriety  in  my 
addressing  you  upon  subjects  concerning  the  public 
weal.  What  means  this  "  great  commotion"  among 
the  people  of  this  great  nation?  What  are  the  insuffer- 
able grievances  which  have  driven  so  many  thousands, 
nay,  millions,  of  the  American  people  into  the  council 
for  the  purpose  of  devising  measures  for  their  mutual  re- 
lief ?  'Wherefore  do  they  cry  aloud  as  with  one  voice, 
Reform !  Our  country  is  in  peril  !  The  public  morals  are 
corrupted.  How  has  it  been  done?  "To,  the  victors 
belong  the  spoils,"  say  our  rulers.  What  are  the  con- 
sequences? Ask  the  hundred  public  defaulters  through  - 
out  the  land  !  Ask  the  hirelings  of  corruption  who 
are  proffering  "power  and  place"  as  bribes  to  secure 
votes!  Ask  the  subsidized  press  what  governs  its  op* 


248  Reminiscences  of  the 

erations,  and  it  will  open  its  iron  jaws  and  answer  you 
in  a  voice  loud  enough  to  shake  the  Pyramids — Money ! 
Money!  I  speak  not  at  random — facts  bear  me  testi- 
mony. The  principle  is  boldly  avowed,  as  well  as  put 
in  practice  by  men  in  high  places,  that  falsehood  is 
justifiable  in  order  to  accomplish  their  purposes.  Why 
this  laxity  in  the  morals  of  our  rulers  and  their  follow- 
ers? Did  tr^ey  inherit  depravity  from  their  ancestors  ? 
How  does  it  come  that  such  recklessness  of  truth  and 
justice  is  manifested  of  late  by  some  individuals  among 
us?  Why,  some  of  the  causes  which  produce  these 
evils  I  have  already  intimated?  There  are  others.  In- 
tense party  spirit  destroys  patriotism. 

A  celebrated  Grecian  commander  once  said,  and 
said  truly:  "  Where  virtue  is  best  rewarded,  there  will 
virtue  most  prevail."  It  is  even  so,  a  wise  and  true  say- 
ing. But  how  has  the  practice  of  your  Government  of 
late  accorded  with  this  maxim?'  It  is  proverbial  with 
the  advocates  of  monarchy  in  the  Old  World  that  repub- 
lics are  ungrateful.  How  does  your  experience  for 
the  last  few  years  give  the  lie  to  this  proposition? 
Nay,  fellow-citizens,  I  fear  that  this  Government 
affords  many  examples  which  tend  but  too  strongly  to 
verify  the  proverb.  Among  other  instances  of  mani- 
fest ingratitude,  to  only  one  will  I  here  recur.  I  mean 
the  removal  from  office,  without  cause  or  provocation, 
save  a  difference  of  opinion  with  the  President,  of  Gen. 
Solomon  Van  Rensselaer,  of  New  York.  He  was  a 
noble  friend  of  ours  in  the  "winter  of  our  discontent."  I 
became  acquainted  with  him  when,  like  myself,  he  was 
a  young  officer  in  General  Wayne's  army.  I  found 
him  an  agreeable,  social  companion,  as  well  as  a  brave 
and  magnanimous  soldier.  He  assisted  in  fighting  the 
battles  of  his  country;  aye,  for  your  behoof,  my  coun- 
trymen, his  blood  has  been  poured  out  upon  the  soil  of 
Ohio.  The  bullets  of  your  enemies  have  pierced  his 
body  while  fighting  in  defense  of  your  interests.  And 
not  only  on  the  plains  of  Ohio  has  he  stood  between 
danger  and  his  country,  but  in  other  places  likewise. 
In  the  sanguinary  battle  of  Queenstown  he  received 
six  wounds  from  his  country's  foes.  Well,  what  is 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  249 

his  reward  ?  After  having  spent  the  flower  of  his 
youth  and  the  vigor  of  his  manly  prime  in  the  service 
of  his  country  as  a  soldier,  he  was  called  by  the  Amer- 
ican people  to  .serve  them  in  a  civil  capacity.  He 
obeyed  the  call  with  thankfulness  of  heart.  But  he 
has  been  cruelly  driven  out  of  the  service  by  the 
administration,  and  why  ?  Because,  fellow-citizens, 
he  was  the  friend  of  the  companion  of  his  youth;  be- 
cause he  would  not  forsake  a  fellow-soldier;  because 
he  was  my  incorruptible  friend;  and  because  the  emol- 
uments of  his  office  were  wanted  to  reward  the  par- 
tisan services  of  a  supporter  of  my  political  competitor. 
"Ah,  there's  the  rub!"  But  you,  my  friends,  I  am  con- 
fident, will  not  long  permit  such  wrong  to  the  men 
who  "righted  your  wrongs"  in  olden  times. 

Fellow-citizens,  you  know  that  my  opponents  call 
me  a  Federalist.  But  I  deny  the  charge:  I  am  not — 
I  never  was  a  Federalist.  Federalists  are  in  favor  of 
concentrating  power  in  the  hands  of  the  executive; 
Democrats  are  in  favor  of  the  retention  of  power  by 
the  people.  I  am,  and  ever  have  been,  a  Democratic 
Republican.  My  former  practices  will  bear  me  out  in 
what  I  say.  When  I  was  governor  of  Indiana  Terri- 
tory, I  was  vested  with  despotic  power,  and  had  I 
chosen  to  exercise  it,  I  might  have  governed  that  peo- 
ple with  a  rod  of  iron.  But  being  a  child  of  the  Revo- 
lution, and  bred  to  its  principles,  I  believed  in  the  right 
and  the  ability  of  the  people  to  govern  themselves; 
and  they  were  always  permitted  to  enjoy  that  high 
privilege.  I  had  the  power  to  prorogue,  adjourn  and 
dissolve  the  legislature,  to  lay  off  the  new  counties  and 
establish  seats  of  justice;  to  appoint  sheiifTs  and  other 
officers.  But  never  did  I  interpose  my  prerogative  to 
defeat  the  wishes  of  a  majority  of  the  people.  The 
people  chose  their  own  officers,  and  I  invariably  con- 
firmed their  choice;  where  they  preferred  to  have  their 
county  seats,  there  I  located  them;  they  made  their  own 
laws  and  I  ratified  them.  I  never  vetoed  a  bill  in  my 
life. 

But  I  have  been  denounced  as  a  bank  man.  Well, 
let  it  go.  I  am  so  far  a  bank  man  as  I  believe  every 


250  Reminiscences  of  the 

rational  Republican  ought  to  be,  and  no  further.  The 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  makes  it  the  duty  of 
the  Government  to  provide  ways  and  means  for  the 
collection  and  disbursement  of  the  public  revenue.  If 
the  people  deem  it  necessary  to  the  proper  discharge 
of  the  functions  of  their  Government  to  create  a  national 
bank,  properly  guarded  and  regulated,  I  shall  be  the 
last  man,  if  elected  President,  to  set  up  my  authority 
against  that  of  the  millions  of  American  freemen.  It 
is  needful  to  have  a  larger  money  circulation  in  a  land 
of  liberty  than  in  an  empire  of  despotism.  Destroy  the 
poor  man's  credit  and  you  destroy  his  capital.  The 
peasant  who  toils  incessantly  to  maintain  his  famish- 
ing househo'd,  in  the  hard  money  countries  of  Europe, 
rarely  if  ever  becomes  the  noble  lord  who  pastures  his 
"  flocks  upon  a  thousand  hills."  There  are  necessarily 
difficulties  connected  with  every  form  and  system  of 
•the  Government,  but  it  should  be  the  aim  and  object  of 
the  statesman  to  form  the  best  institutions  within  his 
power  to  make  for  the  good  of  his  country. 

Fellow-citizens,  I  cannot  forbear  inviting  your  at- 
tention to  the  concerns  of  your  Government,  in  the  wel- 
fare of  which  all  good  citizens  feel  a  deep  interest.  I 
warn  you  to  watch  your  rulers.  Remember,  "  Eternal 
vigilance  is  the  price  of  liberty."  When  I  looked 
around  upon  the  dangers  which  seem  to  be  suspended 
as  by  a  hair  over  this  people,  I  tremble  for  the  safety  of 
this  Republic.  In  an  evil  hour  has  the  Chief  Magistrate 
of  this  nation  been  transformed  into  a  monarch  and 
despot  at  pleasure  !  To  show  that  this  is  the  case  I 
need  but  refer  you  to  the  profound  and  plilosophical 
historian,  Gibbon,  who  says,  "The  obvious  definition 
of  monarchy  seems  to  be  that  of  a  State  in  which  a 
single  person,  by  whatsoever  name  he  may  be  dis- 
tinguished, is  intrusted  'with  the  execution  of  the  law, 
the.  management  of  the  revenue,  and  the  command  of  the 
army"  Is  not  Martin  Van  Buren  intrusted  with  these 
functions  ?  Most  assuredly  he  is.  Call  him  by  what- 
soever title  you  choose,  President,  executive,  chief 
magistrate,  consul,  king,  stadtholder,  it  does  not  alter 
the  nature  of  his  power;  that  remains  the  same,  un- 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  251 

changed,  and  the  President,  therefore,  possesses  all  the 
functions  necessary  to  constitute  a  monarch.  You 
have  often  heard  of  the  "  moneyed  influence  of  the 
country  "  denounced  while  it  yet  remained  in  the  hands 
of  the  people,  as  dangerous  to  public  liberty. 

Have  you,  then,  no  apprehension,  no  fear  of  a 
moneyed  influence,  equal  to  that  of  half  the  nation, 
concentrated  in  the  hands  of  a  single  individual,  at 
the  same  time  possessing  two  other  of  the  most  potent 
powers  that  belong  to  our  Government?  The  great 
Julius  Caesar — the  conquering  Julius  has  said,  ik  Give 
me  soldiers  and  I  will  get  money;  give  me  money  and 
I  will  get  soldiers."  The  public  purse  is  already  con- 
fided to  the  hands  of  the  President;  a  respectable  army 
is  also  under  his  control,  and  it  is  in  contemplation  by 
the  administration  to  add  to  the  present  military  force 
of  the  United  States  an  army  of  200,000  men.  Amer- 
ican freemen,  pause  and  reflect.  Meditate  before  you 
act.  Matters  of  the  highest  moment  depend  upon 
your  action  and  await  your  decision.  There  may  be 
no  ambitious  Cossar  among  us  who  will  dare  to  use  the 
ample  means  now  combined  in  the  hands  of  the  Presi- 
dent for  the  subversion  of  our  liberties,  but  the  excep- 
tions to  ambitious  men  so  inclined  are  so  few  that  they 
but  fortify  the  rule.  Look  around  you,  fellow- citizens. 
Are  you  girt  with  your  armor  or  have  you  surrendered 
it  to  another?  The  "sentinels  upon  the  watch  tower 
of  freedom  " — have  they  been  true  to  their  trusts,  or 
have  they  slept?  I  warn  you,  my  countrymen,  against 
the  danger  of  neglecting  your  duty.  Power  is  always 
stealing  from  the  many  to  the  few.  Beware  how  you 
intrust  your  rights  to  the  keeping  of  any  man.  They 
are  never  so  secure  as  when  protected  by  your  own 
shield  and  defended  by  yourselves  with  your  own 
weapons. 

General  Harrison  adverted  to  the  interference  of 
the  officers  of  Government  with  elections,  and  pointed 
out  its  impropriety  in  a  clear  manner.  If  (said  he, 
in  conclusion  upon  that  subject)  I  should  be  so  fortu- 
nate as  to  be  elected  President,  I  would  deem  it  my 
duty  to  prevent,  as  far  as  possible,  the  practice  of 


252  Reminiscences  of  the 

Government  officers  using  their  official  influence  and 
patronage  for  electioneering  purposes,  but,  at  the  same 
time,  those  officers  should  be  allowed  the  freest  exer- 
cise of  the  elective  franchise—  at  perfect  liberty  to  vote 
for  and  against  whomsoever  they  pleased,  without  the 
fear  of  being  proscribed  or  removed  from  office  on 
account  of  their  political  preferences. 

In  conclusion  fellow-citizens,  indulge  me  in  a  few 
remarks  in  regard  to  my  old  fellow-soldiers.  A  small 
number  of  them  are  here  by  my  side.  They  stood  by 
me  in  battle,  firm  and  invincible,  in  by-gone  days. 
Some  of  them  are  remnants  of  the  Revolution — sol- 
diers with  whom  I  served  under  the  gallant  Wayne. 
Where,  my  brethren,  are  our  companions  in  danger  on 
the  field  of  strife  ?  Alas  !  many  of  them  are  taking 
their  final  repose  in  the  calm  and  peace  of  death  ! 

"  Let  them  sleep  on,  sleep  on 

In  the  grave  to  which  kindred  have  borne  them, 
And  blest  be  the  braves  who  are  gone. 
And  the  friends  who  survive  but  to  mourn  them  !  " 

The  old  soldiers,  one  by  one,  are  dwindling  away — 
gliding  as  it  were  down  the  river  of  time  into  the 
haven  of  long-sought  rest.  But  a  few  of  them  even 
now  are  remaining  to  sorrow  in  gladness  for  the  in- 
gratitude of  their  country.  When  this  country  was  a 
dismal  howling  wilderness  those  warriors  were  expos- 
ing themselves  to  danger  and  disease  in  the  unwhole- 
some swamps  and  morasses  of  the  West,  by  guarding 
and  defending  our  frontiers.  Many  of  them  became 
present  victims  to  the  malaria  of  the  marshes  and  the  in- 
salubrity of  the  climate,  others  returned  to  their  house* 
with  disease  engendered  in  their  svstems,  but  to  linger 
for  a  time,  and  perhaps  waste  away  with  consumption; 
while  yet  smaller  portions  still  remain  among  us, 
though  generally  shattered  in  constitution  and  feeble 
in  health.  Why  is  it,  fellow-citizens,  that  these  old 
soldiers  of  General  Wayne's  army  have  never  been  re- 
paid for  their  services,  or  been  allowed  pensions  by 
our  Government  ?  The  nation  is  much  indebted  to 
them,  and  justice  requires  that  the  debt  should  be  paid, 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  253 

and  I  could  never  die  in  peace,  and  feel  no  sting  of  re- 
morse, if  I  were  to  permit  their  claims  to  pass  unno- 
ticed, and  without  making  an  effort,  when  opportunity 
offered,  to  have  them  satisfied. 

Fellow-citizens,  my  character  has  been  most  grossly 
and  wantonly  assailed  by  the  dangerous  demagogues 
of  the  administration  party.  They  have  falsely  charged 
me  with  the  commission  of  almost  every  crime  which 
is  denominated  such  that  man  can  be  guilty  of.  My 
character,  which  I  had  fondly  hoped  to  preserve  un- 
sullied as  a  boon  and  an  example  for  my  family,  has  been 
much  more  traduced  and  belied  within  the  few  months 
past,  and,  for  this  reason  I  have  sometimes  regretted 
that  your  predilection  had  made  me  a  candidate  for 
office;  but,  nevertheless,  I  claim  no  sympathy  of  the 
public  on  that  score.  I  only  desire  you  to  examine  my 
past  conduct,  to  read  the  history  of  your  country  and 
ascertain  my  political  course  heretofore,  and  the  prin- 
ciples on  which  I  have  ever  acted,  and  if  you  find  that 
my  doctrines  are  unsound  and  unworthy  of  your  sup- 
port, it  is  your  sacred  duty  to  reject  them.  I  ask  not 
your  sympathy  or  favor.  I  want  but  common  justice. 
Let  me  have  a  fair  trial,  and,  whatever  may  be  your 
verdict,  I  shall  be  satisfied.  Investigate  matters  fairly 
and  honestly;  compare  the  doctrines  and  practices  of 
my  adversaries  with  mine,  and  then  decide  as  you 
shall  think  right  and  proper.  Cast  aside  your  preju- 
dices and  predilections,  and  vote  only  from  principle. 
It  is  your  duty  to  do  so.  Heed  not  the  censure  of 
knavish  politicians  who  reproach  you  with  the  name 
of  "turn  coat,"  etc.  //  is  not  opprobrious  to  turn 
from  a  party  to  your  country.  We  should  despise  the 
odium  sought  to  be  heaped  upon  us  by  designing  men, 
from  their  selfish  motives,  as  they  despise  truth  and 
honesty. 

Hoping  that  the  right  may  prevail  and  make  our 
country  prosperous,  I  will  only  add  the  wish  that  you 
may  long  enjoy  its  blessings,  maintain  its  free  institu- 
tions, and  rejoice  in  the  independence  of  happy  free- 
men. 


Reminiscences  of  the 


NASHVILLE  CONVENTION. 

Nashville,  August  15,  1840. 

DEAR  SIR  :  We  reached  here  in  safety,  after  a  fa- 
tiguing journey  over  heavy  roads,  made  so  by 
rains.  From  Louisville  to  Nashville  everything  is  po- 
litical; there  is  great  enthusiasm  along  the  whole  road 
in  favor  of  Harrison.  Even  on  "  Salt  River"  we  found 
many  hard-cider  boys  ready  to  transport  the  spoilers 
to  its  head-waters.  Kentucky  is  proud  of  her  recent 
victory,  and  well  she  may  be.  We  saw  a  log  cabin 
built  on  the  top  of  a  tree,  with  its  cider  barrels,  latch 
strings,  etc.,  etc.  Great  changes  are  taking  place; 
even  postmasters  are  coming  over.  One  at  whose 
door  the  stage  stopped,  inquired  if  Mr.  Clay  would  be 
along  saying,  "  I  have  done  that  man  great  injustice, 
and  wish  to  take  him  by  the  hand  and  tell  him  so." 

This  has  been  a  proud  day  for  Mr.  Clay — one  of 
the  proudest  of  his  life.  His  entry  into  the  city  this 
afternoon  was  truly  magnificent.  Met  a  mile  or  more 
from  town  by  several  military  companies  and  citizens 
on  horseback  and  in  carriages,  in  all  about  1,500,  he 
entered  amidst  the  sound  of  martial  music,  the  roar  of 
cannon,  the  ringing  of  bells,  and  the  shouts  of  many 
thousands. 

At  the  mayor's  house  this  afternoon  a  most  beautiful 
flag,  with  a  good  likeness  of  General  Harrison  on  one 
side  and  a  log  cabin  being  built  on  the  other,  was  pre- 
sented to  the  Harrison  Guards  of  the  city  by  a  young 
lady.  She  addressed  the  company  in  a  manner  highly 
creditable  to  herself  and  the  ladies  she  represented. 
The  ceremony  was  interesting. 

About    sunset,  the    great     Ohio    ball   arrived    in     a 

.steamboat.     An  immense  crowd  flocked  to  the    wharf 

to  .receive  the  present.     It  is  an    object  of  great  curi- 

.os'ity — and  much  anxiety  had  been  expressed  to  see  it. 

The  city  is  already  crowded  with  strangers. 
Large  delegations  are  here  from  Louisiana,  Mississippi, 
Alabama,  Illinois,  Missouri,  Indiana,  Kentucky,  East 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  25$ 

Tennessee,  etc.  By  Monday  morning  the  adjoining 
counties  will  pour  in  their  thousands!  What  a  change 
is  here  !  Ten  years  ago  it  was  hardly  safe  to  name 
Clay,  Harrison  or  Webster,  except  in  terms  of  abuse. 
Now,  at  the  hour  of  midnight,  I  hear  the  sound  of  the 
drum,  the  cannon,  and  the  loud  and  repeated  hurrah  for 
Old  Tip  and  for  Clay,  and  nothing  is  thought  of  the 
"second  section." 

Mr.  Clay  staid  at  the  Springs  last  night.  He  in- 
quired of  Dr.  McNary  what  Felix  Grundy  was  about. 
ki  Traveling  through  East  Tennessee  defending  the  Ad- 
ministration," was  the  reply.  "Ah,"  says  Mr.  Clay, 
"  Felix  is  at  his  old  business — defending  criminals.  " 


GREAT    MEETING   AT     NASHVILLE. 

We  copy  from  the  Nashville  Whig,  the  following 
notice  of  the  meeting  at  Nashville.  It  acquires  the 
more  importance  from  the  letters  of  General  Jackson 
and  Mr.  Clay,  in  relation  to  it: 

"At  10  o'clock,  the  immense  procession  moved, 
amidst  the  most  deafening  shouts  of  the  multitude, 
from  the  head  of  Broad  street,  through  Union  street 
to  Walnut  Grove.  The  convention  was  temporarily 
organized  by  Dr.  Thomas  R.  Jenning,  the  chairman 
of  the  nominating  committee  from  the  States,  who 
announced  the  following  nominations  for  officers  of 
the  convention: 

For  president,  Hon.  E.  H.  Foster,  of  Tennessee; 
vice-presidents,  W.  McPherson,  Esq.,  of  Arkansas, 
Hon.  John  Gayle,  of  Alabama,  S.  A.  Bowen,  Esq.,  of 
Missouri,  Garret  Duncan,  Esq.,  of  Kentucky, 
James  Rucks,  of  Mississippi,  John  Hogan,  of  II 
C.  L.  Ash,  Esq.,  of  Pennsylvania,  P.  P.  Erkine,  g$qj 
of  Maryland,  Hon.  B.  Storer,  of  Ohio,  A.  C.  ""* 
of  Louisiana,  J.  White,  of  Indiana. 

Secretaries,  W.  Snethen,  of  Louisiana,  R.  Sco4f$l}ff 


256  Reminiscences  of  the 

Pennsylvania,  C.  Scott,  of  Mississippi,  C.  C.  Norvell, 
of  Tennessee,  A.  A.  Hall,  of  Tennessee,  C.  G.  Win- 
tersmith,  of  Kentucky,  W.  W.  Ferguson,  of  Arkansas, 
S.  S.  L'Hommedieu,  of  Ohio,  J.  R.  Blocker,  of 
Alabama,  J.  H.  Matheeyn,  of  Illinois. 

After  an  invocation  of  the  Divine  blessing  from  the 
Rev.  J.  W.  Ogden, 

Mr.  Foster,  the  president  of  the  day,  rose  and  asked 
why  this  vast  and  magnificent  multitute?  Why  this 
coming  up  from  the  valley  and  the  rivers,  from  the 
plains,  from  the  hills  and  hollows,  from  the  counties 
near  and  the  States  far  off?  The  people,  the  real  peo- 
ple, he  said,  were  before  and  round  about  him.  They 
had  come  together,  because  the  mechanic  arts  had  re- 
ceived a  severe  blow,  because  commerce  was  prostrate, 
because  trade  flourishes  not,  because  industry  has  not 
its  reward  !  They  were  the  great  grand  jury  of  the 
country,  not  a  picked  or  packed  grand  jury,  but  an 
honest  one  that  would  render  a  verdict  the  thunder 
whereof  would  peal  through  the  whole  length  and 
breadth  of  the  land  and  stop  not  until  it  reached  the 
White  House  at  Washington,  and  cause  its  presiding 
inmate  to  cry  out  even  in  his  midnight  dreams,  like  the 
Roman  chief,  for  the  power  which  he  has  lost  through 
his  presumptive  and  overleaping  ambition — until  in- 
deed, it  caused  him  to  cry  out  to  Chapman  to  crow  with 
more  vehemence  and  terror  than  ever. 

Mr.  Foster  said  he  had  been  an  old  Jackson  man — 
but  he  had  turned  his  coat  inside  out — though  not  a 
single  principle  had  he  abandoned — no,  not  one.  He 
had  no  master  but  his  God  and  the  people.  To  the  will 
of  the  people  he  would  bow  in  submission  at  all  times, 
but  not  to  the  dictation  of  the  cohorts  of  modern  Democ- 
racy, who  pronounce  every  man  a  Federalist,  no  matter 
how  many  battles  he  has  fought  in,  who  refuses  to 
support  Martin  Van  Buren.  Why,  sir,  said  he,  point- 
ing to  an  old  soldier  of  the  Revolution,  on  the  speak- 
ing stand  before  him,  you  fought  gallantly  and  glori- 
ously for  your  country — you  were  a  Whig  of  '76,  and 
you  are  a  Whig  of  '40 — and  yet  they  call  you  a  Fed- 
eralist ! 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  257 

Mr.  Foster  referred  to  the  sacrifice  of  Judge  White, 
in  compliance  with  the  wish  at  headquarters.  He 
pointed  to  the  full-length  and  very  striking  likeness  of 
that  departed  sage,  which  was  borne  aloft  upon  one  of 
the  banners  near  the  stand,  and  bore  testimony  to  his 
many  sterling  virtues,  to  his  Roman  firmness,  to  his 
intelligence,  to  his  stern  honesty  and  goodness  of 
heart,  and  then  called  upon  the  vast  multitude  there 
assembled  to  remember  Hugh  Lawson  White,  and 
those  through  whose  instrumentality  Tennessee,  aye, 
the  whole  country,  has  been  deprived  of  a  continuation 
of  his  most  valuable  services.  Great,  he  proclaimed 
him  to  have  been  !  Not  great  like  Cassar.  with  his 
hands  drenched  in  blood — but  great  in  the  councils  of 
the  nation,  great  in  his  virtues,  great  in  his  honesty  and 
purity  of  heart. 

Mr.  Foster  said,  in  his  denunciations  of  Democracy, 
he  made  no  allusion  to  the  rank  and  file  of  the  party, 
but  to  those  demagogues  who  assume  its  lead.  The 
rank  and  file  were  part  and  parcel  of  that  body  of  the 
people,  alike  honest  and  sincere,  and  virtuous  and  up- 
right with  the  rank  and  file  of  the  Whigs.  But  the 
leaders  of  the  Democracy  were,  generally  speaking, 
a  vastly  different  set  of  persons.  They  claimed  to  be 
Democrats.  It  was  an  old  and  true  proverb  that  a 
man  was  best  known  by  the  company  he  kept.  He 
asked  who  were  the  true  Republicans,  and  who  the 
true  Federalists  ?  He  referred  in  glowing  terms  to  the 
many  brilliant  services  rendered  to  the  Republican  cause, 
when  Republicanism,  as  well  as  Federalism,  meant 
something,  by  his  distinguished  friend  then  present, 
[pointing  to  Henry  Clay.  The  very  allusion  made  the 
air  resound  with  the  grateful  shouts  of  ten  thousand 
freemen.]  He  asked  if  that  great  statesman  was  not 
a  true  Republican.  The  multitude  shouted,  "Yes,  he 
is."  He  asked  if  that  Republican's  colleague,  also 
present  [pointing  to  John  J.  Critfcenden]  was  not  a 
true  Republican.  The  hearty  affirmative  response  rose 
quickly  upon  the  breeze.  Well,  then,  said  he,  let  us 
look  at  the  other  side  of  the  picture.  Go  with  me  to 
the  Senate  Chamber  in  the  Capitol,  at  Washington, 

17 


258  Reminiscences  of  the 

and  behold  Senator  Buchanan,  a  fine  looking  gentle- 
man and  a  leading  Democrat,  so  called.  He  opposed 
the  last  war,  and  was  a  furious  Federalist.  To  the 
left  of  him  behold  Senator  Wall,  an  old  gentleman, 
dressed  in  the  very  extreme  fashion,  en  militaire.  He  is  a 
modern  Democrat,  but  boasted  in  the  Senate  in  1836 
that  he  was  a  Federalist  so  long  as  Federalism  was 
known  by  its  proper  name.  Now  turn  your  eyes  still 
further  to  the  left  and  behold  my  cousin  of  Bucking- 
ham, Senator  Hubbard,  a  modern  Democrat,  who  was 
so  violent  a  Federalist  during  the  last  war  that  he  got 
up  a  meeting  to  send  delegates  from  his  section  of 
New  Hampshire  to  the  Hartford  convention!  Still 
further  on,  you  behold  Senator  Williams,  of  Maine,  a 
great  Van  Buren  Democrat,  but  a  notorious  Federalist 
during  the  whole  of  the  last  war.  But  Democracy  of 
the  present  day  made  all  these  men  Democrats.  He 
was  happy  to  say  that  he  was  no  such  Democrat  him- 
self. 

Mr.  Foster  referred  to  the  great  civil  revolution  go- 
ing on— to  the  ball  so  gloriously  put  in  motion  in  Con- 
necticut— which  was  handsomely  accelerated  by  gal- 
lant Rhode  Island,  and  which  Virginia  received  and 
sent  rolling  on  so  nobly  and  with  such  power!  Why, 
he  sard,  he  was  on  the  top  of  Cumberland  Mountain 
when  the  news  reached  him,  and  he  opened  his  mouth 
and  shouted  at  the  top  of  his  voice,  Old  Virginia  never 
tire!" 

Next,  he  said,  Louisiana  gave  the  ball  a  turn  with 
a  force  that  sent  it  rolling  into  Kentucky  and  In- 
diana, where  it  seems  to  have  nearly  annihilated  the 
whole  of  the  Loco  Foco  party.  The  cohorts  of  power 
were  putting  their  ears  to  the  ground  to  catch  the 
sound  of  the  hoofs  of  the  express  horses  that  were  to 
bring  them  glad  tidings  from  Louisiana!  But  lo  and 
behold  the  result!  See  Kentucky,  too,  a  gain  from 
13,000  to  near  20,000  of  a  majority!  And  nearly 
the  same  gain  in  Indiana!  Tennessee,  he  said,  was 
also  coming.  She  would  come  with  a  power  that 
would  make  little  Martin  Van  Buren  wish  himself  out 
of  the  White  House  as  speedily  as  possible.  This,  he 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  259 

said,  was  no  vain  boast,  but  sober  reality.  The  work, 
the  good  and  glorious  work,  was  going  on. 

Mr.  Foster  thanked  the  vast  multitude  for  the  atten- 
tion which  had  been  paid  him,  and  said  he  would  give 
place  for  others  to  address  them. 

Mr.  Clay  was  called  for  with  an  enthusiasm  which 
seemed  to  contain  no  bounds,  and  when  he  came  for- 
ward, with  those  characteristic  smiles  playing  all  over 
his  remarkable  countenance,  the  air  was  rent  with  nine 
such  cheers  as  it  has  seldom  fallen  to  the  lot  of  any 
man  to  receive.  When  these  had  subsided  he  com- 
menced. 


THE  UTICA   CONVENTION. 

[From  the  New  York  Star.] 

We  publish  the  following  letter  with  great  pleasure, 
not  only  as  it  exhibits  the  entire  harmony  and  unanim- 
ity of  the  Whig. convention  at  Utica  in  the  nomination 
of  State  officers,  but  from  finding  the  old  and  tried 
friends  of  Harrison  and  Clay,  Peter  R.  Livingston, 
Judge  Burt,  of  Orange,  and  P.  B.  Porter,  of  Erie,  were 
chosen  as  presiding  officers  and  State  electors: 

August  12,  1840. 

DEAR  SIR:  This  has  been  a  great  day  for  Utica.  The 
convention  met  at  the  Mechanics'  Exchange;  called 
General  Root  pro  tern,  to  the  chair;  appointed  a  com- 
mittee to  select  officers  for  the  meeting.  Peter  R.  Liv- 
ingston of  Dutchess,  was  appointed,  assisted  by  one 
vice-president  from  each  district,  and  the  same  number 
of  secretaries.  Mr.  Francis  Hall  was  elected  to  fill 
the  vacancy  occasioned  by  the  resignation  of  Mr. 
Ruggles. 

The  convention  then  went  into  an  informal  ballot; 
115  delegates  were  present.  Wm.  H.  Seward  and 
Luther  Bradish  icceived  the  vote  of  the  whole  delega- 


260  Reminiscences  of  the 

tion  without  a  single  dissenting  voice.  We  then  ad- 
journed to  meet  at  12  o'clock,  in  order  to  give  the  dele- 
gates an  opportunity  to  look  at  one  of  the  greatest  as- 
semblages ever  witnessed.  I  intend  to  give  you  a 
sketch  of  it,  and  before  I  proceed,  allow  me  to  say,  it 
numbered,  from  what  I  could  see  and  learn,  at  least 
eighteen  thousand  persons.  N.  P.  Talmadge,  Stanley, 
Ketchum,  and  others,  are  now  addressing  the  multitude. 
Perhaps  it  would  be  well  to  state  that  you  would  be 
perfectly  astonished  at  the  ease  a  convert  can  be  made. 
The  workingmen  in  opposition  to  us  are  ready  and 
almost  anxious  for  some  plea  by  which  they  could  re- 
lease themselves  from  all  further  connection  with  the 
Loco  Foco  party.  They  cannot  bear  the  name. 

If  we  could  circulate  ten  thousand  copies  of  Bu- 
chanan's speech  in  this  neighborhood  it  would  help  us 
at  least  a  thousand  votes.  For  example,  I  fell  in  with 
three  coopers.  I  opened  my  conversation  with  them 
after  this  wise,  "  Well,  friends,  what  procession  have 
you  here  ?  "  "  Oh,  nothing,  sir,  but  a  few  Federalists 
parading  the  streets."  "  But.  see  here,  I  am  a  Demo- 
crat; I  am  in  favor  of  equal  laws  and  protection  for 
the  poor  man's  rights;  I  go  for  plenty  of  work  and  fair 
prices;  are  these  men  opposed  to  these  principles  ?  if 
so,  I  say  down  with  them.  I  go  for  the  country,  and 
not  for  Van  Buren  or  Harrison,  but  the  man  who  will 
carry  out  these  views."  "  Well,  now,  friend,"  said 
they,  "you  are  a  stranger  to  us;  but  we  like  these 
opinions  of  yours."  "Well,  then,  let  us  support  men 
of  our  cast,  canva*ss  their  opinions  carefully,  look  into 
the  sub-treasury  bill — see  who  are  your  friends  — mark 
them,  and  remember  when  the  election  comes  your 
children  will  hold  you  responsible  for  the  vote  you 
cast!"  "  But  is  not  Mr.  Van  Buren  the  poor  man's 
friend  ?"  "  Well,  my  friends,  I  will  give  you  facts,  and 
you  can  mature  them  yourselves."  I  then  handed  them 
a  copy  of  Buchanan's  speech  which  I  found  in  the  port- 
er's room  at  Baggs'.  I  read  a  few  extracts,  told  them 
Van  Buren. believed  it;  the  sub-treasury  was  passed 
for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  their  views  to  reduce 
labor  to  fifteen  cents  a  day;  that  he,  Buchanan,  was  a 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  261 

bosom  friend  of  Van  Buren,  and  they  acted  together 
in  all  things.  They  took  me  by  the  hand,  thanked  me, 
and  declared  they  would  go  home  and  use  their  in- 
fluence for  General  Harrison,  and  vote  for  him. 

Now,  for  the  procession;  it  was  acknowledged  by 
all  to  be  NINE  MILES  LONG — it  was  headed  by  one  hun- 
dred and  ten  horsemen,  dressed  as  farmers,  with  a 
hunting  shirt  and  red  sash  round  the  middle — then 
music — then  four  hundred  and  seventeen  large  double 
wagons,  drawn  by  horses  and  some  by  oxen.  The 
first  I  noticed,  was  drawn  by  six  horses — it  was  a  car, 
upon  which  was  erected  a  magnificent  throne,  with  all 
the  drapery,  etc.  Upon  the  throne  was  seated  a  boy, 
bareheaded!  with  a  crown  by  his  side— dressed  like 
King  George,  in  purple  velvet  and  fine  linen;  by  his 
side  he  had  a  splendid  sword,  the  same  as  worn  by  one 
of  the  knights  of  old — and  around  his  neck  a  diamond 
chain,  to  which  was  connected  a  large  gold  key,  one 
hand  strongly  grasping  and  holding  a  key  of  the 
treasury — the  other  the  sword;  immediately  behind 
the  throne  came  the  contrast — there  sat  old  Tip,  by  the 
side  of  his  log  cabin,  with  flail  in  hand,  the  very  pict- 
ure of  comfort  and  kindness,  his  right  hand  extended 
to  some  wornout  soldiers.  The  next  drawn  by  horses, 
with  the  motto,  "One  Fire  More;"  and  "The  Day  is 
Ours;"  "New  York  State  Redeemed;"  "We  Are 
Young!— But  We  Will  Be  Old;"  "American  Youth— 
None  Have  a  Deeper  Interest  in  the  Country."  A  log 
cabin  drawn  by  four  horses.  Hung  outside  with  coon 
skins,  etc.,  beneath  was,  "Trenton  is  Eager  for  the 
Contest;"  "When  She  Will  Atone  for  Her  past  Fol- 
lies." The  next  was  a  very  large  wagon  drawn  by 
twelve  pair  of  oxen,  with  twenty-six  farmers  to  repre- 
sent the  various  States.  The  next  was  a  car  drawn  by 
eight  horses,  with  box  sides,  covered  with  American 
carpet,  with  this  motto:  "Domestic  Carpet  is  Good 
Enough  for  the  White  House  in  1841." 

This  letter  is  drawn  up  in  a  hurry,  while  hundreds 
and  thousands  are  passing  the  door;  all  kinds  of  music 
and  confusion,  and  a  great  haste  to  get  back  to  the 
convention,  which  meets  at  12  o'clock. 


262  Reminiscences  of  the 


THE  NASHVILLE  CONVENTION. 


In  the  Nashville  Whig  we  find  a  sketch  of  the  con- 
vention in  that  city.  As  the  assembly  was  computed 
on  the  best  authority  to  have  exceeded  in  numbers  the 
great  Baltimore  convention,  we  deem  it  of  sufficient  in- 
terest to  warrant  a  further  description  of  the  delega- 
tions composing  it,  and  of  the  proceedings.  We  trans- 
fer, therefore,  the  annexed  matter  from  the  Nashville 
Whig,  recalling  the  sentiments  of  Mr.  Webster,  in  the 
exordium  of  his  speech  at  Saratoga:  No  one,  said  the 
eminent  orator,  can  deny  that  an  extraordinary  excite- 
ment exists  in  this  country,  such  as  has  not  been  wit- 
nessed for  more  than  half  a  century;  not  local,  nor  con- 
fined to  two  or  three  or  ten  States,  but  pervading  the 
whole  from  North  to  South,  and  from  East  to  West, 
with  equal  force  and  intensity.  For  an  effect  so  gen- 
eral, a  cause  of  equal  extent  must  exist.  No  cause, 
local  or  partial,  can  produce  consequences  so  universal 
The  immense  assemblage  in  Tennessee  is  another  proof 
of  the  justice  of  these  remarks.  At  last  the  effects  of 
the  Federal  policy  have  attained  to  an  insufferable  pitch 
of  mischief.  The  people  of  every  class  assemble,  not 
by  hundreds,  but  by  tens  of  thousands: 

THE    GREAT    SOUTHWESTERN    CONVENTION. 

We  present  to  our  distant  friends  some  account  of 
this  day's  great  work  in  Nashville,  of  the  mighty  in- 
gathering of  the  real  people  and  of  their  boundless  en- 
thusiasm in  the  cause  of  Constitutional  liberty,  on  the 
occasion  of  the  great  Southwestern  convention. 

On  approaching  this  most  interesting  task,  we  feel 
that  our  powers  of  description  are  wholly  inadequate  to 
anything  like  an  impression  to  the  life,  of  the  scenes 
which  have  this  day  passed  before  our  almost  bewild- 
ered vision.  The  richness  and  grandeur  of  the  pageant 
and  the  variety  of  incidents  to  which  it  gave  rise; 
the  fervid  zeal  of  the  people  and  the  burning  eloquence 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  263 

of  the  champion  of  liberty,  whose  fortune  it  was  to 
occupy  their  attention;  the  meeting  of  the  extremes  of 
Lhe  Union,  and  the  commingling  of  hundreds  of  kin- 
dred spirits  from  distant  portions  of  the  great  valley  of 
the  Mississippi;  the  presence  of  the  illustrious  states- 
man of  Kentucky  and  his  distinguished  colaborers  in 
the  Whig  cause,  together  with  the  almost  cloudless 
beauty  of  the  day,  all,  all  conspired  to  lend  an  interest 
to  the  occasion,  which  it  would  be  vain  to  attempt 
to  portray. 

It  would  be  equally  futile  to  undertake  a  close  esti- 
mate of  the  extent  of  this  immense  concourse.  We 
have  no  data  upon  which  to  base  a  calculation  of  num- 
bers, beyond  the  long  line  of  procession  which  ex- 
tended from  the  southern  extremity  of  the  city  at  the 
intersection  of  Franklin  road  and  Broad  street,  from 
which  point  the  line  moved,  to  the  western  line  of  the 
corporation  on  lower  College  street.  This,  it  will  at 
once  be  seen,  would  be  by  no  means  a  correct  crite- 
rion, in  view  of  the  fact  that  countless  thousands  made 
their  way  to  the  convention  ground  both  in  advance  of 
and  subsequent  to  the  entree  of  the  procession.  Mr. 
Clay  remarked,  incidentally,  in  his  speech  this  morning, 
that  the  meeting  of  the  lyth  of  August,  1840,  might  be 
regarded,  as  par  excellence,  the  memorable  convention 
of  1840,  since  it  exceeded  both  in  extent  of  numbers 
and  the  magnificence  of  its  procession,  the  great  con- 
vention of  the  4th  of  May  at  Baltimore.  Our  own 
opinion  is  that  considering  the  relative  location  and 
population  of  the  two  cities,  the  crowd  today  deserved 
to  be  held  as  a  much  more  striking  evidence  of  the  ex- 
traordinary zeal  that  now  pervades  the  friends  of  ex- 
ecutive reform  throughout  the  country  than  the  Balti- 
more meeting.  It  has  been  our  good  fortune  to  witness 
both  pageants,  and  we  speak  it  with  pride  when  we 
say  that  the  free  valley  of  Mississippi  has  this  day 
followed  in  bold  and  generous  rivalry  the  example  of 
her  sister  States  on  the  seaboard. 

The  morning  was  ushered  in  by  "a  glorious  sum- 
mers sun,"  thus  giving  early  promise  of  a  day  as  bright 
with  the  smiles  of  beneficent  nature  as  it  is  destined  to 


264  Reminiscences  of  the 

be  memorable  for  the  scenes  which  have  marked  this 
triumphal  movement  of  a  free  people. 

At  daylight  three  guns  were  fired  from  an  eminence 
above  the  city,  known,  since  the  celebration  of  the  tri- 
umph of  the  Whigs  of  New  York  in  1837,  as  Whig  hill. 
At  sunrise  a  gun  was  fired  from  the  log  cabin  on  lower 
Market  street,  the  signal  for  meeting  of  the  different 
delegations,  clubs  and  military  companies.  At  10 
o'clock  two  guns  were  fired  as  the  note  for  preparation 
for  the  formation  of  the  procession.  The  Straight  Outs, 
Capt.  Tanneyhill,  were  then  marched  into  Broad  street, 
in  pursuance  of  the  programme  of  the  chief  marshal, 
and  as  the  base  of  the  line  of  the  procession.  Be- 
tween the  hours  of  7  and  9  o'clock,  the  line  was 
formed,  ready  to  move  from  the  intersection  of  Broad 
and  Spruce  streets. 

On  riding  up  Broad  street  just  before  the  procession 
moved  out  of  that  street,  we  discovered  that  as  many 
as  14  States  were  represented,  some  of  them  quite 
largely,  the  delegation  from  each  preceded  by  a  general 
State  banner,  besides  the  insignia  of  the  various  town 
and  county  clubs  and  delegations,  an  infinite  variety 
of  which  decorated  the  line  and  imparted  unspeakable 
interest  to  the  pageant. 

The  base  of  the  line,  as  we  before  noticed,  was  the 
Straight  Outs,  and  a  more  appropriate  band  of  pio- 
neers we  dare  venture  could  not  have  been  selected. 
The  dress,  discipline,  and  origin  of  the  Straight  Outs, 
we  have  heretofore  had  occasion  to  describe.  They 
are  the  representatives  of  a  hardy  race  of  honest  log- 
cabin  freemen,  who,  however  ridiculed  for  their  primi- 
tive manners  by  the  advocates  of  power,  never  fail  to 
make  their  influence  felt  and  appreciated  at  the  ballot- 
box.  The  banners  borne  by  this  corps  were  plain  but 
expressive — the  first,  with  a  plain  white  ground,  in- 
scribed, "  One  Presidential  Term,  and  Fair  Wages  for 
Labor."  The  second,  a  spread-eagle  on  white  ground 
bearing  in  its  talons,  "  Harrison  and  Reform,"  and  un- 
derneath the  celebrated  watchwords  of  the  Emperor 
Constantine,  "In  Hoc  Signo  Vinces"  The  third,  a 
game-looking  chanticleer,  on  blue  muslin  ground,  with 


Political   Campaign  of  IS 40.  265 

the  inscription,  UA  Loud  Crow  Chapman — 4th  March, 
1841." 

The  Straight  Outs  were  followed  by  the  general 
committee  of  arrangements,  with  their  invited  guests, 
on  foot  and  in  carriages.  These  were  succeeded  by  a 
division  composed  of  the  delegates  from  Arkansas, 
Missouri  and  Alabama.  The  Arkansas  banner  was  in- 
scribed with  the  motto  of  the  lamented  Crockett,  "Be 
Sure  You're  Right;  Then  Go  Ahead  !"  with  an  eagle  in 
the  center.  The  Missouri  banner  represented  a  buf- 
falo, with  the  inscription  expressive  of  the  part  borne 
by  the  illustrious  Harrison  in  the  admission  of  that 
State  into  the  Union,  "  Roused  to  the  Claims  of  an  Early 
Friend  !  " 

Our  Alabama  friends  numbered  three  or  four  differ- 
ent delegations,  headed  by  a  general  banner  bearing 
the  inscription,  "  Four  Years  Long  Enough  for  a  Good 
President:  Too  Long  for  a  Bad  One."  The  Madison 
county  delegation  displayed  a  beautiful  fancy  banner, 
representing  the  goddess  of  liberty  looking  down  on 
old  Tip's  cabin,  with  the  inscription  (expressive  of  the 
recent  immense  gain  in  our  sister  commonwealth), 
"Day  is  Dawning"  Our  attention  was  especially  at- 
tracted to  the  standard-bearer  of  this  delegation,  an 
ingenious  artisan,  we  are  told,  of  Huntsville,  who  wore 
in  his  bosom  a  log  cabin  breast-pin,  representing  by 
means  of  miniature  springs,  both  the  interior  and 
exterior  of  a  cabin,  with  the  door,  latch-strings,  etc., 
ail  perfect,  and  a  miniature  canoe  on  the  comb  of  the 
roof. 

Next  followed  a  delegation  from  Illinois,  with  a 
magnificent  satin  banner,  representing  the  great  seal 
of  the  State. 

The  Mississippi  delegation  came  next  in  order,  with 
the  State  banner,  inscribed,  "  'Tis  Ours  to  Rectify:  Not 
to  Overthrow."  The  delegation  from  Yallabusha  county 
carried  a  rich  satin  banner,  wrought  with  fine  taste 
and  inscribed,  "Mississippi — She  Beat  the  Spoilers 
Once  and  Can  Do  It  Again." 

Indiana  followed  our  Southern  sister.  Her  banner 
represented  a  huge  ball,  inscribed,"  The  Ball  in  Motion 


266  Reminiscences  of  the 

— Indiana  10,000  Majority."  The  New  Albany  delega- 
tion bore  a  handsome  satin  banner,  representing  a  log 
cabin  "with  the  string  of  the  latch  hanging  out." 

Louisiana  succeeded.  Her  State  banner  represented 
the  ballot-box —"The  Freemen's  Sword  and  Shield- 
Louisiana  25,000  Majority.  "  A  separate  banner  was 
borne  by  the  Tippecanoe  Club  of  New  Orleans. 

Ohio  was  represented  by  a  spirited  delegation,  chiefly 
from  Cincinnati.  Her  banner  represented  a  spread 
eagle,  bearing  in  its  taions,  "For  President,  the  Farmer 
of  North  Bend,"  with  the  inscription  above — "Ohio — 
Tip,  Tom  and  Tyler." 

Kentucky  was  strongly  represented.  Nearly  all  the 
southern  counties  had  their  separate  delegations,  be- 
sides two  handsomely  equipped  military  companies 
from  Hopkinsville  and  Bowling  Green.  We  noticed  a 
delegation  from  Mercer,  one  of  the  upper  counties  of 
the  State,  with  a  handsome  satin  banner,  representing 
among  other  things,  "  Little  Matty  "  scampering  out  of 
the  White  House.  The  State  banner  was  inscribed  in 
just  compliment  to  her  recent  signal  triumph  at  the 
ballot-box,  "  Kentucky,  She  Speaks  Not  by  Thousands, 
but  by  Tens  of  Thousands."  The  Louisville  delegation 
was  headed  by  a  beautiful  silk  banner,  representing. 
we  believe,  a  scene  at  the  battle  of  the  Thames. 

The  Livingston  county  delegation  (Smithland)  dis- 
played two  remarkably  neat  satin  banners,  one  of  which 
represented  a  golden  ball  in  motion.  The  Caldwell 
banri(  r  bore  the  portrait,  in  military  dress,  of  General 
Harrison. 

The  banners  pf  the  District  of  Columbia,  of  Virginia, 
of  Delaware,  of  New  Jersey,  of  New  York  and  New 
England  were  borne  by  small  delegations  from  each 
State.  That  of  the  District  of  Columbia  was  inscribed, 
"Let  His  Days  be  Few  and  Let  Anrther  Take  His 
Place."  That  of  Virginia,  "  The  Blood  of  Our  Fathers, 
Let  It  Not  Have  Been  Shed  in  Vain.  Independence 
Now  and  Independence  Forever."  That  of  Delaware, 
kt  Our  Cause  It  Is  Just."  That  of  New  Jersey,  "  Her 
Great  Seat  Shall  Be  Respected."  That  of  New  York 
represented  a  pair  of  scales,  with  •*  M.  V.  B."  in  one 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  267 

end  and  "Old  Tip"  in  the  other,  the  former  "kick- 
ing the  beam,"  the  inscription,  "  Weighed  in  the 
Balance  and  Found  Wanting."  That  of  New  Eng- 
land— 

"From  hill  and  from  valley, 

From  mountain  and  plain, 
We  come  to  the  rescue 
Of  our  country  again." 

The  Pennsylvania  delegation  numbered  t-vo  or  three 
sections,  preceded  by  a  banner  representing  a  fox 
trailing  a  lion,  with  the  inscription,  "  This  Won't  Do, 
Matty." 

The  Tennessee  delegation  formed,  of  course,  much 
the  largest  division  of  the  procession.  The  county  del- 
egations bore  a  large  number  of  flags  and  banners, 
some  of  which  excelled  in  grandeur  of  design,  rich- 
ness of  material  and  beauty  of  execution  anything  of 
the  sort  it  has  ever  been  our  fortune  to  see  displayed. 
In  this  respect,  indeed,  we  feel  assured  that  the  Co- 
lumbus, Baltimore  and  Fort  Meigs  conventions  were 
thrown  completely  in  the  background.  We  must 
necessarily,  for  the  want  of  time  and  space,  reserve  a 
more  particular  description  of  the  various  county  de- 
vices for  our  next  paper.  The  front  banner  of  the  del- 
egation represented,  on  blue  ground,  a  magnificent, 
full-rigged  seventy-four,  her  head  pointed  to  the  White 
House  and  Capitol,  which  are  seen  in  the  distance. 
The  "Constitution"  is  the  name  of  this  truly  national 
vessel,  and  she  bears  on  her  topmast  signal  the  initials, 
"  T.  and  T."  The  State  banner  bore  a  beautifully 
wrought  device  (on  satin,  fringed  with  crape),  repre- 
senting the  tomb  of  the  lamented  White. 

The  great  ball,  from  Zanesville,  Ohio,  which  came 
safe  to  hand  on  the  steamer  Rochester  on  Saturday 
night,  occupied  a  conspicuous  place  in  the  procession. 
It  was  given  in  charge  of  the  Kentucky  delegation,  and 
was  hauled  on  four  wheels  under  the  immediate  care 
of  Porter,  the  Kentucky  giant.  The  ball  is  in  the  form 
of  a  hemisphere,  moving  upon  its  axis  and  represent- 
ing each  of  the  individual  States  of  the  Union,  with 
the  inscriptions,  as  heretofore  copied  from  the  Ohio 


268  Reminiscences  of  the 

papers.  Porter  appeared  as  a  delegate  from  Louis- 
ville, and  it  was  really  difficult  to  determine  which  of 
the  two  lions  attracted  the  most  attention. 

The  military  brought  up  the  rear  and  made  a  rich 
and  beautiful  display.  This  division  of  the  line  was 
composed  of  the  independent  infantry  companies  from 
Hopkinsville  and  Bowling  Green,  Ky.,  Franklin  and 
Clarksville,  Tenn.,  and  the  Harrison  Guards,  Cadets 
and  Lancers,  of  this  city. 

At  10  o'clock  the  immense  procession  moved  amidst 
the  most  deafening  shouts  of  the  multitude,  from  the 
head  of  Broad  street,  through  Spruce  to  Spring,  down 
Spring  to  Summer,  down  Summer  to  Cedar,  down 
Cedar  to  the  Square,  round  the  Square  to  West  Col- 
lege street,  and  through  that  street  to  Walnut  Grove, 
the  country  seat  of  Dr.  D.  T.  McGavock.  The  conven- 
tion was  temporarily  organized  by  Dr.  Thomas  R. 
Jenning,  the  chairman  of  the  nominating  committee 
from  the  States,  who  announced  the  following  nom- 
inations for  officers  of  the  convention. 

For  president:  Hon.  E.  H.  Foster,  of  Tennessee. 

Vice-presidents:  W.  M  McPhevson,  of  Arkansas; 
Hon.  John  Gayle,  of  Alabama;  S.  A.  Bowen,  Esq.,  of 
Missouri;  Garnet  Duncan,  Esq.,  of  Kentucky;  Hon. 
James  Bucks,  of  Mississippi;  John  Hogan,  of  Illinois; 
C.  L.  Ash,  Esq.,  of  Pennsylvania;  J.  P.  Erskine,  Esq., 
of  Maryland;  Hon.  B.  Storer,  of  Ohio;  A.  C.  Bullitt,  of 
Louisiana;  J.  White,  of  Indiana. 

Secretaries:  W.  Sneethen,  of  Louisiana;  R.  Scott,  of 
Pennsylvania;  C.  Scott,  of  Mississippi;  C.  C.  Norvell, 
of  Tennessee;  A.  A.  Hall,  Tennessee;  C.  G.  Winter- 
smith,  of  Kentucky;  W.  W,  Ferguson,  of  Arkansas;  S. 
S.  L'Hommedieu,  of  Ohio;  J.  R.  Blocker,  of  Alabama; 
J.  H.  Matheney,  of  Illinois. 

After  an  invocation  of  the  Divine  blessing  from  the 
Rev.  J.  W.  Ogden,  the  assemblage  was  addressed  by 
Mr.  Foster,  the  president  of  the  day. 

The  foregoing  sketch  of  the  preliminary  proceedings 
is  followed  in  the  Nashville  Whig  by  a  brief  outline  of 
Mr.  Clay's  speech.  The  Kentucky  Senator  was  re- 
ceived by  the  audience  with  a  whirlwind  of  affection- 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  269 

ate  cheers.  A  friend  has  just  handed  us  a  letter  written 
in  Nashville  the  day  before  the  organization  of  the  con- 
vention, in  which  we  note  this  passage: 

"Twelve  years  ago  Henry  Clay  was  burnt  in  effigy 
in  this  place,  and  he  had  less  than  one  hundred  votes. 
Now,  he  has  been  welcomed  as  a  conqueror,  and 
receives  as  much  homage  as  the  most  ambitious  man 
could  desire.  I  feel  it  will  be  utterly  impossible  to 
give  anything  like  an  adequate  description  of  the  glo- 
rious scene  of  tomorrow.  The  sights  I  have  seen  today 
convince  me  how  vain  would  be  the  attempt.  All  is 
excitement  and  the  most  ardent  enthusiasm.  I  and 
my  companions  each  have  a  badge  on  the  left  breast, 
Pennsylvania,  printed  on  white  satin.  We  have  ex- 
cited much  curiosity;  we  are  from  so  far  off  that  the 
people  are  surprised  and  delighted.  A  Tennesseean 
seeing  the  badge,  exclaimed,  "Pennsylvania!  hurrah! 
the  Dutch  have  come!  "  One  of  us  has  an  appropriate 
banner  which  we  shall  carry  in  the  procession  " 

More  than  one  thousand  ladies  were  seated  in  front 
of  the  principal  stand  and  gave  inspiration  to  the 
speakers. 

The  effect  of  Mr.  Clay's  speech  was  mighty  among 
his  hearers  and  the  great  cause  received  an  impetus  in 
Tennessee  and  the  Mississippi  valley  which  made  the 
partisans  of  the  administration  tremble.  In  the  course 
of  the  day  addresses  of  power  were  delivered  by 
Messrs.  Hopkins  and  Underwood,  of  Kentucky, 
White,  of  .Indiana,  Storer,  of  Ohio,  Hogan,  of  Illi- 
nois, Judge  Gayle,  of  Alabama,  and  others.  There 
was  a  grand  barbecue  for  the  delegates  and  other 
strangers  provided  by  the  farmers  of  Davidson 
county. 

On  the  second  day  Hon.  J.  J.  Crittenden,  of  Ken- 
tucky, Bailie  Peyton,  of  Tennessee,  and  many  other 
eloquent  speakers  from  various  States  addressed  the 
convention.  Throughout  the  entire  two  days  the  great 
attendance  of  ladies  and  gentlemen  seemed  unbroken. 
They  were  loath  to  leave  the  place. 


270  Reminiscences  of  the 


CLAY   AT   NASHVILLE. 


SPEECH  OF  HENRY  CLAY  AT  NASHVILLE,  TENNES- 
SEE, AUG.  17,  1840. 

Mr.  President,  delegates  of  the  convention,  ladies, 
friends  and  fellow-citizens: 

Our  humble  and  profound  thanks  are  due  to  the 
goodness  of  Providence  for  the  bright,  glorious  and 
genial  sun  that  now  shines  upon  us.  The  firmament 
above  is  not  unlike  the  surface  of  our  country.  Clouds 
are  flitting  over  it,  but  the  sun  of  truth  is  struggling  to 
burst  through  them  and  dissipate  the  darkness  which 
hangs  over  us.  Before  the  month  of  November  shall 
be  numbered  with  the  past,  all  the  dark  spots  which 
now  obscure  our  political  sky  shall  disappear  forever. 
[An  old  soldier  on  the  stand  here  cried,  amen!] 

I  congratulate  you,  friends  and  fellow-citizens,  on 
the  glorious  prospect  which  the  cause  of  our  country 
presents,  more  glorious  and  more  estimable  because  the 
movements  throughout  the  land  are  the  movements  of 
the  people  enlisted  in  support  of  the  Constitution  and 
devoted  to  constitutional  liberty. 

Fellow-citizens,  may  I  not,  without  incurring  the 
imputation  of  egotism,  advert  to  some  of  the  circum- 
stances under  which  I  appear  before  you?  [Cries  of 
yes,  yes,  yes.] 

During  a  long  and  arduous  struggle  in  political  life 
for  fifteen  or  twenty  years,  I  would  wrong  myself  if  I 
did  not  confess  that  there  were  moments  of  discour- 
agement; that  there  were  periods  in  which  my  heart 
sank  within  me;  but  armed  by  the  consciousness  of 
the  rectitude  which  governed  my  thoughts  and  actions, 
knowing  my  devotion  to  constitutional  liberty,  a  de- 
votion exceeded  by  that  of  no  man  living  or  dead,  and 
believing  the  principles  which  I  had  always  avowed 
and  acted  up  to  were  founded  on  the  rock  of  truth,  I 
bore  up  amidst  the  difficulties  that  surrounded  me,  I 
stood  dauntless  and  erect.  [Shouts  of  applause.] 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  271 

Had  I  come  here  some  years  ago,  I  should  have 
deemed  it  a  duty  to  disabuse  your  minds  of  the  calum- 
nies of  which  I  was  so  unremittingly  the  object;  but 
that  necessity  has  passed  away.  In  1825  it  was  con- 
sidered as  a  crime  in  me  that  I  did  not  vote  for  your 
favorite  fellow-citizen  for  the  high  office  to  which  he 
aspired.  If  it  was  a  crime  I  but  obeyed  the  instruc- 
tions of  my  own  constituents,  and  was  I  not  justified 
in  obeying  them  ?  [Cries  of  yes,  yes.]  It  is  true,  I 
was  accused  of  violating  the  instructions  of  the  Ken- 
tucky legislature,  but  I  deny  the  right  of  that  body  to 
instruct  me.  I  represented  the  counties  of  Fayette, 
Jessamine  and  Woodford.  They  approved  of  my  con- 
duct in  that  matter,  and  in  this  approval  do  I  justfy  my- 
self as  the  responsible  agent  of  the  people.  [Shouts  of 
applause.] 

Of  the  motives  which  actuated  me  in  voting  as  I  did 
I  shall  not  descend  here  to  make  any  defense.  They 
are  known  only  to  myself  .and  to  that  God  by  whose 
justice,  tempered  by  his  mercy,  I  am  willing  to  be 
tried. 

Amidst  all  my  trials,  I  have  never  doubted  for  a  mo- 
ment, that  a  generous  and  a  just  people  would  approve 
my  course  in  this  matter,  if  not  during  life,  at  least  after 
death.  I  have  never  doubted  for  a  moment  that  just 
and  generous  Tennesseeans  would  be  the  first  to  do  me 
honor  for  that  vote.  But  I  am  precluded  from  refer- 
ring to  myself,  even  had  I  a  wish  to  do  so.  Last  Sat- 
urday's procession,  the  roar  of  the  cannon  as  I  ap - 
preached  your  city,  the  ringing  of  the  bells,  the  glad- 
dened shout  of  freemen  saluting  me  on  every  side,  and 
last  though  not  least,  the  bright  eyes  of  the  ladies  of 
Nashville,  speaking  me  welcome,  and  their  fair  hands 
waving  their  handkerchiefs  in  token  of  their  feelings, 
are  sure  proof  that  the  verdict  has  been  rendered. 
[Three  cheers.]  And  yet,  I  made  this  visit  with  some 
reluctance,  I  am  free  to  confess.  I  had,  I  thought,  re- 
sisted all  the  influence  that  could  be  brought  to  bear 
upon  me  to  make  me  leave  my  home,  but  there  was  an 
influence  to  which  I  could  not  be  insensible  and  to 
which  I  yielded  with  more  than  ordinary  pleasure — that 


272  Reminiscences  of  the 

was  the  influence  of  the  ladies  of  Nashville.  [Cheer- 
ing long  and  loud.]  I  said  that  I  had  made  this  visit 
with  some  reluctance,  a  reluctance  that  grew  out  of  the 
relations  which  I  bore  to  the  illustrious  captain,  your 
neighbor  and  your  friend.  I  feared  lest  the  idea  might 
be  entertained  that  I  came  to  this  city  in  the  spirit  of 
exultation  and  defiance  to  him  you  were  wont  to  honor. 
If  any  man  thinks  that  such  is  my  feeling  he  does  me 
great  injustice.  In  all  the  various  conditions  in  life  I 
have  been  governed,  not  by  the  principle  of  retaliation, 
but  by  that  of  "what  it  is  proper  for  one's-self  to  do." 
Toward  the  illustrious  individual  in  question,  I  feel  no 
resentment,  no  passion,  and  if  he  could  see  the  bottom 
of  my  heart,  he  would  bear  me  this  testimony.  [Loud 
cheering.]  His  signal  military  services  to  this  country 
deserve  the  gratitude  of  all  men,  and  my  prayer  to 
heaven  is  that  his  last  days  may  he  those  of  peace  and 
tranquillity,  and  that  when  he  leaves  us  forever,  his 
home  may  be  that  bright  and  happy  one  promised  by 
the  Son  of  the  Everlasting  Father  to  him  who  shall 
perform  His  will  while  on  earth.  [Great  sensation 
among  his  auditory.] 

In  addressing  the  primary  assemblies  of  the  people 
so  frequently  as  I  have  had  occasion  to  do,  I  find,  my 
fellow-citizens,  a  great  difficulty  in  the  selection  of 
topics  which  have  not  been  worn  threadbare.  In  this 
embarrassing  position  shall  I  speak  to  you  of  the 
troubles  without  example,  of  ruined  commerce,  of  par- 
alyzed industry,  of  the  rapid  accession  of  authority  to 
the  executive,  of  the  dangers  which  threaten  our  in- 
stitutions, of  the  wonderful  expenditures  of  the  Gov- 
ernment for  the  last  few  years!  Since  my  arrival  here 
this  paper  has  been  put  in  my  hands.  I  never  saw  it 
till  now.  It  is  a  chart  of  the  expenditures  and  squander- 
ings of  the  public  money.  This  little  altitude  of  the 
expenditures  under  the  administration  of  Washington 
.is  scarcely  equal  to  the  base  of  the  column  whose 
height  marks  the  extreme  of  the  expenditure  under 
the  administration  of  Mr.  Van  Buren.  This  humble 
spot  overshadowed  by  the  surrounding  shafts  which 
tower  so  loftily,  exhibits  the  expenditures  of  John 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  273 

Quincy  Adams'  administration,  which  were  so  much 
denounced  at  the  time,  and  which  called  out  in  a 
remarkable  degree,  .the  energy  of  the  nation  to  correct 
the  seeming  evil.  But  here  are  the  figures.  The  eight 
years  of  Washington's  administration  cost  the  nation 
$15,000,000;  while  Mr.  Adams  the  younger  was  in 
power  it  cost  us  $50,000,000;  in  General  Jackson's  time 
there  were  expended  $145,000,000;  and  in  the  first  three 
years  of  Mr.  Van  Buren's  administration  the  people's 
money  has  been  poured  out  to  the  sum  of  $111,500,000 
dollars.  [A  voice  in  the  crowd,  "Take  him  from  the 
throne."]  The  cheap  government,  therefore,  promised 
by  the  present  incumbent,  has  cost  the  nation,  for  three 
years,  within  one  third  as  much  as  the  eight  years  ot 
Gen.  Jackson's  administration!  The  average  daily  ex- 
penditure of  the  Government  under  Washington  was 
$7,000  a  day,  that  under  Madison  during  a  perilous 
war  $49,000,  under  Adams  $37,000,  while  under  Mr. 
Van  Buren  it  amounts  to  the  enormous  sum  of  $i  10, 
ooo  per  diem! 

But  passing  this  subject,  there  are  two  points  on 
which  I  would  speak,  especially,  to  that  portion  of  the 
audience  composed  of  my  old  Democratic  friends. 

The  dominant  party  p:  ofess  to  be  the  friends  of  State 
rights.  How  are  they  the  friends  of  State  rights  ? 
Without  going  far  back  for  examples  of  tlieir  professed 
friendship  to  the  States,  every  year  has  of  late  furnished 
just  topics  of  complaint  against  those  in  power.  The 
last  session  of  Congress  is  peculiarly  rich  in  instances 
of  pretended  friendship  to  the  rights  of  the  States  from 
these  men.  You  have  already  heard  of  the  measure 
which  has  too  little  excited  the  just  animadversion  of 
the  people,  introduced  at  the  beginning  of  the  session 
by  Senator  Benton,  and  in  which  the  extraordinary 
proposition  was  made  that  the  General  Government 
ought  not  to  assume  the  payment  of  the  debts  contracted 
by  the  States  !  No  mortal  man  in  the  Senate  ever 
dreamed  of  proposing  such  an  assumption.  That  prop- 
osition was  brought  in  by  the  Senator  in  the  most  un- 
provoked and  wanton  manner.  The  General  Govern- 
ment ought  not  to  assume  the  payment  of  these  debts! 

18 


274  Reminiscences  of  the 

The  very  proposition  carried  ridicule  on  its  face.  There 
was  a  bankrupt  Government  with  a  paper  circulation, 
busily  engaged  in  denouncing  that  circulation  and  cry- 
ing out  for  specie,  declaring  that  it  ought  not  to  pay 
the  State  debts,  and  that  too  at  a  time  when  the  States 
were  embarrassed  and  trying  to  find  out  means  to  pay 
the  interest  on  their  loans  for  works  of  internal  improve- 
ment, works  which  General  Jackson's  administration 
had  promoted.  The  Government,  in  fact,  proclaimed 
to  all  Europe  that  these  State  debts  were  so  bad  that 
it  would  be  imprudent  to  meddle  with  them.  Of  the 
report  making  this  declaration  there  were  30,00x3  copies 
printed,  and  all  to  prove  the  propriety  of  not  doing 
that  which  no  one  had  ever  proposed  to  do. 

This  report  was  prepared  by  a  fellow-citizen  of 
yours.  With  him  I  have  served  a  long  time  in  public 
life,  and  I  had  hoped  to  meet  him  on  my  arrival  here, 
but  when  I  asked  after  Mr.  Grundy,they  told  me  he  was 
in  Eastern  Tennessee  making  speeches  in  support  of 
Mr.  Van  Buren.  What! — at  his  old  vocation — defend- 
ing criminals !"  [Immense  cheering  and  laughter.] 
There  is  one  difference,  however,  between  his  present 
position  and  his  accustomed  practice.  He  is  now  de- 
fending State  criminals  before  the  grand  inquest  of  the 
country,  and  not  before  a  packed  jury,  and  my  life  on 
it,  he  will  hear  such  a  verdict  as  he  never  heard  before 
in  the  tribunals  of  authority.  [Shout  of  applause.] 

But  the  party  in  power  are  friends  of  State  rights! 
are  they?  Does  that  odious,  loathsome  theme,  the  sub- 
treasury  project,  prove  it?  You  know  the  merits  of 
that  measure — I  will  not  discuss  it — but  I  tell  you.  the 
Presidential  party  stocked  the  cards  twice  upon  us  in 
the  Senate  in  the  matter  of  this  bill  and  once  in  the 
House  of  Representatives.  [Roars  of  laughter.] 
Yes,  they  marked  them  before  they  dealt  them.  If 
Senators  had  been  faithful  to  the  will  of  their  constitu- 
ents and  the  Senate  had  been  full,  that  bill  never  could 
have  passed.  It  was  hastened  through  the  Senate  in 
January  last,  despite  of  entreaties  to  wait  till  the 
Chamber  was  full,  to  wait  till  the  entry  of  the  only 
Senator  from  New  York  representing  the  constituency 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  275 

of  that  State!  But  how  was  it  carried  in  the  lower 
House  ?  At  the  beginning  of  the  session  it  was  deter- 
mined to  procure  a  majority  to  force  it  through.  The 
admission  of  the  five  New  Jersey  claimants  to  seats 
on  the  floor  of  the  House  became  necessary,  and  the 
measure  was  resolved  upon.  Was  there  any  love 
of  State  rights  displayed  upon  this  occasion?  The 
rightful  possessors  of  their  places,  the  five  Whig  Rep- 
resentatives, appeared  before  the  House  with  creden- 
tials of  the  highest  known  credit.  No  representa- 
tive either  from  Tennessee  or  Kentucky  could  appear 
with  higher  claims,  yet  these  five  claimants  were 
rejected  by  the  absence  of  one  member,  detained  by 
sickness.  The  subject  was  referred  to  a  committee. 
It  would  take  a  whole  day  to  discuss  the  principles  on 
which  that  committee  acted.  If  any  Whig  has  looked 
into  the  matter,  he  has  doubtless  found  that  alienage 
has  been  no  bar  to  the  admission  of  administration 
votes,  while  it  was  made  to  exclude  Whig  votes;  that 
minority  does  not  disqualify  an  administration  voter, 
while  it  prevents  a  Whig  from  exercising  the  right  of 
suffrage.  In  truth  there  was  no  rule  adopted  by  the 
committee  save  that  which  went  to  secure  to  the  five 
administration  claimants  their  seats. 

These  are  not  the  only  instances  which  prove  the 
insincerity  of  the  professions  made  by  the  ruling 
party  in  favor  of  State  rights.  There  was  an  occasion 
during  the  past  session,  on  which  they  could  have  put 
beyond  doubt  their  devotion  to  State  rights — the  pas- 
sage of  the  bankrupt  bill.  But  while  that  measure 
was  before  the  Senate,  they  introduced  into  it  a  pro- 
vision to  subject  to  its  operation  all  the  banks  of  the 
States  furnishing  a  paper  circulation.  The  effect  of 
this  proposition  was  to  withdraw  from  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  States  and  consign  to  the  General  Government 
the  power  over  nine  hundred  State  banks,  over  five 
hundred  millions  of  dollars  of  property,  over  several 
of  the  great  State  works  now  in  a  state  of  prosecution 
by  means  of  charters  or  State  credit. 

I  feel,  fellow-citizens,  that  my  strength  will  not 
justify  my  going  further  into  the  description  of  the 


276  Reminiscences  of  the 

professed  friendship  but  real  enmity  to  State  rights  on 
the  part  of  the  Presidential  party  ;  so  that  with  your 
leave,  I  will  hasten  to  another  part  of  my  subject. 

The  Executive  party  claims  to  be  the  exclusive  Dem- 
ocrats of  the  country.  All  who  do  not  belong  to  their 
ranks  are  either  Federalists  or  Tories.  Of  all  their 
usurpations  there  is  none  more  flagrant  than  this  usur- 
pation of  the  name  of  Democracy.  Democracy,  as  I 
understand  it,  and  as  I  was  taught  it  in  the  school  of 
'98,  is:  respect  of  the  people's  representatives  to  the 
people's  wishes,  the  prosecution  of  measures  which 
secure  the  interests  of  the  people,  the  promotion  of  a 
nation's  happiness  and  prosperity.  Is  this  the  Democ- 
racy of  Mr.  Van  Buren  ?  Hear  what  he  says.  Read 
it  on  your  banners,  "The  people  expect  too  much  from 
the  Government.  They  must  take  care  of  themselves 
and  the  Government  must  take  care  of  itself."  Is  this 
the  dictate  of  Democracy,  of  the  Democracy  of  the  an- 
cient time  ?  No  !  No  !  Democracy  demands  the  ac- 
quiescence of  the  representative  in  the  will  of  the  peo- 
ple, when  that  will  is  properly  expressed,  when  that 
will  is  known  to  be  the  deliberate  resolve  of  the  con- 
stituent. Not  under  the  Czar,  not  under  the  Sultan, 
are  the  people  entirely  without  power.  But  in  this 
country,  at  the  present  moment,  allegiance  to  the 
powers  that  be  is  substituted  for  allegiance  to  the  peo- 
ple. If  a  candidate  for  governorship  of  any  of  the 
States  be  rejected  by  the  people,  he  is  sure  of  advance- 
ment at  Washington.  There  is  my  old  acquaintance, 
the  Senator  from  Tennessee,  who  was  no  sooner  re- 
jected by  the  people  than  he  went  into  the  Cabinet  of 
Mr.  Van  Buren.  Mr.  Niles  was  defeated  by  a  majority 
of  4,500  votes,  as  a  candidate  for  the  governorship  of 
Connecticut.  Did  this  defeat  prevent  his  promotion? 
No.  It  was  a  passport  to  office.  In  less  than  two 
months  thereafter  he  was  advanced  to  the  Cabinet  of 
the  President.  Bye  the  bye,  the  seat  to  which  he  was 
lifted  is  the  last  in  the  gift  of  the  Government  to  be 
sought  as  a  post  of  honor  under  the  present  adminis- 
tration^  seeing  that  it  had  been  occupied  previously  by 
the  greatest  reptile  that  ever  crept  on  the  face  of  the 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  277 

earth.  It  is  seldom  that  I  permit  my  lips  to  be  pol- 
luted by  the  utterance  of  his  name,  or  by  reference  to 
him,  but  they  who  are  from  New  England  may  easily 
guess  to  whom  I  allude.  [Shouts  of  applause.] 

These  instances  show  that  power  at  Washington  is 
different  from  and  superior  and  paramount  to  the  will 
of  the  people.  It  is  not  devoted  to  the  country's  happi- 
ness. Serious  attention  should,  fellow  citizens,  be  paid 
to  the  basis  of  republicanism!  Bad  measures  pass 
away.  A  single  false  step  in  government,  made  unde- 
signedly,  may  lead  to  no  permanent  mischief.  War 
itself  is  of  transient  duration.  The  calamities  of  disease 
and  pestilence  which  befall  the  human  species,  inflicting 
extreme  agony  and  pain,pass  from  the  memory,  and  after 
a  lapse  of  time  no  traces  are  left  of  their  ravages.  But 
there  is  one  truth  founded  in  human  nature,  verified  by 
the  history  of  the  past,  strengthened  by  our  own  exper- 
ience as  a  people,  and  that  truth  is — A  REPUBLIC  CAN 

ONLY  EXIST  UPON    THE    FOUNDATION    OF  VIRTUE  AND 

GOOD  MORALS.  This  great  principle  is  eternal,  is  un- 
changeable. A  corrupt  people  may  have  the  forms  of 
a  republic,  but  their  government  is  dead  to  good  works, 
its  vitality  is  gone.  We  need  only  go  back  to  Rome, 
to  Greece,  to  republican  France,  for  proof  of  this  thing. 
Nor  can  any  power  save  us  from  the  same  fate,  but  the 
ballot-box.  That  is  the  physician  to  heal  us.  We 
have  not  only  suffered  from  the  sub-treasury  policy, 
the  specie  circular  system,  the  destruction  of  the  United 
States  bank,  but  far  greater  evils  than  these  have  be- 
fallen us.  The  attempt  has  been  made  to  corrupt  the 
morals  of  the  people,  to  corrupt  the  right  of  suffrage. 
When  before  in  private  life  have  we  ever  witnessed 
such  a  deplorable  want  of  confidence?  Go  to  desolate 
Mississippi — go  wherever  you  please  and  you  will  find 
that  violation  of  solemn  contracts  characterizes  every 
part  of  our  country.  When  before  'were  sixty-three  out 
of  sixty -seven  receivers  of  public  moneys  defaulters? 
There  must  be  a  cause  for  all  this.  The  good  old  Jef- 
fersonian  interrogatories  have  not  been  put  to  those 
seeking  office.  "Is  he  honest — is  he  capable,  is  he 
faithful  to  the  Constitution" — have  not  been  asked,  but 


278  Reminiscences  of  the 

a  new  rule  has  been  adopted.  "  Is  he  boisterous  at  the 
polls — is  he  devoted  to  my  interest  and  party — what 
number  of  votes  can  he  give?"  These  are  the  ques- 
tions now  asked.  It  is  this  system  which  has  disfigured 
our  country  with  a  want  of  moral  rectitude  truly  alarm- 
ing. 

It  was  in  the  time  of  General  Jackson's  administra- 
tion that  this  policy  was  introduced  into  the  Govern- 
ment. He  appointed  to  the  Department  of  State  a  man 
who  had  been  a  defaulter  for  $100,000 — I  mean  Ed- 
ward Livingston — the  ornament  of  the  bar  of  this 
country  and  a  jurist  for  whose  memory  I  have  the 
most  profound  respect.  In  this  appointment  the 
President  virtually  and  in  effect  proclaimed  to  the  na- 
tion the  fact  that  defalcation  in  the  administration  of 
the  public  moneys  constituted  no  barrier  to  office. 
Perhaps  the  illustrious  captain,  then  at  the  head  of  af- 
fairs, did  not  intend  that  such  should  be  the  construc- 
tion of  his  course  of  conduct,  but  every  man  who 
knows  the  law  of  cause  and  effect  must  agree  with 
me  that  such  an  appointment  tended  to  this  result. 
The  elevation  of  Edward  Livingston,  the  advance- 
ment to  high  office  of  Samuel  Swartwout,  a  man 
known  to  the  whole  country  as  having  been  con- 
cerned with  Aaron  Burr  in  treasonable  designs 
against  these  United  States,  are  evidences  enough  that 
honor,  fidelity,  and  trustworthiness  were  not  the  only 
passports  to  Presidential  favor,  even  in  those  days,  but 
that  other  qualifications  were  requisite,  qualifications 
which  tended  to  sap  the  foundations  of  our  institu- 
tions. When  before  have  been  given  so  many  fraudu- 
lent votes  ?  When  before  have  we  seen  men  regard- 
less of  their  oaths  multiplying  their  votes  and  receiv- 
ing bribes  equally  disgraceful  to  the  recipient  and  to 
the  instigator,  equally  disgraceful  to  the  times  in 
which  we  live  and  the  country  in  which  such  scenes 
are  enacted.  Take  the  case  of  Letcher.  It  is  a  re- 
proach to  the  parties  concerned,  and  they  should  be 
marked  as  false  to  the  country  and  the  Constitution. 
Yet  Hocker,  the  sheriff,  received  for  his  conduct  in 
that  affair  the  best  office  in  this  country  in  the  gift  of 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  279 

the  Postmaster  General.  I  have  heard,  though  I  do 
not  state  it  as  a  fact  known  to  me,  that  this  man  after- 
wards ran  away,  a  defaulter  to  the  Government. 
Thus,  when  vice  is  rewarded,  when  corruption  re- 
ceives reward  instead  of  reproof,  the  example  cannot 
fail  to  exert  a  pernicious  influence  on  the  country. 
The  case  of  New  Jersey  Representatives  proves  be- 
yond a  doubt  that  the  party  in  power  would  disfran- 
chise the  Union  itself,  if  they  dared  do  it,  to  secure  to 
themselves  power. 

I  shall  now  proceed  to  address  myself  particularly  to 
my  Democratic  friends,  to  those,  as"  I  have  said  before, 
who  have  worked  and  toiled  in  the  old  Democratic 
army.  Not  as  an  enemy  do  I  approach  them,  but  as 
their  friend  and  countryman.  You  are  equally  honest 
with  me  in  your  preferences.  You  have  the  same  stake 
with  me  in  the  prosperity  of  the  Union.  You  are 
equally  devoted  with  me  to  the  happiness  and  glory  of 
our  common  country.  I  believe  that  the  mass  of  all 
political  parties  are  patriotic,  honest  and  devoted  to  the 
good  of  the  nation,  but  it  is  natural  that  we  should  differ 
about  measures  and  men,  though  that  difference  of 
opinion  does  not  make  us  enemies.  You  elevated  to 
power  the  last  and  present  administrations,  hoping 
therefrom  the  most  glorious  results.  Have  your  hopes 
been  fulfilled?  Have  their  pledges  been  redeemed? 
Have  their  promises  been  kept?  Have  the  expecta- 
tions excited  by  them  been  realized?  Take  the  pledge 
of  one  term,  has  it  been  redeemed?  When  the  illustri- 
ous captain  of  Tennessee  was  elected  to  the  Presidency, 
he  held  out  the  idea  of  one  term;  did  he  carry  it  out? 
Has  the  promise  of  economy  been  kept?  [No,  no,  no.] 
That  lofty  column  on  this  chart  [showing  the  chart  of 
public  expenditures]  will  answer.  Has  the  promise  of 
retrenchment  and  reform  been  in  any  way  fulfilled? 
[Loud  cries  of  no,  no,  no.]  Did  he  redeem  his  pledges 
not  to  appoint  members  of  Congress  to  office?  [No.] 
What  pledge  has  he  redeemed,  what  promise  fulfilled? 
[None,  none,  none.]  What  has  ensued?  Has  har- 
mony among  the  different  parts  of  the  Union  been 
promoted?  Has  concord  increased?  Have  the  fra- 


280  Reminiscences  of  the 

ternal  relations  which  ought  to  exist  in  these  United 
States  been  advanced?  Let  this  convention  answer — 
this  convention,  far  exceeding  in  point  of  numbers,  in 
banners  and  in  display  of  every  kind,  the  great  Balti- 
more convention.  [vShouts  of  applause.]  What  has 
brought  you  here,  my  fellow-citizens?  A  deep  and 
profound  feeling  that  the  country  has  been  wronged,  a 
lively  sense  of  injury  to  the  people,  a  full  persuasion 
that  an  immediate  change  is  necessary  in  the  General 
Government.  Do  not  be  deceived,  fellow-citizens,  by  a 
name.  A  blue  light  has  been  held  out.  Go  below  the 
surface  of  things.  Wipe  off  the  colors  which  assail 
your  eye  with  their  glare.  Look  at  things  as  they  are, 
and  tell  me  whether  true  Democracy  prevails  in  the 
land.  [Loud  and  long  shouts  of  no.]  My  friend  on 
my  left  has  said  that  he  was  no  Democrat  [alluding  to 
Mr.  Foster].  I  am  a  Democrat!  [Immense  cheering]; 
was  born  a  Democrat,  have  lived  and  shall  die  a  Dem- 
ocrat, in  the  true  and  genuine  sense  of  the  term;  but  I 
am  not  one  of  those  selfish  Democrats  whose  practice 
is  to  disregard  the  true  interests  of  the  people,  to  seize 
upon  their  offices  as  the  spoils  of  victory.  No,  I  am  a 
Democrat  who  looks  to  the  interests  of  the  whole  peo- 
ple, and  to  the  glory  of  his  country  [cheers],  and  I  have 
no  doubt  that  my  friend  near  me  is  a  Democrat  in  this 
its  legitimate  sense. 

Mr.  Foster  here  rose  and  said  that  he  was  a  Demo- 
crat too  in  this  sense  of  the  word,  but  that  he  was  not 
a  modern  Democrat. 

Mr.  Clay  proceeded: 

Delegates  of  the  convention,  friends  and  fellow- 
citizens,  a  great  victory  is  at  hand,  a  glorious  victory; 
but  you  should  remember  that  as  much  judgment  is 
requisite  in  the  use  of  triumph  as  there  is  still  required 
to  achieve  it.  The  vlay  is  near  when  you  shall  be 
called  on  to  decide  how  you  will  use  your  victory. 
Suffer  me  to  say  to  you,  let  there  be  no  unkindness  in 
your  course  to  our  Democratic  friends  who  may  be 
supporting  the  party  in  power — to  the  mass  on  the 
ether  side.  Who  are  to  be  the  victors  and  who  the 
vanquished  in  the  approaching  contest  ?  Do  we  con- 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  281 

quer  aliens,  who  have  come  among  us  with  blood  on 
their  feet  ?  No.  We  fight  but  against  our  brothers. 
They  are  all  part  and  parcel  of  the  crew  of  the  great 
State  ship,  all  our  brethren.  Never  forget  in  the  flush 
of  victory  this  sacred  relation.  Let  us  unite  with 
them  in  one  harmonious  union.  They  as  well  as  we 
are  interested  in  a  proper  administration  of  public  af- 
fairs. But  there  are  some  classes  of  the  opposite  party 
to  whom  the  same  indulgence  ought  not  to  be  extended. 
There  are  leaders  of  the  party  in  power  who  cannot 
be  hung  too  high  !  [Tremendous  cheering.]  Drive 
these  leaders  back  to  their  den  of  demagogism 
whence  they  have  emerged  but  to  deceive  you.  Let 
the  frown  of  your  indignation  visit  them,  and  refuse 
to  them  any  longer  the  opportunity  of  imposing  on 
your  confidence.  They  are  not  a  numerous  class. 
They  preach  Democracy  with  the  lips,  but  in  heart 
their  hatred  of  the  people  is  only  equaled  by  their 
tyrannical  disposition.  They  deserve  any  condemnation 
that  a  generous  people  may  see  proper  to  pronounce 
upon  them. 

There  is  yet  another  class,  which,  in  the  administra- 
tion of  State  justice,  should  not  be  unnoticed.  I  mean 
the  boisterous  office-holders,  the  Praetorian  guard,  I 
was  going  to  say,  of  Mr.  Van  Buren.  [Laughter.] 
Only  imagine  such  a  monarch  over  such  a  people,  such 
a  king  over  such  subjects  !  [Great  laughter.]  Mr. 
Van  Buren  a  ruler  of  these  brave  Tennesseeans  with 
their  brawny  arms  as  free  as  air  !  [Cries  of  derision.] 

I  trust  I  may  be  excused  in  making  an  appeal  to  you, 
Tennesseeans  ?  [Yes,  yes.]  In  former  days  the  mili- 
tary of  Kentucky  and  Tennessee  fought  side  by  side  and 
won  a  great  and  glorious  battle.  That  occasion  and 
this  present  one  exhibit  many  strong  points  of  resem- 
blance. When  Jackson  led  our  brave  troops  against 
the  myrmidons  of  Great  Britain,  a  glorious  victory  was 
achieved  by  that  gallant  captain,  the  victory  of  New 
Orleans.  Of  that  victory  I  shall  always  speak  as  my 
heart  prompts,  for  it  was  one  which  shed  the  brightest 
luster  on  our  arms.  But  what  is  the  contest  now? 
Not  between  the  hirelings  of  a  foreign  king  and  Amer- 


282  Reminiscences  of  the 

lean  troops,  but  between  a  miserable  being  engaged  in 
stealing  power  by  encroachments  of  the  executive  on 
the  Constitution  between  an  American  king  supported 
by  his  janissaries  [Down  with  him]  and  the  people 
commanded  by  a  gallant  and  noble  captain  [cheers, 
three  times  three.]  They  say  that  this  captain  is  a 
coward,  an  old  woman,  a  caged  animal,  and  yet  he 
fought  more  battles  than  any  other  general  during  the 
late  war,  and  won  them,  too.  [Cheering  for  several 
seconds.]  No  general?  General  Jackson  rolled  back 
from  the  shores  of  the  Mexican  gulf  the  wave  of  for- 
eign invasion,  and  for  flogging  the  British  troops  alone 
received  the  highest  honors  a  nation  could  bestow,  yet 
they  call  General  Harrison  no  general,  in  the  face  of 
the  fact  that  he  conquered  in  many  battles  the  com- 
bined forces  of  Great  Britain  and  the  American  sav- 
ages! As  a  statesman,  he  has  served  in  more  civil  em- 
ployments than  any  man  living,  from  the  lowest  office 
in  the  land  to  the  highest,  in  the  great  wigwam  of  the 
people,  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  [Applause. 
Some  one  here  cried  out,  "  Give  us  some  of  Van  Buren's 
fights."]  Ah!  fellow-citizens,  some  of  Mr.  Van  Buren's 
battles!  [Great  laughter.] 

My  colleague  (Mr.  Crittenden)  has  just  reminded 
me  of  the  heroism  of  the  President.  He,  no  hero  ? 
How  ignorant  you  are  of  the  history  of  your  country, 
says  my  colleague.  He  is  the  hero  of  three  memorable 
wars.  There  is  his  war  against  the  commerce  of  the 
country.  He  has  triumphed,  and  the  enemy  lies  at 
his  feet.  [Applause].  There  is  his  war  against  the 
currency.  In  this  too  he  has  proved  the  conqueror, 
and  his  opponent  is  destroyed.  [Applause.]  There 
is  his  last  war,  though  not  least,  his  campaign  against 
the  Seminoles,  in  which  he  was  aided  by  his  allies  and 
auxiliaries  from  Cuba.  [Great  applause.]  I  am  sorry 
to  say  in  this  instance  that  the  Seminoles  have  main- 
tained their  ground.  [Laughter.]  But  to  return  to 
our  captain.  There  is  one  qualification  for  public  of- 
fice, fellow-citizens,  which  our  candidate  does  not 
possess,  and  for  this  reason  he  is  condemned  by  the 
office-holders — he  has  no  capacity  for  pocketing  the 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  283 

people's  money  and  running  away  with  it.  [Cheer- 
ing.] He  has  handled  millions  of  the  public  treasure, 
and  not  a  cent  ever  polluted  his  hands.  Where  is  now 
this  honest  public  officer?  He  is  poor  and  derided  by 
those  who  have  rioted  on  the  speculations  of  the  peo- 
ple's money. 

Fellow-citizens  of  Tennessee,  I  have  said  that  the 
present  struggle  for  liberty  is  not  unlike  that  of  1812. 
Then  it  was  a  fight  for  liberty  on  the  high  seas  now  it 
is  a  contest  for  freedom  on  the  land.  At  New  Orleans, 
you  Tennesseeans  had  the  advantage  of  us  Kentuckians 
a  little,  and  that  was  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river, 
where,  being  badly  posted  and  badly  armed,  we  did 
not  fully  sustain  the  character  of  our  State.  It  is  true, 
we  fought  with  you,  side  by  side,  on  the  left  bank,  and 
there  you  found  us  ever  at  our  post.  But  do  you  intend 
to  repose  on  your  laurels  gained  in  that  battle  ?  Do 
you  intend  to  let  us  beat  you  in  November?  [One 
general  shout, — No,  no.]  Is  it  possible  that  brave, 
gallant  Tennessee,  Tennessee  devoted  to  constitutional 
rights,  will  not  be  found  abreast  with  Kentucky,  17,000 
strong?  You  must  be  up  and  doing,  for  in  November 
our  majority  will  reach  25,000.  [Applause.] 

A  few  words  more  and  I  have  done.  Our  success 
in  this  contest  I  have  never  doubted.  In  a  spirit  of 
unbounded  liberality,  I  gave,  some  time  since,  to  Mr. 
Van  Buren,  six  out  of  the  twenty-six  States,  but  I 
have  had  occasion  to  review  that  estimate,  and  the 
result  at  which  I  have  arrived  is,  that  if  the  Whigs  do 
their  duty,  if  they  fight  to  conquer  and  save  the  coun- 
try, the  President  will  not  even  get  these  six.  Ala- 
bama I  assigned  to  him,  but  she  scorns  such  an 
association.  [Shouts  of  applause.]  Even  of  Missouri 
I  do  not  despair.  Her  gallant  sons  are  in  the  field, 
and  if  they  conquer,  it  will  be  indeed  a  victory. 
Arkansas,  too,  if  I  know  her,  she  will  not  abandon 
the  heath  till  the  fight  is  over.  She  will  do  her  duty. 
South  Carolina!  [Here  Mr.  Clay  bowed  his  head  in 
silence;  great  laughter.]  I  look  back  upon  the  gallant 
stand  she  made  in  the  Revolutionary  struggle,  with 
feelings  of  the  warmest  admiration  for  her  chivalry, 


284  Reminiscences  of  the 

and  it  is  with  pain  that  I  pass  her  by  in  this  glorious 
contest,  but  while  I  do  so,  it  is  with  profound  detesta- 
tion for  her  present  leaders.  She  will  probably  throw 
a  blank  vote  or  go  with  Isaac  Hill's  State.  As  for 
Maine,  whom  I  had  put  down  for  Mr.  Van  Buren,  she 
too  is  coming — if  not  in  November,  she  will  soon  after 
be  admitted  into  the  great  Whig  family. 

Fellow-citizens,  the  cause  in  which  we  are  engaged 
is  the  cause  of  the  people.  The  people  are  moving  to 
victory,  and  treading  upon  the  heels  of  the  leaders  in 
power.  We  cannot  fail.  It  is  a  contest  between  the 
log  cabin  and  the  palace,  between  hard  cider  and 
champagne,  and  the  issue  will  be  that  the  office-hold- 
ers will  take  to  their  heels  with  more  rapidity  than  the 
popping  of  the  corks  from  the  necks  of  their  favorite 
bottles. 

In  repeating  to  you  my  acknowledgments  for  the 
kindness  with  which  I  have  been  received  by  my  fel- 
low-citizens of  Tennessee,  and  more  especially  by  the 
ladies  of  Nashville,  I  pray  that  the  talismanic  influ- 
ence of  their  power,  which  alone  brought  me  here, 
will  contribute  to  rescue  the  country  from  the  dangers 
which  now  threaten  it,  and  help  to  preserve  and  trans- 
mit to  posterity  the  liberty  won  for  us  by  our  fore- 
fathers. [Nine  cheers]. 


THE  PEOPLE  AROUSED. 

SOME  OF  THE  HARRISON  RALLIES  IN  GEORGIA, 
VIRGINIA,  PENNSYLVANIA,  MARYLAND,  OHIO, 
VERMONT,  NEW  YORK,  KENTUCKY  AND  LOUIS- 
IANA. 

The  Georgia  convention  was  the  grandest  affair  ever 
known  in  the  State.  Twelve  thousand  eight  hundred 
and  forty-eight  delegates  reported  themselves  at  Macon 
on  the  1 3th  of  August,  besides  several  thousands 
of  Whig  and  administration  men  were  there.  Every 
county  in  Georgia  was  represented,  and  several  in 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  285 

Alabama.  The  convention  organized  by  calling  John 
McPherson  Berrila  to  the  chair,  and  all  the  Revolution- 
ary patriots  present,  nine  in  number,  were  by  motion 
made  vice-presidents,  and  five  secretaries  were  ap- 
pointed. Hon.  William  C.  Preston,  of  South  Carolina, 
delivered  an  indescribably  eloquent  and  convincing 
address.  After  his  speech,  the  people,  in  procession, 
proceeded  through  the  principal  streets  to  the  barbecue 
prepared  in  the  immense  cotton  sheds.  The  tables 
were  filled  many  times  and  it  seemed  as  though  half  of 
Georgia  was  being  fed. 

The  Whigs  of  Wheeling,  Virginia,  on  the  loth  of 
August  erected  a  Harrison  pole  230  feet  high,  and 
threw  an  American  flag  to  the  breeze  from  its  top. 

At  Washington,  Pennsylvania,  over  six  thousand 
people  with  great  enthusiasm  held  a  grand  Tippecanoe 
rally  on  the  28th  of  August. 

There  was  a  grand  gathering  of  the  friends  of  Har- 
rison at  Middletown,  Frederick  county,  Maryland, 
on  the  I4th  of  August,  whereat  thousands  of  people 
partook  of  an  old-fashioned  barbecue. 

A  large  meeting  at  Warner's  factory,  in  Cockey's 
district,  Baltimore  county,  Maryland,  on  October  10, 
was  addressed  by  S.  H.  Taggart,  J.  N.  Steele  and 
others. 

Tom  Corwin,  the  wagon  boy,  began  his  canvass  of 
Ohio  at  Chillicothe  on  the  I5th  of  August,  and  spoke 
every  other  day  till  election  to  rousing  crowds  in 
various  counties  of  Ohio. 

On  the  I4th  of  August,  15,000  of  the  Whigs  of 
Vermont  assembled  at  Bennington  and  were  addressed 
by  a  Whig  of  the  Revolution,  General  Wilson,  of  New 
York  ;  Senator  Tallmadge  and  Colonel  Stone,  of  New 
York,  and  others. 

.  John  W.  Baer,  the  Buckeye  blacksmith,  on  the  i^th 
of  August,  addressed  the  Whigs  of  the  Ninth  Ward  of 
New  York,  at  the  Whig  rendezvous,  and  on  the  iyth 
spoke  at  the  central  log  cabin,  on  Broadway — "The 
star  that  never  set  shines  with  redoubled  lustre  and 
brightness." 

The   Whig    Harvest    Home    in    Walton,   Delaware 


286  Reminiscences  of  the 

county,  on  the  22d,  was  attended  by  over  three  thou- 
sand people.  The  "old  Delaware  chief,"  General 
Post  introduced  Hon.  G.  P.  Tallmadge,  who  spoke 
one  of  his  clear  and  forcible  speeches  for  more  than 
two  hours.  Hon.  Geo.  W.  Bruen  and  Hon.  Aaron 
Clark,  the  late  mayor  of  New  York,  followed. 

The  Whigs  of  Louisville,  Ky.,  had  a  grand  revival 
on  the  9th  of  August,  the  services  being  led  by  Messrs. 
Clay  and  Crittenden.  The  Louisville  Journal  says: 
Mr.  Clay  arose  amid  the  hurrahs  of  the  assembled 
thousands  and  exhorted  them  to  the  further  discharge 
of  their  duty  in  a  strain  of  eloquence  that  made  the 
blood  of  every  person  present  rush  in  a  warmer  and 
quickened  current  through  their  veins,  etc.  Mr.  Crit- 
tenden came  forth  and  spoke  about  half  an  hour  in 
that  style  of  chaste,  felicitous  and  powerful  eloquence 
for  which  he  is  so  distinguished  throughout  the 
nation. 

The  Whigs  of  Louisiana  had  a  large  meeting  at 
New  Orleans  on  the  3d,  which  was  addressed  by 
Prentiss,  of  Mississippi;  Gen.  G.  Edward  Sparrow, 
Barrow,  White  and  others. 

The  New  York  State  convention  at  Utica  on  the 
loth  was  addressed  by  General  Van  Rensselaer  Stan- 
ley, of  North  Carolina;  Alfred  Kelley,  of  Ohio;  H. 
Ketcham,  of  New  York  ;  Fletcher  Webster,  of 
Illinois;  South  and  others.  James  Burt  and  Peter  B. 
Porter  were  chosen  senatorial  electors,  and  J.  P. 
Phenix,  B.  Davis  Noxon,  Philo  Orton  and  twenty-nine 
others,  district  electors.  It  was  a  huge  meeting. 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  287 


HARRISON'S   TASTE  FOR    HARD  CI- 
DER. 

[From  the  Pittsburgh  Intelligencer.] 

It  appears  that  General  Harrison's  taste  for  "hard 
cider"  has  not  been  imbibed  since  his  residence  in  Ohio, 
but  originated  in  the  family  of  his  ancestors,  who  have 
been  famous  for  the  excellent  cider  which  they  manu- 
factured. Some  years  ago  John  Randolph  and  Dr. 
Parrish.  of  Philadelphia,  were  in  conversation  about 
the  relative  amount  of  good  things  of  this  life  which 
were  produced  in  the  different  States  of  the  Union.  M  r. 
Randolph  took  the  ground  that  his  own  State,  Virginia, 
produced  more  than  any  other.  After  enumerating  a 
good  many  excellent  things  for  which  Virginia  was  fa- 
mous, he  was  interrupted  by  Dr.  Parrish,  who  said, 
"Surely,  Mr.  Randolph, you  will  admit  that  you  have 
never  seen  any  cider  in  Virginia  equal  to  the  Jersey 
cider  which  you  have  just  been  drinking."  "  I  beg 
your  pardon,"  replied  Mr.  Randolph,  "  I  have  drank  ci- 
der at  Berkeley,  which  was  superior  to  any  Jersey  cider 
I  ever  drank,  and  will  procure  some  for  you  in  order 
that  you  may  judge  for  yourself."  Dr.  Parrish  accepted 
the  offer,  and  Mr.  Randolph  addressed  the  following 
letter  to  Mr.  Harrison,  of  Berkeley: 

DEAR  SIR:  I  take  the  liberty  to  remind  you  of  a  prom- 
ise which  you  were  so  good  as  to  make  me,  to  send  a 
few  bottles  (half  a  dozen)  of  your  fine  cider  to  my  friend 
"  David  Parrish,  Esq.,  York  buildings,  Philadelphia." 
Left  with  Messrs.  Tompkins  &  Murray,  Richmond, 
and  addressed  to  the  care  of  Thomas  P.  Cope,  Phila- 
delphia, it  will  ( the  dangers  of  the  seas  excepted  )  go  safe. 
I  am,  sir,  yours  with  great  respect, 

BENJAMIN  HARRISON,  Esq.,  Berkeley,  Charles  City. 
March  22,  1816.  J.  R. 


288  Reminiscences  of  the 

HARRISON    AT   DAYTON. 


GENERAL  HARRISON'S  SPEECH  AT  DAYTON,  OHIO, 
SEPT.  10,  1840. 

One  hundred  thousand  people  had  answered  the  call 
of  the  log-cabin  boys  of  the  Miami  Valley,  and  the  as- 
semblage was  one  of  the  most  magnificent  ever  held  in 
America. 

•  The  convention  was  organized  by  calling  to  the  chair 
"  Old  Stone  Hammer,"  Ex-Governor  Metcalf,  of  Ken- 
tucky, and  appointing  nineteen  vice-presidents,  among 
whom  were  Preston  VV  .Faner,  of  Louisiana;  Major  A. 
Miller,  of  Mississippi;  Governor  Bigger,  of  Indiana; 
Ex-Governor  Vance,  of  Ohio,  and  others,  and  W. 
Snethen,  of  Louisiana,  secretary. 

After  a  brief  and  happy  address,  welcoming  the  Old 
Chief  to  Dayton,  from  Judge  Crane,  General  Harrison 
rose,  and  in  a  clear,  sonorous  voice  that  was  heard  by 
every  man  of  the  immense  multitude  before  him,  ad- 
dressed the  convention  for  nearly  two  hours.  The  ap- 
pearance of  the  old  hero  was  hailed  by  the  mighty 
shouts  of  thousands  for  several  minutes.  He  was  in 
excellent  health  and  spoke  with  a  fervor  and  animation 
belonging  rather  to  youth  than  to  age.  The  fire  of  his 
eye  was  undimmed  by  time,  nor  had  the  strength  of  his 
manly  intellect  suffered  in  the  least.  The  people  were 
impressed  with  the  belief  that  he  would  go  into  the 
Presidential  chair  a  veteran  in  wisdom  and  experience, 
and  grasp  the  helm  of  state  with  a  steady  hand  and 
firm  resolution,  ready  to  administer  the  people's  gov- 
ernment after  the  people's  will.  ' 

The  following  verbatim  report  of  his  speech  was 
made  by  W.  Snethen,  Esq.,  secretary  of  the  conven- 
tion: 

I  rise,  fellow-citizens  [the  multitude  was  here  agi- 
tated as  the  sea  when  the  wild  wind  blows  upon  it, 
and  it  was  full  five  minutes  before  the  tumult  of  joy  at 
seeing  and  hearing  the  next  President  of  the  United 
States  could  be  calmed] — I  rise,  fellow-citizens,  to  ex- 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  289 

press  to  you  from  the  bottom  of  a  grateful  heart  my 
warmest  thanks  for  the  kind  and  flattering  manner  in 
which  I  have  been  received  by  the  representatives  of 
the  valley  of  Miami.  I  rise  to  say  to  you  that  how- 
ever magnificent  my  reception  has  been  on  this  oc- 
casion, I  am  not  so  vain  as  to  presume  that  it  was  in- 
tended for  me,  that  this  glorious  triumphal  entry  was 
designed  for  one  individual.  No,  I  know  too  well  that 
person's  imperfections  to  believe  that  this  vast  assem- 
blage has  come  up  here  to  do  Jiim  honor.  It  is  the 
glorious  cause  of  Democratic  rights  that  brought  them 
here.  [Immense  cheering.]  It  is  the  proud  anniver- 
sary of  one  of  the  brightest  victories  that  glows  on  the 
pages  of  our  country's  history,  which  hath  summoned 
this  multitude  together.  [Tremendous  cheering.] 

Fellow-citizens,  it  was  about  this  time  of  the  day, 
27  years  ago,  this  very  hour,  this  very  minute,  that 
your  speaker,  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  North- 
western army,  was  plunged  into  an  agony  of  feeling 
when  the  cannonading  from  our  gallant  fleet  announced 
an  action  with  the  enemy.  His  hopes,  his  fears,  were 
destined  to  be  soon  quieted,  for  the  tiding  of  victory 
were  brought  to  him  on  the  wings  of  the  wind.  With 
the  eagle  of  triumph  perching  upon  our  banners  on  the 
lake,  I  moved  on  to  complete  the  overthrow  of  the  for- 
eign foe.  The  anniversary  of  that  day  can  never  be 
forgotten,  for  every  American  has  cause  to  rejoice  at 
the  triumph  of  our  arms  on  that  momentous  occasion; 
but  the  brave  and  gallant  hero  of  that  victory  is  gone, 
gone  to  that  home  whither  we  are  all  hurrying,  and  to 
his  memory  let  us  do  that  reverence  due  to  the  deeds 
of  so  illustrious  a  patriot.  From  Heaven  does  his 
soul  look  down  upon  us  and  gladden  at  the  virtues 
which  still  animate  his  generous  countrymen  recur- 
ring to  his  noble  and  glorious  career  while  on  earth. 
[Great  sensation  for  several  seconds.] 

I  am  fully  aware,  my  fellow-citizens,  that  you  ex- 
pect from  me  some  opinion  upon  the  various  questions 
which  now  agitate  our  country,  from  center  to  circum- 
ference, with  such  fierce  contention.  Calumny,  ever 
seeking  to  destroy  all  that  is  good  in  this  world,  hath 

19 


290  Reminiscences  of  the 

proclaimed  that  I  am  averse  to  declaring  my  opin- 
ions on  matters  so  interesting  to  you;  but  nothing  can 
be  more  false.  [Cheers.] 

Have  I  not  declared  over  and  often,  that  the  Presi- 
dent of  this  Union  does  not  constitute  any  part  or  por- 
tion of  the  legislative  body  ?  [Cries  from  every  quar- 
ter, You  have,  you  have.]  Have  I  not  said  over  and 
often,  that  the  executive  should  not  by  any  act  of  his 
forestall  the  action  of  the  National  Legislature?  [You 
have,  you  have.] 

Have  I  not  time  out  of  mind  proclaimed  my  opposi- 
tion to  a  citizen's  going  forward  among  the  people 
and  soliciting  votes  for  the  Presidency?  Have  I  not 
many  a  time  and  often  said,  that  in  my  opinion  no  man 
ought  to  aspire  to  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States 
unless  he  is  designated  as  a  candidate  fdf  that  high  of- 
fice by  the  unbought  wishes  of  the  people?  [Cheering.] 
If  the  candidate  for  so  high  an  office  be  designated  by 
the  will  of  a  portion  or  majority  of  the  people,  they 
will  have  come  to  the  determination  of  sustaining  such 
a  man,  from  a  review  of  his  past  actions  and  life,  and 
they  will  not  exact  pledges  from  him  of  what  he  will 
do  or  what  he  will  not  do,  for  their  selection  of  him  is 
proof  enough  that  he  will  carry  out  the  doctrines  of  his 
party.  This  plan  of  choosing  a  candidate  for  the  Pres- 
idency is  a  much  surer  bar  against  corruption  than  the 
system  of  requiring  promises.  If  the  pledging  plan  is 
pursued  the  effect  will  be  to  offer  the  Presidential 
chair  to  the  man  who  will  make  the  most  promises. 
[Laughter.]  He  who  would  pledge  most,  he  who 
would  promise  most,  would  be  the  man  to  be  voted  for; 
and  I  have  no  hesitation  in  declaring  my  belief  that  he 
who  would  subject  his  course  to  be  thus  tied  up  by 
promises  and  pledges  would  not  stop  to  break  them 
when  once  in  office.  [Cheering.]  Are  my  views  on 
this  topic  correct  or  are.  they  not?  [With  one  voice 
the  multitude  indicted  they  were.] 

If,  fellow-citizens,  we  examine  the  history  of  all 
republics,  we  shall  find  as  they  receded  from  the  purity 
of  representative  government,  the  condition  of  obtain- 
ing office  was  the  making  promises.  He  who  bid  the 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  291 

highest  in  promises  was  the  favored  candidate,  and  the 
higher  the  bids,  the  more  marked  and  certain  the  cor- 
ruption. Look  at  the*  progress  of  this  thing  in  our  own 
Republic.  Were  any  pledges  required  of  your  Wash- 
ington or  your  Adams?  Adams  was  the  candidate  of 
the  Federal  party,  and  as  a  statesman  was  bound  to 
carry  out  the  principles  of  his  party.  Was  his  successor, 
Thomas  Jefferson,  the  high  priest  of  Constitutional 
Democracy,  called  on  for  pledges?  No.  His  whole 
life  was  a  pledge  of  what  he  would  do.  And  if  we 
go  back  to  this  old  system  of  selecting  men  for  the 
Presidency  whose  past  career  shall  be  a  guarantee  of 
their  conduct  when  elected  to  the  Chief  Magistracy  of 
the  Republic,  the  nation  would  advance  safely,  rapidly 
and  surely  in  the  path  of  prosperity.  But  of  late  years 
the  corrupting  system  of  requiring  pledges  hath  been 
adopted.  The  Presidency  hath  been  put  up  to  the 
highest  bidder  in  promises,  and  we  see  the  result.  It 
remains  for  you,  my  fellow-citizens,  to  arrest  this 
course  of  things.  [Cries  of  "We  will,  we  will."] 

While,  then,  fellow-citizens,  I  have  never  hesitated 
to  declare  my  opinions  on  proper  occasions  upon  the 
great  questions  before  the  nation,  I  cannot  consent  to 
make  mere  promises  the  condition  of  obtaining  the 
office  which  you  kindly  wish  to  bestow  upon  me.  My 
opinions  I  am  free  to  express,  but  you  already  have 
them,  sustained  and  supported  by  the  acts  of  a  long 
and  arduous  life.  That  life  is  a  pledge  of  my  future 
course,  if  I  am  elevated  by  your  suffrages  to  the  high- 
est office  in  your  gift.  [Immense  cheering  for  several 
seconds.] 

It  has  been  charged  against  me,  fellow-citizens,  that 
lam  a  Federalist.  While  I  acknowledge  that  the  origi- 
nal Federal  party  of  this  country  was  actuated  in  its 
course  by  no  improper  motives,  I  deny  that  I  ever  be- 
longed to  that  class  of  politicians.  [Tremendous  cheer- 
ing.] How  could  I  belong  to  that  party?  I  was  edu- 
cated in  the  school  of  anti-Federalism,  and  though  too 
young  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  politics  of  the  coun- 
try when,  at  the  erection  of  the  Constitution,  the  nation 
was  divided  into  two  great  parties,  my  honored  father 


292  Reminiscences  of  the 

had  inducted  me  into  the  principles  of  Constitutional 
Democracy,  and  my  teachers  were  the  Henrys  and  the 
Mason's  of  that  period.  He  who  declared  that  the  seeds 
of  monarchy  were  sown  in  the  soil  of  the  Constitution 
was  a  leader  in  my  school  of  politics.  He,  who  said 
that  "if  this  Government  be  not  a  monarchy,  it  has  an 
awful  squinting  towards  a  monarchy,"  was  my  mentor. 
[Immense  applause.  Some  time  elapsed  before  order 
could  be  restored,  at  hearing  these  emphatic  declara- 
tions of  the  general.]  If  I  know  my  own  feelings,  if 
I  know  my  own  judgment,  I  believe  now  as  I  did 
then,  with  the  patriarchs  of  thejeffersonian  school,  that 
the  seeds  of  monarchy  were  indeed  sown  in  the  fertile 
soil  of  our  Federal  Constitution;  and  that  though  for 
nearly  fifty  years  they  lay  dormant,  they  at  last  sprouted 
and  shot  forth  into  strong  and  thriving  plants,  bear- 
ing blossoms  and  producing  ripe  fruit.  This  Govern- 
ment is  now  a  practical  monarchy !  [Loud  and  long  cheer- 
ing, indicating  that  the  people  felt  the  full  force  of  his 
declaration.]  Power  is  power,  it  matters  not  by  what 
name  it  is  called.  The  head  of  the  Government  exer- 
cising monarchical  power  may  be  named  king,  em- 
peror, president,  or  Imaum  [great  laughter],  still  he  is 
a  monarch.  But  this  is  not  all.  The  President  of  these 
United  States  exercises  a  power  superior  to  that  vested 
in  the  hands  of  nearly  all  the  European  kings.  It  is  a 
power  far  greater  than  that  ever  dreamed  of  by  the 
old  Federal  party. 

It  is  an  ultra  Federal  power,  it  is  despotism  ! 
[Cheering.]  And  I  may  here  advert  to  an  objection 
that  has  been  made  against  me.  It  has  been  said,  that 
if  I  ever  should  arrive  at  the  dignified  station  occupied 
by  my  opponent,  I  would  be  glad  and  eager  to  retain 
the  power  enjoyed  by  the  President  of  the  United 
States.  Never,  never.  [Tremendous  cheering.] 
Though  averse  from  pledges  of  every  sort,  I  here 
openly  and  before  the  world  declare  that  I  will  use  all 
the  power  and  influence  vested  in  the  office  of  Presi- 
dent of  the  Union  to  abridge  the  power  and  influence 
of  the  National  Executive  !  [It  is  impossible  to 
describe  the  sensation  produced  oy  this  declaration.] 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  293 

Is  this  Federalism  ?  [Cries  of  no,  no,  for  several 
seconds.]  In  the  Constitution,  that  glorious  charter  of 
our  liberties,  there  is  a  defect,  and  that  defect  is,  the 
term  of  service  of  the  President  was  not  limited. 
This  omission  is  the  source  of  all  the  evil  under  which 
the  country  is  laboring.  If  the  privilege  of  being 
President  of  the  United  States  had  bee\i  limited  to 
one  term  the  incumbent  would  devote  all  his  time  to 
the  public  interest,  and  there  would*  be.  no  cause  to 
misrule  the  country.  I  shall  not  animadvert  on  the 
present  administration,  lest  you  may  in  that  case  con- 
ceive that  I  am  aiming  for  the  Presidency,  to  use  it  for 
selfish  purposes.  I  should  be  an  interested  witness  if 
I  entered  into  the  subject.  But  I  pledge  myself  before 
Heaven  and  earth,  if  elected  President  of  these  United 
States,  to  lay  down  at  the  end  of  the  term  faithfully 
that  high  trust  at  the  feet  of  the  people  !  [Here  the 
multitude  was  so  excited  as  to  defy  description.] 

I  go  farther.  I  here  declare  before  this  vast  assem- 
bly of  the  Miami  Tribe  [great  laughter]  that  if  I  am 
elected,  no  human  being  shall  ever  know  upon  whom 
I  would  prefer  to  see  the  people's  mantle  fall;  but  I 
shall  surrender  this  glorious  badge  of  their  authority 
into  their  own  hands  to  bestow  it  as  they  please! 
[Nine  cheers.]  Is  this  Federalism?  [No,  no,  no.] 
Again,  in  relation  to  the  charge  of  being  a  Federalist, 
I  can  refer  to  the  doings  previous  to,  and  during  the 
late  war.  The  Federal  party  took  ground  against  that 
war,  and  as  a  party  there  never  existed  a  purer  band 
of  patriots,  for  when  the  note  of  strife  was  sounded, 
they  rallied  under  the  banner  of  their  country.  But 
patriots  as  they  were,  I  do  know  that  I  was  not  one  of 
them!  [Cheering.]  I  was  denounced  in  unmeasured 
terms  as  one  of  the  authors  of  that  war,  and  was  held 
up  by  the  Federal  papers  of  the  day  as  the  marked 
object  of  the  party.  I  could  here  name  the  man  who 
came  to  me,  and  a  more  worthy  man  never  lived,  to 
say  that  he  was  mistaken  in  his  views  of  my  policy  as 
governor  of  Indiana,  when  I  was  charged  by  the  Fed- 
eralists as  uselessly  involving  the  country  in  an  Indian 
war.  He  told  me  that  I  acted  rightly  in  that  matter, 


294  Reminiscences  of  the 

and  that  the  war  was  brought  on  by  me  as  a  matter  of 
necessity.  [Cries  of  name  him,  name  him.]  It  was 
Mr.  Gaston,  of  North  Carolina.  [Three  cheers.]  Is 
this  a  proof  that  1  was  a  Federalist?  [No,  no,  no.] 

I  have  now  got  rid,  my  fellow-citizens,  of  this  base- 
less charge — no,  I  have  not.  There  are  a  few  more 
allegations  to  notice.  I  am  not  a  professional  speaker, 
hot  a  studied  orator,  but  I  am  an  old  soldier  and  a 
farmer,  and  as  my  sole  object  is  to  speak  what  I  think, 
you  will  excuse  me  if  I  do  it  in  my  own  way.  [Shouts 
of  applause,  and  cries  of  u  the  old  soldier  and  farmer 
for  us."] 

I  have  said  that  there  were  other  allegations  to  no- 
tice". To  prove  that  I  was  a  Federalist,  they  assert  that 
I  supported  the  alien  and  sedition  laws,  and  in  doing 
so,  violated  the  principles  and  express  words  of  the 
Constitution.  I  did  not,  fellow-citizens,  ever  partici- 
pate in  this  measure.  When  those  laws  passed,  I  was 
a  soldier  in  the  Army  of  the  United  States!  [Applause.] 

Again,  they  censure  me  for  my  course  in  Congress, 
when  I  served  you  in  that  body  as  a  Representative  of 
the  Northwest  Territory.  And  here  I  will  advert  to 
the  fact  that  I  represented,  'at  the  time,  a  territory  com- 
prising now  the  States  of  Indiana,  Ohio,  Illinois  and 
Michigan.  I  was  the  sole  representative  of  that  im- 
mense extent  of  country.  [A  voice  here  cried,  "And 
you  are  going  to  be  again!"  Tremendous  cheering.] 
As  I  understand  Federalism  to  be  in  its  origin,  so  I  un- 
stand  it  to  be  now.  It  was  and  is  the  accumulation  of 
power  in  the  executive  to  be  used  and  exercised  for 
its  own  benefit  Was  my  conduct  in  Congress  then 
such  as  to  entitle  me  to  the  appellation  of  Federalist? 
[Cries  of  no,  no,  and  cheering.] 

I  had  the  honor,  as  chairman  of  a  committee  in  the 
year  1800,  to  devise  a  bill  which  had  for  its  object  to 
snatch  from  the  grasp  of  speculators  all  this  glorious 
country  which  now  teems  with  rich  harvests  tinder 
the  hands  of  the  honest,  industrious  and  virtuous  hus- 
bandmen. *  [Immense  cheering.]  Was  I  a  Federalist 
then?  [Cries  of  no,  no,  no.]  When  I  was  governor 
of  Indiana,  ask  how  the  unlimited  power  bestowed 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  295 

upon  me  was  exercised — a  power  as  high  as  that  ex- 
ercised by  the  present  President  of  the  United  States  ! 
I  was  the  sole  monarch  of  the  Northwest  Territory  ! 
[Laughter.]  Did  I  discharge  my  duties  as  governor 
of  that  vast  territory  in  such  a  way  as  to  show  that  I 
was  in  love  with  the  tremendous  powers  invested  in 
me  ?  [Here  some  4,000  persons  in  one  quarter  of  the 
crowd  raised  their  hats  in  the  air  and  rent  it  with  shouts, 
of  No,  no,  no.  They  were  the  delegation  from  Indiana. 
This  prompt  response  from  so  many  persons  produced 
great  sensation.]  There  is  an  essential  difference  be- 
tween the  President  of  the  United  States  and  me. 
When  he  was  in  the  convention  which  remodeled  the 
Constitution  of  New  York  he  was  for  investing  the 
governor  with  the  appointment  of  the  sheriffs.  When 
I  was  governor  of  Indiana,  and  possessed  the  power  of 
appointing  all  officers,  I  gave  it  up  to  the  people  ! 
[Intense  excitement  and  great  cheering.]  I  never  ap- 
pointed any  officer  whatever  while  governor  of  In- 
d.ana,  whether  sheriff,  coroner,  judge,  justice  of  the 
peace,  or  ought  else,  without  first  consulting  and  ob- 
taining the  wishes  of  the  people.  [Shouts  of  applause.] 
Was  this  an  evidence  that  I  was  a  Federalist?  [No, 
no,  no.] 

I  think  I  have  now  shown  you,  fellow-citizens,  con- 
clusively that  my  actions  do  not  constitute  me  a  Fed- 
eralist, and  it  is  to  them  I  proudly  point  as  the  shield 
against  which  the  arrows  of  my  calumniators  will  fall 
in  vain.  [Immense  cheering.] 

Methinks  I  hear  a  soft  voice  asking:  Are  you  in  favor 
of  paper  money?  I  am.  [Shouts  of  applause.]  If 
you  would  know  why  I  am  in  favor  of  the  credit  sys- 
tem, I  can  only  say  it  is  because  I  am  a  Democrat. 
[Immense  cheering.]  The  two  systems  are  the  only 
means  under  heaven  by  which  a  poor,  industrious  man 
may  become  a  rich  man  without  bowing  to  colossal 
wealth.  [Cheers.]  But  with  all  this  I  am  not  a  bank 
man.  Once  in  my  life  I  was,  and  then  they  cheated 
me  out  of  every  dollar  I  placed  in  their  hands.  [Shouts 
of  laughter.]  And  I  shall  never  indulge  in  this  way 
again,  for  it  is  more  than  probable  that  I  shall  never 


296  Reminiscences  cf  t/ic 

again  have  money  beyond  the  day's  wants.  But  I  am 
in  favor  of  a  correct  banking  system,  for  the  simple 
reason  that  the  share  of  the  precious  metals  which,  in 
the  course  of  trade,  falls  to  our  lot,  is  much  less  than 
the  circulating  medium  which  our  internal  and  external 
commerce  demands,  to  raise  our  prices  to  a  level  with 
the  prices  of  Europe,  where  the  credit  system  does 
prevail.  There  must  be  some  plan  to  multiply  the  gold 
and  silver  which  our  industry  commands;  and  there  is 
no  other  way  to  do  this  but  by  a  safe  banking  system. 
[Great  applause.]  I  do  not  pretend  to  say  that  a  per- 
fect system  of  banking  can  be  devised.  There  is  nothing 
in  the  offspring  of  the  human  mind  that  does  not  savor 
of  imperfection.  No  plan  of  government  or  finance 
can  be  devised  free  from  defect.  After  long  delibera- 
tion I  have  no  hopes  that  this  country  can  ever  go  on 
to  prosper  under  a  pure  specie  currency.  Such  a  cur- 
rency but  makes  the  poor  poorer,  and  the  rich  richer. 
A  properly  devised  banking  system  alone  possesses 
the  capability  of  bringing  the  poor  to  a  level  with  the 
rich.  [Tremendous  cheering.] 

I  have  peculiar  notions  of  government.  Perhaps  I 
may  err.  I  am  no  statesman  by  profession,  but  as  I 
have  already  said,  I  am  a  half  soldier  and  a  half  farmer, 
and  it  may  be,  that  if  I  am  elected  to  the  first  office  in 
your  gift,  my  fellow-citizens  will  be  deceived  in  me; 
but  I  can  assure  them,  that  if  in  carrying  out  their 
wishes,  the  head  shall  err,  the  heart  is  true.  [Great 
huzzaing.] 

My  opinion  qf  the  power  of  Congress  to  charter  a 
national  bank  remains  unchanged.  There  is  not  in 
the  Constitution  any  express  grant  of  power  for  such 
purpose,  and  it  could  never  be  Constitutional  to  exer- 
cise that  power,  save  in  the  event  the  powers  granted 
to  Congress  could  not  be  carried  into  effect,  without 
resorting  to  such  an  institution.  [Applause.]  Mr. 
Madison  signed  the  law  creating^  -national  bank  be- 
cause he  thought  that  the  revenue  of  the  country  could 
not  be  collected  or  disbursed  to  the  best  advantage  with- 
out the  interposition  of  such  an  establishment.  I  said 
in  my  letter  to  Sherrod  Williams,  that  if  it  was  plain 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  297 

that  if  the  revenues  of  the  Union  could  only  be  col- 
lected and  disbursed  in  the  most  effectual  way  by 
means  of  a  bank,  and  if  I  was  clearly  of  opinion  that 
the  majority  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  de- 
sired such  an  institution,  then,  and  then  only,  would  I 
sign  a  bill  going  to  charter  a  bank.  [Shouts  of  ap- 
plause.] I  have  never  regarded  the  office  of  Chief 
Magistrate  as  conferring  upon  the  incumbent  the 
power  of  mastery  over  the  popular  will,  but  as  grant- 
ing him  the  power  to  execute  the  properly  expressed 
will  of  the  people  and  not  to  resist  it.  With  my 
mother's  milk  did  I  suck  in  the  principles  on  which  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  was  founded.  [Cheer- 
ing.] That  declaration  complained  that  the  king 
would  not  let  the  people  make  such  laws  as  they 
wished.  Shall  a  president  or  an  executive  officer  un- 
dertake, at  this  late  time  of  day,  to  control  the 
people  in  the  exercise  of  their  supreme  will  ?  No. 
The  people  are  the  best  guardians  of  their  own  rights 
[applause],  and  it  is  the  duty  of  their  executive  to  ab- 
stain from  interfering  in  or  thwarting  the  sacred  ex- 
ercise of  the  law-making  functions  of  their  Govern- 
ment. 

In  this  view  of  the  matter,  I  defend  my  having 
signed  a  well-known  bill  which  passed  the  legislature 
while  I  was  governor  of  Indiana.  It  is  true,  my  oppo- 
nents have  attempted  to  cast  odium  upon  me  for  hav- 
ing done  so,  but  while  they  are  engaged  in  such  an 
effort,  they  impugn  the  honor  and  honesty  of  the 
inmates  of  the  log  cabins,  who  demanded  the  passage 
and  signature  of  that  bill.  The  men  who  now  dare  to 
arraign  the  people  of  Indiana  for  having  exercised 
their  rights  as  they  pleased,  were  in  their  nurse's  arms 
when  that  bill  passed  the  legislature.  What  do  they 
know  of  the  pioneers  of  that  vast  wilderness?  I  tell 
them,  that  in  the  legislature  which  passed  the  bill 
exciting  so  much  their  horror,  there  were  men  as  pure 
in  heart  and  as  distinguished  for  their  common  sense 
and  high  integrity  as  any  who  set  themselves  up  for 
models  in  these  days.  [Immense  cheering.]  I  glory 
in  carrying  out  their  views,  for  in  doing  so,  I  submitted 


298  Reminiscences  of  the 

to  the  law-making  powers  in  accordance  with  the 
Declaration  of  Independence;  I  did  not  prevent  the 
people  from  making  what  laws  they  pleased!  [Cheer- 
ing.] 

If  the  Augean  stable  is  to  be  cleansed,  it  will  be 
necessary  to  go  back  to  the  principles  of  Jefferson. 
[Cheers.]  It  has  been  said  by  the  Henrys,  the  Madi- 
sons,  the  Graysons,  and  others,  that  one  of  the  great 
dangers  in  our  Government  is,  that  the  powers  vested 
in  the  General  Government  would  overshadow  the 
government  of  the  States.  There  is  truth  in  this,  and 
long  since  and  often  have  I  expressed  the  opinion  that 
the  interference  of  the  General  Government  with  the 
elective  franchise  in  the  States  would  be  the  signal  for 
the  downfall  of  liberty.  That  interference  has  taken 
place,  and  while  the  mouths  of  professed  Democrats 
appeal  to  Jefferson,  and  declare  they  are  governed  by 
his  principles,  they  are  urging  at  the  same  time  100,000 
office-holders  to  meddle  in  the  State  elections!  And 
if  the  rude  hand  of  power  be  not  removed  from  the 
elective  franchise,  there  will  soon  be  an  end  to  the 
Government  of  the  Union.  [Cries  of  assent]  It  is  a 
truth  in  Government  ethics,  that  when  a  larger  power 
comes  in  contact  with  a  smaller  power,  the  latter  is 
speedily  destroyed  or  swallowed  up  by  the  former.  So 
in  regard  to  the  General  Government  and  the  State  gov- 
ernments. Siiould  I  ever  be  placed  in  the  Chief  Mag- 
istrate's seat,  I  will  carry  out  the  principles  of  Jackson, 
and  never  permit  the  interference  of  office-holders  in 
the  elections.  [Immense  applause.]  I  will  do  no 
more.  While  I  will  forbid  their  interference  in  elec- 
tions, I  will  never  do  aught  to  prevent  their  going 
quietly  to  the  polls  and  voting,  even  against  me  or  my 
measures.  No  American  citizen  should  be  deprived  of 
his  power  of  voting-  as  he  pleases. 

I  have  detained  you,  fellow-citizens,  longer  than  I 
intended,  but  you  now  see  that  I  am  not  the  old  man 
on  crutches,  nor  the  imbecile  they  say  I  am  [cheer- 
ing]— not  the  prey  to  disease — [a  voice  cried  here,  Nor 
the  bear  in  a  cage]  nor  the  caged  animal  they  wittily 
described  me  to  be  [great  laughter  and  cheering.] 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  299 

But  before  I  conclude,  there  are  two  or  three  other 
topics  I  must  touch  upon. 

The  violence  of  party  spirit,  as  of  late  exhibited,  is  a 
serious  mischief  to  the  political  welfare  of  the  country. 
Party  feeling  is  necessary  in  a  certain  degree  to  the 
health  and  stability  of  a  republic,  but  when  pushed  to 
too  great  an  extent,  it  is  detrimental  to  the  body  politic; 
it  is  the  rock  upon  which  many  a  republic  has  been 
dashed  to  pieces.  An  old  farmer  told  me  the  other 
day  that  he  did  not  believe  one  of  the  stories  circulated 
against  me,  and  he  would  support  me  if  I  were  only  a 
Democrat.  [Laughter.]  But  if  I  support  and  sustain 
Democratic  principles,  what  matters  it  how  I'm  called? 
It  matters  a  good  deal,, said  he;  you  don't  belong  to  the 
Democratic  party!  [Laughter.]  Can  anything  be 
more  ruinous  in  its  tendency  to  our  institutions  than 
this  high  party  spirit,  which  looks  to  the  shadow  and 
not  to  the  substance  of  things?  Nothing,  nothing. 
This  running  after  names,  after  imaginings,  is  omnious 
of  dangerous  results.  In  the  blessed  Book  we  are  told 
that  the  pretension  of  false  Christs  shall  be  in  future 
times  so  specious  that  even  the  elect  will  be  deceived. 
And  is  it  not  so  now  with  Democracy?  The  name 
does  not  constitute  the  Democrat.  It  is  the  vilest  im- 
posture ever  attempted  upon  the  credulity  of  the  public 
mind  to  array  the  poor  of  the  country  under  the  name 
of  Democrats,  against  the  rich,  and  style  them  aristo- 
crats. This  is  dealing  in  fables.  The  natural  antago- 
nist of  Democracy  is  not  aristocracy.  It  is  monarchy. 
There  is  no  instance  on  record  of  a  republic  like  ours 
running  into  an  aristocracy.  It  can  hurry  into  a  pure 
Democracy,  and  the  confidence  of  that  Democracy  be- 
ing once  obtained  by  a  Marius  or  a  Cassar,  by  a  Bolivar 
or  a  Bonaparte,he  strides  rapidly  from  professions  of  love 
for  the  people  to  usurpation  of  their  rights,  and  steps 
from  that  high  eminence  to  a  throne!  [Cheering.] 
And  thus  in  the  name  of  Democracy  the  boldest  crimes 
are  committed.  Who  forgets  the  square  in  Paris, 
where  ran  rivers  of  the  people's  blood,  shed  in  the  name 
of  Democracy  at  the  foot  of  the  statue  of  liberty!  Cher- 
ish not  the  man,  then,  who  under  the  guise  and  name  of 


300  Reminiscences  of  the 

Democracy,  tries  to  overthrow  the  principles  of  Re- 
publicanism as  professed  and  acted  upon  by  Jefferson 
and  Madison.  [Immense  cheering.] 

General  Harrison  here  adverted  to  the  calumnies  put 
forth  against  his  military  fame  by  that  noble  pair  of 
brothers,  Allen  and  Duncan,  and  in  severe  but  just 
terms  exposed  the  falsehoods  of  these  vilifiers.  He 
proved  they  were  guilty  of  falsifying  the  records  of  the 
country,  and  in  a  brief  and  lucid  manner  vindicated 
himself  and  the  honor  of  the  nation  from  the  aspersions 
of  these  and  other  reckless  politicians.  He  showed  that 
the  received  history  of  his  brilliant  career  in  the  North- 
west had  been  stamped  by  the  impress  of  truth,  and  he 
will  soon  find  that  a  generous  and  grateful  people  will 
testify  their  admiration  of  his  glorious  services  in  their 
cause  by  raising  the  brave  old  soldier  to  the  highest  of- 
fice in  their  gift. 

A  precious  inheritance,  continued  the  general,  has 
been  handed  down  to  you  by  your  forefathers.  In 
Rome,  the  sacred  fire  of  fabled  gods  was  kept  alive  by 
vestal  virgins,  and  they  watched  over  the  gift  with 
eager  eyes.  In  America,  a  glorious  fire  has  been  lighted 
upon  the  altar  of  liberty,  and  to  you,  my  fellow-citizens, 
has  it  been  intrusted  in  safe  keeping  to  be  nourished 
with  care  and  fostered  forever.  Keep  it  burning,  and 
let  the  sparks  that  continually  go  up  from  it  fall  on 
other  altars  and  light  up  in  distant  lands  the  fire  of  free- 
dom. The  Tui  k  busies  himself  no  longer  with  his  harem 
or  his  bow  string.  To  licentiousness  have  succeeded 
the  rights  of  man,  and  constitutions  are  given,  to  the 
people  by  once  despotic  rulers.  Whence  the  light  that 
now  shines  in  that  land  of  darkness?  It  was  a  brand 
snatched  from  your  own  proud  altar,  and  thrust  into 
the  pyre  of  Turkish  oppression.  Shall  then  the  far- 
seen  light  upon  the  shrine  of  American  liberty  ever  be 
extinguished?  [No,  no,  no.]  It  would  not  be  your  loss 
only;  it  would  be  the  loss  of  the  whole  world.  The 
enemies  of  freedom  in  Europe  are  watching  you  with 
intense  anxiety;  and  your  friends,  few  as  the  planets  of 
heaven,  are  praying  for  your  success.  Deceive  them 
not,  but  keep  the  sacred  fire  burning  steadily  upon 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  301 

your  altars,  and  the  Ohio  farmer,  whom  you  design  to 
make  your  Chief  Magistrate,  will,  at  the  end  of  four 
years,  cheerfully  lay  down  the  authority  which  you  may 
intrust  him  with  free  from  all  ambition.  It  will  be 
glory  enough  for  me  to  be  honored  as  those  pure  and 
honest  Republicans,  Washington,  Jefferson  and  Madi- 
son, were  honored  with  the  high  confidence  of  a  great, 
noble,  just  and  generous  people!  [The  excitement  and 
cheering  continued  for  several  minutes,  and  the  multi- 
tude were  swayed  to  and  fro  as  the  leaves  of  the  forest 
in  a  wind  storm.] 

While  General  Harrison  was  delivering  this  address 
the  mail  arrived  with  a  letter  for  a  leading  Whig  in 
the  crowd,  giving  the  particulars  of  the  glorious  victory 
in  Vermont.  Old  Tippecanoe  paused  in  the  midst  of 
his  eloquence,  and  the  letter  was  read  in  a  loud  tone 
from  one  of  the  speakers'  stands.  Mighty  beyond  de- 
scription was  the  shout  that  followed  when  one  hundred 
thousand  voices  mingled  in  one  long  and  startling 
thunder  peal,  as  when  the  whirlwind  rends  the  ash  it 
burst  the  years  of  the  Loco  Foco's  and  crushed  their 
hopes  and  bruised  their  hearts. 


IN  MASSACHUSETTS. 

THE  BUNKER  HILL  CONVENTION  AT  BOSTON,  THURS- 
DAY,   SEPTEMBER  10,   1840. 

I  arrived  here  yesterday  morning  at  8  o'clock,  and 
found  the  city  already  full  in  anticipation  of  the  great 
Whig  convention  which  is  to  take  place  on  Bunker 
Hill  to-day.  Although  I  had  taken  the  precaution  to 
send  for  an  apartment  at  the  Tremont  House  ten  days 
in  advance  I  was  not  sufficiently  early.  Every  hotel 
and  every  boarding-house  of  which  I  could  hear  was 
full,  and,  with  thousands  of  others,  I  was  thrown  upon 
the  hospitality  of  the  people,  a  hospitality  always  pro- 


302  Reminiscences  of  the 

verbial,  and  certainly,  on  the  present  occasion,  exercised 
without  stint.  Even  in  the  forenoon  of  yesterday  the 
city  was  so  full  of  strangers,  the  streets  of  people  from 
abroad  in  motion,  that  the  inhabitants  were  almost 
puzzled  to  know  whether  they  were  themselves  at 
home  or  not.  The  mighty  influx  gathered  strength 
through  the  day,  and  what  it  will  be  at  10  o'clock  this 
morning,  I  am  utterly  unable  to  form  a  conjecture. 

The  house  of  every  Whig  in  the  city,  where  there 
was  not  sickness  to  prevent,  was  cheerfully  thrown 
open;  every  extra  bed  was  taken,  and  nearly  a  thou- 
sand new  beds  were  made  by  contracts,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  committee,  and  before  dark  last  evening  all 
were  distributed  in  vacant  rooms  throughout  the  city 
and  made  up  for  use;  so  that  by  n  o'clock  last  night, 
as  one  of  the  committee,  who  has  been  charged  spec- 
ially with  this  branch  of  the  commissariat,  informed  me 
on  closing  his  day  of  arduous  labor,  it  was  believed  that 
every  stranger  who  had  reported  himself  to  the  central 
committee  at  Fanueil  Hall  was  comfortably  housed. 

The  proceedings  of  the  occasion  were  in  fact  com- 
menced yesterday,  by  various  preliminary  meetings. 
The  citizens  of  Roxbury  took  it  upon  themselves  to 
provide  for  the  people  gathering  in  from  the  adjacent 
towns  of  the  county  of  Suffolk;  as  did  the  inhabitants 
of  Charlestown  for  those  from  the  country  to  which 
it  appertains.  Large  meetings  were  held  in  both  places 
yesterday  afternoon.  Who  were  the  speakers  at 
Charlestown  I  have  not  learned.  Those  at  Roxbury 
were  the  Hon.  Benjamin  Watkins  Leigh,  of  Virginia, 
and  the  Hon.  George  Evans,  of  Maine.  There  were 
several  large  meetings  in  different  quarters  of  the  city 
last  evening.  The  Marlborough  Chapel  was  thronged 
until  ii  o'clock,  to  hear  Reverdy  Johnson,  of  Bal- 
timore, and  a  very  able  man  from  Ohio,  whose  name 
I  have  not  learned.  At  the  log  cabin,  which  is  in  the 
Sixth  ward,  there  was  a  large  gathering  in  the  street, 
which  was  addressed  by  Colonel  Kinsman,  of  Maine, 
and  Colonel  Frank  Johnson,  of  Kentucky,  and  by 
your  humble  servant. 

Among  the  distinguished  gentlemen  from  a  distance, 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  303 

who  had  arrived  last  evening,  are  Mr.  Leigh,  of  Vir- 
ginia; Mr.  Reverdy  Johnson,  of  Baltimore;  Governor 
Penington,  of  New  Jersey;  Governor  Ellsworth,  of 
Connecticut;  Mr.  Phelps,  Senator  in  Congress  from 
Vermont;  Mr.  Huntington,  Senator,  and  Mr.  Williams, 
Representative  in  Congress  from  Connecticut;  Mr. 
Evans,  member  of  Congress  from  Maine;  Mr.  Chinn, 
from  Louisiana;  Mr.  Hoffman,  member  of  Congress, 
and  Philip  Hone,  from  New  York,  Mr.  F.  Johnson, 
from  Kentucky;  Mr.  Tillinghast,  Senator  Robbins,  and 
Mr.  Whipple,  Rhode  Island;  Mr.  William  King,  from 
Maine;  General  Kimberly,  of  New  Haven,  and  many 
others.  Several  members  of  Congress  from  Massa- 
chusetts are,  or  will  be  present,  among  whom  are  Gov- 
ernor Lincoln,  Mr.  Saltonstall,  Caleb  Gushing  and 
others. 

The  delegation  from  abroad  will  be  very  numerous. 
It  is  believed  that  there  will  be  ten  thousand  people 
here  from  Essex  county.  Mr.  Robbins  assures  me  that 
the  delegation  from  Rhode  Island  will  be  fourteen 
hundred.  The  delegations  from  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland  have  already  ar- 
rived, but  I  have  not  yet  had  time  to  see  them. 

The  proceedings  of  the  day  are  to  commence  at  10 
o'clock,  by  the  formation  of  the  procession  on  the 
mall.  The  executive  committee  with  guests  by 
particular  invitation,  meet  at  the  State  House  at  nine 
o'clock.  The  line  of  march  to  Bunker  Hill  is  about 
five  miles,  and  it  will  not  probably  reach  the  place  be- 
fore 2  P.  M.  There  is  not  to  be  any  speaking  there 
save  a  few  remarks  by  Mr.  Webster,  who  is  to  preside, 
introductory  to  a  declaration  from  his  pen,  which  will 
be  printed  for  the  public  by  a  printing  press  which  is 
to  move  in  the  procession. 

There  are  to  be  five  meetings  at  different  places  this 
evening,  viz:  One  at  Faneuil  Hall,  over  which  Mr. 
Webster  is  to  preside;  at  the  Odeon,  where  Franklin 
Dexter  is  to  preside;  at  the  Marlborough  Chapel, 
where  Mr.  Winthrop  will  preside;  at  the  City  Hal!, 
under  the  direction  of  James  T.  Austin;  and  at  the 
Republican  Whig  Hall,  under  Stephen  Fairbanks. 


304  Reminiscences  of  the 

When  all  is  over  I  will  endeavor  to  give  you  as  good 
an  account  as  I  can,  though  from  the  scattering  of  the 
meetings,  the  observations  of  any  one  spectator  must 
necessarily  be  very  inadequate. 

There  was  a  great  crowd  on  board  the  noble 
steamer  Massachusetts,  from  New  York,  on  Tuesday 
evening-  five  hundred  at  least.  All  were  full  of  ardor 
and  enthusiasm,  and  such  was  the  feeling  that  it  could 
only  be  expressed  through  a  meeting  and  such  speak- 
ing as  was  to  be  had  on  the  occasion. 

There  is  another  great  subject  of  attraction  here  in 
Boston  now — the  great  fair  for  which  the  ladies  have 
been  so  long  preparing,  in  order  to  raise  funds  for  the 
completion  of  the  Bunker  Hill  Monument.  The  work 
will  be  done. 

HALF    PAST    THREE    O'CLOCK. 

The  great  pageant  of  the  day  is   over.      Such  a  pa- 

feant  before  I  have  never  seen.  Such  a  pageant  again 
never  expect  to  see.  The  spectacle  of  the  mighty 
gathering  upon  the  mall  was  animating  beyond  any 
other  movement  of  the  people  that  I  ever  beheld.  The 
procession  when  formed,  and  the  appearance  of  the 
city  along  all  the  great  streets  through  which  it  moved, 
the  thousand  gay  and  streaming  banners,  the  triumphal 
arches,  the  decorations  of  public  and  private  buildings, 
the  twice-ten-thousand  ladies  at  their  windows  and 
upon  piazzas,  balustrades  and  galleries,  saluting  the 
immense  procession  with  myriads  of  snow-white 
handkerchiefs,  and  ten  thousand  children  with  their 
gay  little  banners,  all,  all  formed  the  most  brilliant  ex- 
hibition that  can  be  imagined.  And  it  must  only  be 
pictured  in  the  imagination,  for  it  cannot  be  described. 
It  was  a  few  minutes  past  one  o'clock  before  the 
head  of  the  procession  reached  the  consecrated  ground, 
and  a  full  hour  elapsed  before  the  whole  of  this  mag- 
nificent procession  came  up.  Indeed,  it  did  not  all 
come  upon  the  ground,  for  it  could  not.  At  2  o'clock 
Mr.  Webster  took  the  chair,  amid  the  loud  acclama- 
tions of  a  greater  assemblage  of  men  than  any  of  us  had 
ever  gazed  upon.  His  address  on  the  occasion  was 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  305 

short  and  impressive,  the  hallowed  cause  which  had 
brought  the  mighty  throng  together,  and  the  conse- 
crated spot  on  which  he  stood,  gave  solemnity  to  his 
manner  and  inspiration  to  his  thoughts.  He  spoke  of 
the  declaration  to  which  I  referred  as  being  in  prep- 
aration in  my  first  letter  this  morning;  and,  on  con- 
cluding, he  introduced  Mr.  Winthrop,  speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  who  read  it.  It  was  then 
adopted  by  the  unanimous  shout  of  aye,  which  almost 
shook  the  hill  to  its  base;  and  no  wonder,  for  the  shout 
was  the  united  voice  of  seventy-five  thousand  freemen, 
and  it  sounded  like  what  Byron  calls  "The  earthquake 
voice  of  victory." 

After  the  adoption  of  the  declaration,  Mr.  Webster 
rose,  and  successively  introduced  to  the  multitudinous 
assembly  a  number  of  the  distinguished  guests  present 
on  the  occasion,  each  of  whom  delivered  a  brief  and 
pertinent  speech  in  response  to  the  cheers  with  which 
they  were  received.  The  first  of  them  was  Governor 
Pennington,  of  New  Jersey;  the  second,  Governor 
Ellsworth,  of  Connecticut;  next,  Mr.  Senator  Phelps, 
of  Vermont,  was  introduced;  next  General  Kimberly, 
late  Senator  from  Connecticut,  next  was  Benjamin 
Watkins  Leigh,  of  Virginia;  next,  George  Evans,  of 
Main.  While  the  last  was  speaking  I  left  the  ground 
for  the  purpose  of  preparing  this  brief  dispatch,  and 
inclosing  a  copy  of  the  noble  declaration  adopted  as  I 
have  already  stated. 

The  morning  opened  upon  us  beautifully,  and  until 
half-past  three  a  finer  day  for  the  occasion  could  not 
have  been  vouchsafed  by  Providence.  About  half- 
past  one  o'clock  the  clouds  gathered  blackness  and 
strength  in  the  West,  and  one  or  two  heavy  showers 
went  round  us  to  the  North.  At  half-past  three,  how- 
ever, a  gust  of  rain  and  wind  suddenly  broke  over  the 
meeting,  which  caused  a  quick  dispeision,  though  con- 
sidering the  circumstances,  and  the  masses  collected, 
the  breaking  up  was  not  disorderly.  While  I  am  writ- 
ing it  is  clearing  away,  and  the  skies  afford  cheerful 
promise  for  the  evening. 


20 


306  Reminiscences  of  the 

THE    PROCESSION. 

The  following  was  the  order  of  the  procession: 
Cavalcade;  music;  chief  marshals  and  aides;  Whig 
State  central  committee;  soldiers  of  the  Revolution, 
and  other  invited  guests;  officers  who  served  in  the 
last  war;  committee  of  reception  and  arrangement,  for 
Suffolk  and  Charlestown;  delegates  from  States  out  of 
New  England,  in  the  order  of  their  adoption  of  the 
Constitution  and  admission  into  the  Union.  Whigs 
of  New  England,  in  the  following  order:  Maine, 
New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut, 
Massachusetts,  by  counties. 

Among  the  banners  were  the  following: 

Ward  i:  Banner,  The  mechanic's  arm,  with  a  ham- 
mer in  hand — inscription  over  it,  "In  This  Good  Right 
Arm  We  Place  Our  Trust."  Underneath,  "The  First 
Ward — The  Home  of  Paul  Revere."  On  the  reverse, 
"The  Laborer  Is  Worthy  of  his  Hire" — surrounding, 
'  "Ward  i." 

Ward  5:  An  eagle  with  a  scroll  in  its  mouth,  bear- 
ing the  inscription, 

"To  save  the  ship  of  state  from  wreck, 
We'll  place  a  patriot  on  her  deck." 

Underneath  is  a  vessel  representing  the  ship  of 
state  in  distress  and  storm.  Motto,  "  We  Love  Our 
Liberties,  we  Venerate  the  Constitution;  We  Hold  in 
Grateful  Remembrance  its  Founders;  we  will  Honor 
and  Sustain  Its  Defenders."  Reverse,  A  copy  of 
Stuart's  Washington;  motto,  "The  Rulers  of  a  Repub- 
lic Elected  to  Serve  the  People,  Not  Tyrannize  Over 
Them." 

Ward  6:  A  correct  picture  of  the  log  cabin  which 
is  the  Whig  headquarters  of  this  ward,  with  the  motto, 
"Shall  the  People  or  the  Office-holders  Prevail?" 
On  the  reverse,  Ward  6 — "  Harrison  and  Tyler,  the  Men 
of  the  People." 

Ward  10:  Steam  engine.  Over  it,  "The  People's 
Engine."  Underneath.  "1775 — Our  Whole  Country 
is  our  Track — 1840." 

East  Boston:  "The  Log  Cabin  Which  Sheltered  Our 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  307 

Fathers  while  Achieving  Our  Freedom,  is  Our  Emblem 
in  Its  Defense."  Reverse.  "  We  Come  to  Protect  Our 
Interests — Commerce,  Fisheries,  Mechanic  Arts,  La- 
bor." A  representation  of  the  barracks  that  Washing- 
ton gave  Williams,  owner  of  East  Boston. 

Boston  Harrison  Club:  The  banner  of  the  Harrison 
Club  represents  Diogenes  in  search  of  an  honest  man. 
He  is  represented  as  looking  at  a  guide-board  which 
points  in  two  directions,  on  one  is  inscribed  the  "  WThite 
House,"  and  the  other,  "  North  Bend."  The  old  fellow, 
of  course,  is  about  taking  the  North  Bend  road.  On 
one  side  is  inscribed  "Boston  Harrison  Club,"  and 
"Diogenes  in  Search  of  an  Honest  Man."  On  the 
other  side  is  the  motto  from  Pope,  "An  Honest  Man's 
the  Noblest  Work  of  God,"  and  the  painting  repre- 
sents Diogenes  giving  "  Old  Tip"  a  hearty  shake  at  the 
door  of  a  log  cabin,  and  pouring  the  rays  of  his  lamp 
full  upon  his  honest  face.  The  inscription  below  is, 
"Diogenes  Successful  in  his  Search." 

Bristol  county  banner  :  A  beautiful  painting,  rep- 
resenting the  crew  of  a  whale  boat  in  the  act  of 
harpooning  a  whale  —  ship  in  the  distance.  Motto, 
"Harrison  and  Tyler."  Inscription,  "Fortune  Has 
Buckled  Honors  on  our  Backs,  which  We  Would  Fain 
Throw  Off  (referring  to  Governor  Morton's  residence 
in  that  county.)  On  the  reverse — a  painting  repre- 
senting the  different  interests  of  the  country,  with  the 
inscription,  "  From  Our  Work  Shops,  Our  Ships  and 
Our  Farms,  We  Come  to  the  Rescue." 

Beverly  :  Upon  one  side  a  ship  under  full  sail,  but 
apparently  in  great  confusion,  her  top-gallant  sheets 
gone,  and  many  of  the  crew  leaving  her  in  boats — 
Van  Buren  at  the  helm,  and  steering  directly  on  the 
rocks.  In  the  foreground,  Amos  with  his  chin  just 
under  water,  hugging  a  life-buoy  nearly  sunk,  labeled, 
"Extra  Globe,"  arid  crying  "Pm  Sick"  On  there- 
verse,  a  ship  in  fine  order,  Harrison  at  the  helm,  and 
going  off  with  a  flowing  sheet.  Motto — "  Beverly 
Goes  for  Harrison  and  Davis.  " 

Dukes  County  :  "  No  Duties  at  the  Custom  House 
—Full  Duties  at  the  Ballot  Box. " 


308  Reminiscences  of  the 

Taunton  :  "  We  Form  to  Reform." 

Providence  Tippecanoe  Club  :  Arms  of  State,  "  In 
God  We  Hope.  "  On  the  reverse,  painting  of  Perry's 
Victory  on  Lake  Erie.  "  We  have  Met  the  Enemy 
and  They  are  Ours.  " 

Every  county  and  every  town  in  old  Massachusetts, 
was  well  represented  on  this  occasion.  Each  town 
had  its  banner  and  other  emblems,  generally  inge- 
niously devised,  and  containing  some  local  or  political 
allusion  of  an  appropriate  character.  The  Nantucket 
and  New  Bedford  delegations  were  accompanied  oy 
whale  boats;  elegantly  built  for  the  occasion,  and 
neatly  trimmed,  and  manned  by  stout  and  stalwart, 
thorough-going  Whigs.  The  delegates  from  Lynn 
brought  with  them  the  mammoth  shoe,  drawn  by 
white  horses,  and  containing  twenty-five  or  thirty 
good  Whigs — real  working  men.  Several  log  cabins 
were  also  in  the  procession,  and  other  emblems  ex- 
pressive of  simplicity,  industry,  honesty  and  patriotism, 

The  cavalcade  was  very  numerous,  and  among  them 
was  a  large  body  of  truckmen,  who,  with  their  white 
frocks,  and  mounted  on  large  and  powerful  horses,  at- 
tracted great  attention.  Mr.  Eastburn's  printing  press, 
mounted  on  a  car  drawn  by  five  horses,  and  appropri- 
ately embellished  and  in  full  operation,  was  also  an  ob- 
ject of  great  curiosity. 

A  band  of  noble-looking  sailors  also  mingled  in  the 
procession,  preceded  by  Captain  Hunt,  of  the  ship 
Switzerland,  bearing  a  large  American  ensign.  A  ship, 
full  rigged,  and  attended  by  a  band  of  gallant  sailors, 
from  Essex  county,  was  regarded  with  much  interest. 
Arches,  beautifully  decorated,  were  thrown  across  the 
streets  in  this  city  in  several  places.  And  we  must  not 
forget  to  mention  the  great  Whig  ball,  covered  with 
inscriptions,  rolled  along  by  the  Whigs  of  Concord, 
which  formed  quite  a  conspicuous  object. 

In  Charlestown,  across  the  Warren  avenue,  a  beau- 
tiful triumphal  arch  was  erected,  beneath  which  the 
procession  passed. 

The  delegation  from  Middlesex,  consisting  of  some 
thousands,  assembled  at  8  o'clock  in  the  public  square 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  309 

in  Charlestown,  and  marched  in  procession  over  War- 
ren bridge  to  the  common.  They  made  a  splendid  ap- 
pearance. 

The  American  ensign  and  pennants  were  seen  flying 
in  every  direction,  extending  across  the  streets  of  Bos- 
ton and  Charlestown,  waving  from  flag  staffs  erected 
for  the  occasion,  and  in  some  cases  from  the  tops  of 
trees. 


SARGENT  JOEL   DOWNING  TO  GEN. 
JACKSON. 

.  Downingville,  away  down  East,         \ 
in  the  State  of  Maine,  July,  1840.\ 

DEAR  GINERAL:  In  respect  of  your  letter,  dated 
at  the  Hermitage,  23d  of  June,  and  sent  to  the  editor 
of  the  Nashville  Union,  I  think  down  along  here  it's 
all  working  'tother  way  from  what  you  meant  it;  and 
it  seems  to  me  our  cause  and  Mr.  VanJBuren's  is  get- 
ting along  about  as  fast  as  a  crab  would  run,  and 
pretty  much  the  same  way. 

Go  where  you  will  it's  all  log  cabin  and  hard  cider 
and  there's  no  stopping  on't.  I  found  it  so  all  the 
way  from  the  Hermitage  here,  and  it's  been  so  here 
ever  since  I  got  here.  It  aint  now  as  'twas  a  few 
years  ago  when  I  and  my  cousin,  the  Major,  used  to 
be  fighting  for  you.  Then  we  could  carry  everything 
jest  as  we'd  a  mind  to.  All  we  had  to  do  was  to  hur- 
rah for  old  Hickory,  and  folks  would  turn  out  and  give 
us  a  lift,  and  carry  any  election  we  wanted  to  all  over 
the  country.  But  folks  down  this  way  say  they've  got 
tired  of  Mr.  Van  Buren.  They  don't  think  he's  sich  a 
great  President  as  you've  cracked  him  up  to  be. 
Uncle  Joshua  says  he  don't  come  up  to  Mr.  Jefferson 
or  Mr.  Madison,  no  touch  to  it. 

I  had  a  serious  talk  with  Uncle  Joshua  last  night 
about  matters.  You  know  he  always  went  for  you 
through  thick  and  thin,  all  weathers,  and  we  had  a 


3 to  Reminiscences  of  the 

tight  pull  here  in  Maine,  he  was  commonly  the  main 
spoke  in  the  wheel  for  us.  So  when  I  see  him  chair- 
man of  the  log  cabin  meeting  the  day  I  got  here,  and 
see  him  swinging  his  hat  with  the  rest  of  'em,  I  began 
to  feel  a  little  streaked,  and  was  afraid  we  was  a  going 
to  lose  him.  So  I  got  a  chance  to  get  him  alone  last 
night,  and  had  a  long  talk  with  him.  I  went  right  at 
him  in  what  I  thought  would  be  his  sorest  pint,  in  the 
first  place;  and  says  I: 

"  Uncle,  you'll  lose  the  post-office  as  sure  as  your 
name  is  Joshua  Downing,  if  you  go  to  wavering  about 
and  giving  up  Mr.  Van  Buren,  and  taking  sides  with 
old  Tippecanoe." 

At  that  he  snapped  his  fingers  at  me,  and,  says  he, 
"  Joel,  vou  needn't  think  to  come  here  to  teach  me  pol- 
itics. I  knew  politics  before  you  was  born.  I  was  a 
Republican  of  the  old  stamp,  and  was  the  first  one  in 
Dowingville  that  come  out  for  Jefferson  against  old 
John  Adams.  Then  was  the  days,  Joel,  to  larn  poli- 
tics. We  used  to  have  it  hot  and  heavy,  up  hill  and 
down.  I  went  right  into  the  front  of  the  battle  and  fit 
it  out,  till  I  brought  over  three-quarters  of  Downing- 
ville  to  my  side.  So  'twas  pretty  much  all  over  the 
country.  When  we  begun  the  battle,  most  everybody 
was  for  Adams.  He  come  in  under  Washington,  you 
know,  and  everybody  thought  of  course  he  must 
sarve  eight  years  jest  as  Washington  did.  But  when 
he  begun  to  have  his  alien  and  sedition  laws,  and  gag 
laws,  and  I  don't  know  what  all,  why,  by  jings,  the 
Democratic-Republican  blood  of  the  country  was  right 
up.  You  could  hear  the  rumbling  of  the  young  earth- 
quake clear  from  the  District  of  Maine  to  Georgia;  and, 
after  fighting  like  tigers,  we  brought  Jefferson  in." 

u  Well,  now,"  says  I,  "  Uncle  Joshua,  what  does  all 
this  rigmarole  about  Jefferson  and  Adams  amount  to? 
I  want  you  to  stick  to  Mr.  Van  Buren.  so  as  not  to  lose 
your  post-office." 

At  that  he  snapped  his  fingers  in  my  face  again,  and 
says  he: 

"  I  tell  you,  Joel,  I  don't  care  that  for  the  post-office, 
compared  with  the  good  of  the  country.  We  are  fight- 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  311 

ing  over  almost  jest  sich  a  battle  as  we  did  in  the  days 
of  Jefferson  and  Adams.  Here's  Van  Buren,  you 
know,  come  in  under  old  Hickory,  and  in  the  first  on't 
he  had  most  all  the  country  in  his  favor,  and  if  he  had 
done  as  he  ought  to,  he  might  a  stood  his  eight  years. 
But  only  see  what  a  pickle  he's  got  us  into.  He's  turned 
the  whole  country  topsy-turvy,  capsized  everybody's 
business,  and  made  us  all  bankrupt.  And  I  think  its 
high  time  to  have  a  change.  And  I  tell  you  what  'tis, 
Joel,  the  Democratic-Republican  blood  of  the  country 
has  got  roused,  and  if  it  don't  put  things  straight  again, 
I'm  mistaken.  There's  been  little  kind  of  flustrations 
in  politics  a  good  many  times  in  this  country  since 
we've  been  a  government;  but  there  has'nt  been  only 
three  times  when  the  Republican  blood  fairly  biled 
over.  The  first  time  was  when  it  turned  out  old  John 
Adams  and  put  in  Jefferson;  and  the  second  time  was 
when  it  turned  out  John  Quincy  Adams  and  put  in  old 
Hickory;  and  'tother  time  is  now,  when  it  is  biling 
over  to  turn  out  Van  Buren  and  put  in  the  old  hero  of 
Tippecanoe.  And  it'll  do  it,  Joel,  and  no  mistake." 

"Well,  now,  uncle,"  says  I,  "what  fault  do  you  find 
with  Mr.  Van  Buren  ?  It  isn't  he  that's  brought  on 
all  these  difficulties.  Biddle's  bank  has  done  all  the 
mischief." 

At  that  Uncle  Joshua  rolled  up  his  eyes  at  me,  and 
puckered  the  corners  of  his  mouth  as  if  he  was  half 
laughin,  and  says  he, 

"Joel,  a  man  that's  been  about  the  country  as  much 
as  you  have  ought  to  have  more  sense  than  that. 
Squire  Biddle's  bank  has  been  out  of  the  Government 
this  long  time,  but  things  has  kept  growing  worse  and 
worse  all  the  time,  and  it's  quite  too  late  now  to 
shoulder  it  off  onto  Biddle's  bank." 

"  Well,"  says  I,  "uncle,  after  all  your  talk,  you  haven't 
brought  up  a  single  thing  yet  against  Mr.  Van  Buren 
or  his  government,  and  ifntil  you  can  do  that,  I  think 
you  ought  to  be  in  better  business  than  to  be  coming 
out  against  rrm." 

"There's  one  fact  alone,"  says  Uncle  Joshua,  "that's 
enough  to  satisfy  me  that  things  ain't  right  at  head- 


312  Reminiscences  of  the 

quarters,  and  that  is,  the  expenses  of  carrying  on  the 
Government.  About  a  dozen  years  ago,  our  Govern- 
ment expenses  was  only  thirteen  or  fourteen  millions 
of  dollars  a  year,  and  now  they've  got  up  to  between 
thirty  and  forty  millions  a  year.  Now,  Joel,  you  can't 
make  me  believe  that  things  is  all  right  when  money  is 
squandered  away  at  that  rate,  and  the  people  know 
nothing  about  where  it  goes  to." 

Uncle  Joshua  run  on  in  this  way,  and  talked  about 
the  Florida  war  and  the  sub-treasury,  and  sich  like, 
and  said  he  thought  it  was  time  to  try  to  have  honest 
men  in  the  Government,  till  I  begun  to  feel  satisfied  we 
mustn't  expect  any  more  help  from  Uncle  Joshua. 
And,  to  be  honest  about  it,  Gineral,  I'm  really  afraid 
the  jig  is  up  with  us;  for  I  find  Uncle  Joshua  ain't 
alone  in  turning  against  the  Government  and  coming 
out  for  old  Tip.  I  find  sich  ones  all  around  in  every 
quarter.  I  was  out  electioneering  'tother  day,  and 
coming  along  through  Baldwin,  the  4th  of  July,  I  met 
a  great  crowd  of  people  out  a  celebratin'.  The  road 
was  full-  of  'em,  marching  along  with  their  banners 
and  their  mottoes,  and  one  of  'em  was  in  large  printed 
letters,  "  Isaac  Dyer  and  Forty-two  Others."  And  I 
asked  a  chap  what  that  meant,  and  he  said  Isaac  Dyer 
and  forty-two  others  there  used  to  be  Jackson  and 
Van  Buren  men,  but  now  had  come  out  for  old  Tip. 

You    may   depend   upon  it,  Gineral,    Dowingville  is 

§one  as   slick  as  a  whistle,  and   I'm  pesky   afraid  the 
tate  of  Maine  is  gone  tou.     I  think  I  shall  be  off  soon 
in  sdme  of  the  other  States,  and  try  my  luck  at  elec- 
tioneering there.     I  wish  you  would  write  to  me  and 
let  me  know  how  you  get  along  out  West,  and  whether 
the  tide  is  going   against   us  there   too,   but  I  wouldn't 
send   any  more  letters  to  the  printers  to  publish,  for  I 
don't  think  it  helps  us  a  long  a  mite. 
I  remain  your  old  friend, 

SARGENT  JOEL  DOWNING. 

As  showing  how  catching  was  the  feeling  to  go  for 
Old  Tippecanoe,  it  may  be  mentioned  that  three  hun- 
dred original  Jackson  men  signed  their  names  to  a  call 
for  a  public  meeting  of  the  "Democratic"  citizens  of 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  313 

Fairfield  county,  Ohio,  which  appeared  in  the  Lancaster 
Gazette  of  August  19,  now  before  us,  and  at  the  great 
gathering  on  the  loth  of  September  they  marched  under 
a  "  Straight  Out  "  banner,  with  many  others  of  the  same 
sort.  .At  Cleveland,  one  hundred  and  fifty-eight  voters 
in  the  Herald  renounced  Van  Burenism  between  the 
first  and  the  fifteenth  of  the  month,  and  thus  "  the  ball 
went  rolling  on  for  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too,"  and 
the  influence  of  Jackson  and  all  other  men  could  not 
stay  the  torrent  of  condemnation  of  the  Loco  Foco 
party. 


WHIG   MEETING. 


GOVERNOR  CALL,  OF  FLORIDA,  AND  J.  L.  SMITH,  OF 
ILLINOIS,  AT  PHILADELPHIA. 

A  portion  of  the  Whigs  of  the  city  and  county  of 
Philadelphia,  amounting  to  about  two  thousand,  as- 
sembled at  the  Whig  reading  room,  corner  of  Chest- 
nut and  Fifth  streets,  to  hear  that  distinguished  advo- 
cate of  our  cause,  General  Call,  ex-Governor  of  Florida. 

Josiah  Randall,  Esq.,  was  called  to  the  chair. 

It  being  expected  that  Captain   Stockton   would  ad- 
dress  the    meeting,  Mr.    Randall   read  the    following 
letter: 
To  the  Chairman  of  Executive  Committee: 

GENTLEMEN:  I  am  flattered  by  your  invitation  to  ad- 
dress the  meeting  to  be  held  this  evening,  because  there 
is  no  portion  of  our  fellow-citizens  out  of  my  own  be- 
loved State  that  it  would  give  me  more  pleasure  to 
speak  to. 

No  one  can  be  more  desirous  to  lend  his  aid  than  I 
am  to  bring  back  the  Government  to  the  pure  princi- 
ples of  Democracy,  to  regulate  the  banks,  to  restore  a 
sound  mixed  currency  to  the  people  as  well  as  to  the 
Government,  to  protect  our  home  industry,  to  give  to 


314  Reminiscences  of  the 

the  poor  man  the  power  of  supporting  his  family,  and 
to  enforce  that  noble  doctrine  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  that  a 
man's  claim  for  office  should  rest  entirely  upon  the 
answers  to  these  questions:  "Is  he  fit?  Is  he  faith- 
ful?" I  must,  however,  be  excused  when  I  say  that  I 
cannot  attend  your  meeting.  The  unhappy  condition 
of  New  Jersey  is  such  that  I  have  no  spirit  to  speak  to 
any  other  people  but  ber  own.  or  to  do  anything  ex- 
cept within  her  territory.  To  speak  to  freemen,  one 
ought  to  be  free  himself — and  I  will  not  rest  either 
tongue  or  pen,  or  the  sole  of  my  feet,  till  New  Jersey 
is  redeemed  and  disenthralled  and  restored  to  her  for- 
mer freedom.  Your  obedient  servant, 

R.  F.  STOCKTON. 

Mr.  Randall,  in  a  brief  speech,  presented  Governor 
Call  to  the  expectant  crowd.  The  governor  com- 
menced by  referiing  to  General  Harrison's  letter  to 
Vance,  in  which  that  hero  and  statesman  avows  the 
principles  by  which,  if  elected,  he  will  be  governed  ! 
ist.  That  he  will  serve  but  one  term.  2d.  That  he  will 
exercise  no  control  over  the  public  treasury,  except  to 
apply  the  appropriations  as  directed  by  Congress.  3d. 
That  his  rule  of  appointments  to  office  shall  be:  "Is  he 
honest  ?  Is  he  capable!"  4th.  That  in  his  dismissals 
from  office,  the  reasons,  in  all  cases,  shall  be  assigned. 
5th.  That  he  will  not  use  his  office  for  party  purposes, 
and  will  consider  the  interference  of  officers  in  elec- 
tions sufficient  ground  for  removal.  6th.  That  the  ex- 
ercise of  the  veto  power  will  be  confined  to  three 
classes  of  bills;  those  evidently  unconstitutional,  those 
infringing  the  rights  of  citizens,  and  those  doubtful 
bills  whose  vast  importance  will  render  a  reference  to 
the  people  necessaiy.  yth  and  last,  though  not  the 
least,  of  these  cardinal  maxims,  that  he  will  not  inter- 
fere in  the  deliberations  of  Congress.  General  Harri- 
son guarantees  the  faithful  execution  of  these  promises 
by  pointing  to  his  past  life.  If,  said  General  Call,  there 
be  a  man  present  (and  I  doubt  not  there  are  many  Van 
Buren  men  as  well  as  Whigs)  who  can  point  to  any  un- 
constitutional act  by  General  Harrison  during  his  long 
public  life,  let  that  man  step  forward  and  proclaim  it; 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  315 

but  if  he  is  silent  now,  let  him  forever  hold  his  peace. 
Now,  my  countrymen,  fellow-citizens,  measure  Mr. 
Van  Buren  by  the  same  rule.  Is  he  not  directly  op- 
posed to  every  one  of  these  glorious  principles?  Is  he 
not  electioneering  for  a  second  term?  Is  he  not  grasp- 
ing the  public  purse  and  exercising  his  discretion  in 
applying  the  appropriations?  Examine  each  of  these 
principles  and  see  if  Mr.  Van  Buren  is  not  in  direct 
opposition  to  them.  And  yet  General  Harrison  is  de- 
nounced as  a  Federalist,  and  Mr.  Van  Buren  applauded 
as  a  Democrat. 

When  I  charge  the  administration  with  interfering 
in  the  elections,  I  am  ready  with  the  proof.  During 
the  last  summer  the  commanding  general  of  the  United 
States  Army  was  sent  to  Florida,  not  to  make  war  upon 
the  savage  foe,  but  to  negotiate  a  peace.  The  treaty 
was  signed  and  a  proclamation  was  issued  that  the  war 
was  over,  and  that  the  inhabitants  might  return  to  their 
desolate  homes.  The  post-boy  was  yet  bearing  this 
proclamation  through  the  country,  when  the  tomahawk 
and  scalping  knife  of  the  savages  were  employed  in 
butchering  their  unsuspecting  enemies.  Ten  miles  from 
the  Capital  of  the  Territory  the  foe  burnt  the  houses  and 
massacred  the  bodies  of  their  defenseless  victims.  I 
dispatched  a  committee  of  the  most  respectable  citizens 
to  implore  the  President  to  give  us  his  assistance,  or  at 
least  to  allow  me  to  lead  an  army  against  our  enemies. 
[Here  the  governor  was  interrupted  with  the  most 
deafening  applause.]  But  the  President  and  the  Sec- 
retary were  absent  from  Washington.  They  were  in 
New  York  attending  to  [to  them]  more  important  ene- 
mies. The  committee  pursued  them,  and  at  last  caught 
them  [laughter  and  cheers]  at  Saratoga,  amidst  an  ad- 
miring crowd. 

The  President  said  he  had  no  time  to  talk  about  Flor- 
ida— come  to  Whitehall.  To  Whitehall  the  committee 
went — come  to  Plattsburg.  He  was  at  last  cornered, 
and  in  reply  to  the  entreaties  of  the  committee,  referred 
them  to  the  Secretary  of  War.  That  convenient  refer- 
ence said  no!  they  would  carry  on  the  war  in  their  own 
way.  In  what  way,  my  countrymen,  that  war  has  been 


316  Reminiscences  of  the 

carried  on,  let  the  wretched  survivors  of  Indian  Key 
bear  testimony. 

It  is  impossible  to  give  the  language  of  the  eloquent 
orator,  there  being  no  regular  reporter  present,  but  the 
effect  was  irresistible.  The  audience  applauded,  and 
were  silenced  by  an  instant  hush,  so  anxious  were  they 
to  catch  every  word.  In  conclusion,  said  Governor 
Call,  what  is  the  great  argument  that  Mr.  Van  Buren 
addresses  to  the  South?  He  is.  a  Northern  man  with 
Southern  principles.  The  South  needs  no  Northern 
man  to  sustain  her  principles,  and  she  disdains  a  Chief 
Magistrate  who  avows  himself  to  be  governed  by  any 
sectional  principles.  Her  principles  are  Constitutional 
principles.  If  ever  that  dread  day  should  come,  when 
she  will  be  called  upon  to  sustain  her  rights,  she  will 
yield  her  life  with  the  Constitution  in  one  hand  and  her 
arms  in  the  other.  A  Northern  man  with  Southern 
principles!  Southern  principles  are  American  princi- 
ples. Who  attacks  the  North  attacks  the  South. 
Should  our  country  be  called  upon  to  sustain  her  rights 
upon  the  Northwestern  boundary  question,  the  South 
will  battle  for  the  Northern  boundary  beside  the  North. 
Yes,  if  not  as  much  soil  is  taken  from  our  country  as 
will  cover  the  bones  of  our  dead,  she  will  pour  out  her 
dearest  blood  in  its  defense.  If  that  territory  be  but 
barren  rocks,  she  will  leave  her  bones  to  bleach  upon 
them  rather  than  yield  an  inch  to  foreign  aggression. 
The  governor  continued  in  a  most  eloquent  strain  for 
an  hour  and  a  half,  frequently  interrupted  by  the  loud- 
est applause.  After  he  was  seated,  Mr.  Randall  intro- 
duced Mr.  J.  L.  Smith,  of  Illinois,  formerly  of  Phila- 
delphia, who  exhorted  the  Whigs  to  imitate  the  son  of 
Carthagenian  Hamilcar,  who  swore  on  the  altar  of  his 
country  to  oppose  the  enemies  of  his  country  until  he 
or  they  should  be  no  more.  Mr.  Naylor  being  called 
upon,  expressed  his  gratification  at  the  proceedings, 
and  thanked  Governor  Call  for  the  instruction  imparted 
in  his  eloquent  speech. —  United  States  Gazette. 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  317 


NEW  YORK  MERCHANTS'  MEETING. 


IMMENSE  MEETING  OF  THE  NEW  YORK  MERCHANTS, 
IN  FAVOR  OF  WHIG  TICKETS  AND  PRINCIPLES. 

One  of  the  most  important  meetings  of  the  cam- 
paign, that  of  the  business  men  of  the  great  metropolis, 
is  worthy  of  being  remembered  as  well  by  reason  of  the 
prominent  names  connected  with  it  as  of  its  size  and 
effect  upon  the  popular  mind.  We  condense  from  a 
lengthy  report  in  the  New  York  Express: 

The  number  of  persons  present  was  variously  esti- 
mated, some  going  as  high  as  40,000,  who  took  their  ac- 
counts when  Mr.  Webster  first  opened  his  address.  A 
count  was  made  from  the  portico  of  the  Exchange  at  a 
quarter  before  4  o'clock  and  11,000  were  counted.  At 
10  minutes  before  3  o'clock,  and  a  quarter  after,  the 
same  person  states  three  times  as  many  were  present. 

We  have  never  before  seen  Wall  street  quite  as 
much  decorated  with  beauty  as  it  was  on  this  occasion. 
The  stage  from  which  Mr.  Webster  spoke  was  placed 
at  the  corner  of  Wall  and  William  streets.  The  crowd 
of  men  stood  up  and  down  William  and  Wall  streets 
in  a  dense  throng,  as  far  as  Mr.  Webster's  voice  could 
be  heard.  Almost  every  window  was  crowded  with 
ladies  waving  their  handkerchiefs.  The  tops  of  build- 
ing were  full  of  spectators. 

The  shipping  presented  a  beautiful  appearance. 
From  the  forest  of  masts  for  miles  in  extent  flags  of 
every  nation  floated  to  the  breeze.  The  day  was  de- 
lightful. 

This  was  a  merchants'  meeting,  and  what  a  contrast 
in  numbers,  appearance,  and  every  other  thing  of  im- 
portance did  it  present,  when  set  off  either  with  the 
meager  call  of  administration  men,  first  published  in 
the  Journal  of  Commerce,  or  when  assembled  on  the 
Exchange. 

Mr.  Webster  spoke  about  two  hours  and  a  half. 
Our  readers  will  find  a  very  full  and  accurate  report  of 


318  Reminiscences  of  the 

his  remarks.  He  was  listened  to  with  profound  atten- 
tion throughout. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  merchants  and  traders  of  the 
city  of  New  York,  disapproving  the  leading  measures 
of  the  administration,  and  opposed  to  the  re-election 
of  Martin  Van  Buren,  and  in  favor  of  the  election  of 
Harrison  and  Tyler,  held  in  pursuance  of  public  no- 
tice, in  front  of  the  Merchants'  Exchange,  on  Monday, 
the  28th  of  September, 

W.  W.  Todd,  Esq.,  called  the  meeting  to  order,  and 
on  his  motion,  the  following  officers  were  chosen: 

President:  Jonathan  Goodhue. 

Vice-Presidents  :  Benjamin  Strong,  James  Brown, 
Edward  G.  Faile,  David  Lee,  Jonathan  Sturges,  Stephen 
Whitney,  James  G.  King,  John  Haggerty,  John  Rath- 
bone,  Jr.,  G.  P.  Disosway,  Charles  H.  Russell,  John  W. 
Harris,  John  D.  Wolfe,  Abraham  Fardon,  William 
Scott,  Hugh  Archineloss,  James  J.  Van  Alen,  D.  A. 
Cushman,  Thomas  Brooks,  D.  W.  C.  Olyphant,  John 
P.  Stagg,  John  A.  Underwood,  Henry  A.  Bogert,  R. 
H.  Nevins,  Peter  I.  Nevins,  John  Van  Nostrand. 

Secretaries:  William  H.  Aspinwall,  Augustin  Aver- 
ill,  Thomas  Williams,  Jr.,  John  Steward,  Jr.,  E.  P. 
Heyer. 

The  Hon.  Moses  H.  Grinnell  then  presented  the  fol- 
lowing resolutions,  which  he  enforced  in  a  brief  ad- 
dress: 

1.  Resolved,  That  in   the   opinion  of  the  merchants 
and  traders  of  New  York  here  assembled,  the  existing 
derangement  in  the  financial  and  commercial  affairs  of 
the  country  may  be  directly  traced  to  the  measure  of 
the  National  Government  in  its   experiments,  blindly 
commenced  and  recklessly  prosecuted,  with  the  prom- 
ise of  a   better  currency,   to   the  lamentable  failure  of 
those  experiments;  and  to  the  catastrophe  which  com- 
pelled the  repudiation  of  its  legitimate  powers,  as  the 
only  excuse  to  the  people  for  the  abandonment  of  its 
Constitutional  responsibilities. 

2.  Resolved,  That  a    mixed   currency,   partly   paper 
and  partly  metallic,  and' the  use  of  credit  are  essential  to 
the  prosperity  of  all   commercial   nations;  and  that  to 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  319 

these  causes  are  due,  in  no  small  degree,  the  rapid  pro- 
gress which  this  country  has  made,  altogether  unex- 
ampled in  the  history  of  mankind. 

3.  Resolved,  That  the  power  to  regulate  the  currency 
is  granted  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  to  the 
General  Government;  and  that  this  power  having  been 
recognized  and  exercised  by  successive  administrations 
from  that  of  General  Washington  to   that   of  General 
Jackson,  and  confirmed  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United    States,    its    constitutionality    cannot    now    be 
questioned  or  denied. 

4.  Resolved,   That  the  recommendation  in  Congress, 
in  a  special  message,  by  Mr.  Van  Buren,  to  subject  all 
banking  incorporations  to  a   national  bankrupt    law, 
and   thereby  to  regulate  the  currency,  is  an  admission 
of  the  constitutionality  of  the  power  and  of  the  duty  of 
Government  to  exercise  it 

5.  Resolved,  That  the  use  of  the  State  deposit  banks, 
under  a  law  passed  during  General  Jackson's  adminis- 
tration, with  a  professed  view,  among  other  things,  of 
regulating  the  currency  of  the  country,  is  also  a  direct 
admission  of  the  duty  of  Government  in  this  respect. 

6.  Resolved,  That  it  is  a  most  important  duty  imposed 
upon  the    National  Government,    and    a    fundamental 
principle   derived   from  the  Constitution  in  the  use  of 
the  necessary   power,   that  it  shall  so  regulate  the  cur- 
rency that  it  shall  be  safe,  stable  and  uniform;  not  only 
thereby     to     secure    the    collection,     safekeeping   and 
convenient   disbursement  of  the  public  revenues,  but 
from   the   vital  necessity  of  such  currency  to  the  pros- 
perity   of   commerce,     manufactures,    agriculture,    the 
mechanic  arts  and  the  dailv  transactions  of  life. 

7.  Resolved,  That   the  sub-treasury  scheme  tends  to 
concentrate  the   whole   money   power  in  the  hands  of 
the  executive,  and  that  it  may  be  used,  by  a  weak  and 
wicked  executive,  to  break  down  all  sound  banking  in- 
stitutions,   and  the   commerce   and    trade   of  any  and 
every  part  of  the  country  at  its  will. 

13.  Resolved,  That  the  merchants  and  traders  of  New 
York  continue  an  unabated,  hearty  opposition  to  the 
present  administration,  to  its  war  upon  State  credit,  to 


320  Reminiscences  of  the 

its  sub-treasury,  to  its  financial  schemes,  to  its  conduct 
of  the  Florida  war,  to  its  plan  for  an  unconstitutional 
standing  army,  to  its  increase  of  patronage,  to  its  fear- 
ful proscription  for  opinions  sake,  to  its  squandering  of 
the  public  revenue,  to  its  defaulting  agents,  to  its 
attempt  to  array  the  poor  against  the  rich,  to  its  en- 
couragement given  to  the  avowers  of  agrarian  and 
other  disorganizing  doctrines,  to  its  reduction  of  the 
price  of  labor,  to  its  neglect  of  the  currency,  and  finally 
to  its  general  incompetency  at  home  and  abroad;  and 
we,  therefore,  pledge  ourselves  to  use  every  honorable 
exertion  to  secure  the  election  of  William  Henry  Har- 
rison and-John  Tyler,  as  President  and  Vice-President 
of  these  United  States. 

14.  Resolved,    That  we  cordially     respond    to    the 
unanimous   nomination   of  those    tried    servants  of  the 
people,  William  H.   Seward   and  Luther   Bradish,  and 
that  we  will  contribute  by  our  strenuous  efforts  to  their 
re-election,  and  are  confident  of  an  overwhelming  ma- 
jority, and, 

15.  Whereas,  during    the  administration  of  Wash- 
ington,   commerce    was    fostered    and    protected,   the 
rights  of  property    carefully    guarded,    the    currency 
wisely  regulated,  and   the   foundations  broadyl  laid   of 
national  prosperity;  and,  whereas   the  merchants  and 
traders    of  New    York  yield    to    none    in    admiration 
of  his  character,  therefore, 

Resolved,  That  we  look  with  indignation  and  scorn 
on  the  late  and  present  administration  to  disparage  the 
fame  and  dishonor  the  character,  by  questioning  the 
motives  of  the  Father  of  his  country.  "  His  is  that 
name  which  an  American  may  utter  with  pride  in  ev- 
ery part  of  the  world;  and  which,  wherever  uttered,  is 
shouted  to  the  skies  by  every  true  lover  of  liberty;  and, 
until  time  shall  be  no  more,  a  test  of  progress,  which 
the  human  race  has  made  in  wisdom  and  virtue,  will 
be  derived  from  the  veneration  paid  to  the  immortal 
name  of  Washington. " 

Resolved,  That  the  following  persons,  viz  :  Robert 
B.  Minturn,  Pelatiah  Perit,  Henry  R.  Bogart,  George 
S.  Robbins  and  Daniel  S.  Miller  be  appointed  a  com- 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  321 

mittee  on  behalf  of  this  meeting  to  carry  out  the 
foregoing  resolutions,  with  power  to  add  to  their 
number. 

The  resolutions  being  read,  the  Hon.  Daniel  Web- 
ster addressed  the  meeting. 

The  question  being  put  on  the  resolutions,  they  were 
unanimously  adopted,  and  the  proceedings,  signed  by 
the  president  and  secretary,  were  ordered  to  be 
printed,  and  the  meeting  adjourned. 


WEBSTER   IN    NEW   YORK. 


DANIEL  WEBSTER  REPELS  SLANDER  AT  THE  GREAT 
MERCHANTS'  MEETING. 

You'll  be  addressed  to-morrow  by  a  gentleman  of 
high  talent,  a  distinguished  supporter  of  the  adminis- 
tration, one  of  the  most  distinguished,  certainly,  in  that 
portion  of  the  councils  of  the  nation  to  which  I  belong. 
He'll  not  say,  but  others  will  say  for  him — it  will  be 
said — and  all  the  papers,  friendly  to  the  administration, 
ivill  say,  "  Don't  believe  Webster,  that  old  aristocrat; 
you  can't  believe  anything  that  he  says." 

Now,  my  friends,  it  would  be  very  strange  if  I,  who 
have  grown  up  among  the  people,  and,  as  it  were,  of 
the  people,  should  at  any  time  of  life  take  a  fancy  to 
aristocracy!  I  have  plowed,  and  sowed,  and  reaped 
the  acres  that  were  my  father's,  and  that  now  are  mine. 
By  the  aid  of  those  valuable  institutions,  public  schools, 
and  the  guidance  and  assistance  of  the  best  of  parents, 
I  was  enabled  to  get  such  an  education  as  fitted  me  to 
come  to  the  bar;  I  have  been  some  time  in  public  life, 
I  never  held  an  office  in  the  course  of  that  life,  except 
such  an  one  as  came  directly  from  the  bestowment 
of  the  people;  I  have  had  no  money  out  of  the  pub- 
lic Treasury,  except  the  pay  as  a  member  of  Con- 
gress; I  have  no  family  relations — no  one  in  any  way 

21 


322  Reminiscences  of  the 

or  shape — nothing  with  blood  of  mine  flowing  in  their 
veins  that  ever  held  an  office  or  touched  a  cent  of  the 
public  money.  [Cheers.] 

After  all  this  I  shall  still  be  told  that  I  am  an  aristo- 
crat. Very  well.  Prove  it.  If  I  am  one  I  am  quite 
false  to  my  origin  and  connections  as  well  as  to  my 
nature.  But  I  ask  for  the  proof.  Look  at  my  votes  in 
Congress.  What  right  of  the  people  have  I  voted 
away  ?  By  what  vote  of  mine  in  the  people's  councils 
of  the  country  am  I  to  be  proved  an  aristocrat  ? 

I  do  not  come  here,  however,  to  speak  of  men, 
(much  less  of  myself),  but  of  principles,  and  therefore 
what  such  men  as  I  am  are  is  comparatively  unimpor- 
tant. It  has  indeed  happened  to  me  to  be  in  Congress 
for  many  vears.  If  in  the  course  of  that  time  I  have 
done  anything  that  is  worthy  of  approbation  it  was 
done  in  the  exigency  of  peculiar  events,  when  I 
thought  the  Constitution  was  in  danger,  and  when  I 
thought  it  was  my  duty  to  uphold  it. 

My  prejudices  for  one  set  of  men  and  another  set 
of  men  never  made  me  cease  to  defend  that  glori- 
ous Constitution  which  our  fathers  obtained  by  a 
miracle  and  which  has  flourished  by  a  miracle  ever 
since. 

And  yet  I  shall  go  for  a  very  bad  aristocrat.  And 
echo  will  tell  in  a  thousand  ways,  from  Brooklyn  t? 
Montauk  Point,  that  Mr.  Webster  is  a  sad  old  aristo- 
crat and  knows  nothing  of  Democracy,  and  particu- 
larly of  the  Democracy  of  this  country. 

On  the  other  hand,  our  opponents  know  Suffolk 
well;  they  study  it;  they  know  that  it  was  distinguished 
in  the  Revolution  for  its  stern  Democracy,  tried  and 
proved.  They  remember  that  it  produced  the  L'Hom- 
medieus  and  the  Floyds,  and  the  Smiths  and  Joneses, 
and  they'll  all  come  down  here  to-morrow  as  the  Phar- 
isees came  of  old  with  their  phylacteries,  and  the 
garbs  of  Democracy,  and  the  word  •'  Democracy," 
"  Democracy,"  "  Democracy,"  which  occurs  as  often 
among  them  as  "  ditto,"  "  ditto,"  "  ditto,"  in  a  trades- 
man's bill.  [Laughter  and  cheers.] 

Now  all  I  have  to  say  to  you,  my  friends,  is,  look  at 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  323 

facts!  Words  are  cheap — promises  are  easy  and  cost 
nothing.  But  there  is  an  old  adage  among  the  farmers 
that  "  fine  words  butter  no  parsnips."  [Laughter.] 

I  claim  no  more  patriotism  than  others,  but  I  claim 
just  as  much.  Have  I  no  stake  in  this  fair  inheritance 
of  our  common  country?  Don't  I  wish  to  go  down  to 
my  grave  with  my  full  share  of  its  honors  and  its 
glories?  Have  I  no  interest  or  desire  to  protect  what 
I  have,  that  it  may  descend  unblemished  to  my  children 
and  to  my  children's  children?  [Here  Mr.  Webster's 
voice  changed  very  perceptibly,  and  he  was  much  af- 
fected and  labored  with  strong  feelings.]  The  man 
that  says  that  I  am  an  aristocrat,  is  a  liar/  [Tremen- 
dous cheering.] 

I  may  be  mistaken.  I  may  err.  I  submit  to  the  judg- 
ment of  those  who  can  see  more  clearly  than  myself 
when  I  am  at  fault.  But  the  man  that  will  not  meet 
me  fairly  with  argument,  and  uses  idle  and  abusive 
declamation  instead,  and  then  will  not  come  wichin 
the  reach  of  my.  arm,  is  not  only  a  liar  but  a  coward  ! 
In  common  with  many  others,  I  think  it  necessary  to 
change  the  administration.  I  don't  mean  to  call  names. 
It  is  not  my  habit  to  attack  persons.  I  leave  that  to 
those  who  feel  ill-natured.  I  discuss  principles;  and 
at  this  moment  [alluding  to  the  news  from  Maine] 
I  feel  particularly  good  natured. 

I  have  no  galled  withers.  I  have  nothing  to  fear; 
but,  on  the  contrary,  am  hopeful  of  everything. 
[Cheers.]  I  don't  want  to  triumph  in  what  is  called 
the  prospects  of  our  party  in  the  coming  election. 
That  election  is  settled  already. 

I  desire  to  put  it  upon  this  issue — that  if  the  measures 
of  the  present  administration  have  been  Democratic, 
support  them;  if  not,  do  not  do  so.  But  do  not  take 
names  for  things,  and  professions  for  principles.  Bv 
Democratic  measures,  I  mean  such  as  the  good  old 
Democrats  of  past  times  would  have  supported.  Such 
measures  as  Chancellor  Livingston  would  have  sup- 
ported; such  as  Mr.  Jefferson  would  have  supported; 
such  as  Virginia,  the  old  pure  school  of  Democracy, 
would  have  supported.  Such  measures  I  advise  you 


324  Reminiscences  of  the 

to  support.     But  examine   and  inquire  well  for  your- 
selves, and  decide  as  you  find. 

The  Democratic  head  of  this  Democratic  Govern- 
ment passed  the  sub-treasury  bill.  Was  this  by  a  law 
of  Congress  or  a  law  of  the  executive  ?  In  1837  when 
Mr.  Van  Buren  proposed  this  measure,  there  was  no 
one  in  Congress  in  favor  of  it.  It  was  not  liked,  and 
got  very  little  support.  Well,  he  held  out  four  suc- 
cessive sessions  of  Congress;  his  measure  belongs  to 
the  important  question  of  how  best  to  keep  all  the 
public  money;  and  yet  with  this  important  subject, 
and  executive  influence,  and  the  fatiguing  drill  of  four 
sessions,  it  only  at  last  got  into  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. And  what  was  done  then  ?  It  lay  there 
for  three  months;  at  last  it  passed;  and  out  of  250 
members  (I  believe  that's  the  number)  who  voted  for 
it,  they  didn't  alter  a  word  or  syllable — they  didn't,  as 
we  say  in  common  parlance,  dot  an  i  or  cross  a  t. 

Well,  it  was  passed.  And  I'll  venture  to  say  that 
even  the  Parliament  of  Paris,  in  the  ten  years  that  pre- 
ceded the  Revolution,  never  passed  an  edict  so  com- 
pletely submissive  to  royal  authority  as  did  the  House 
of  Representatives  by  passing  the  sub-treasury  bill 
conform  to  executive  authority. 

How  very  Democratic  this  conduct  was!  The  peo- 
ple choose  members  of  Congress  to  make  laws;  as 
they  pass  just  as  the  President  wishes  them  to  pass. 
And  I,  who  complain  of  this  course  of  procedure,  am 
an  aristocrat,  and  not  to  be  believed! 

Now,  if  the  regular  increase  of  executive  influence 
be  Democratic,  then  by  all  means  go  for  a  renewal  of 
Mr.  Van  Buren's  term.  He'll  give  you  enough  of  that, 
[Laughter.]  Why,  as  things  are  now,  the  office-hold- 
ers can't  live  or  breathe  but  as  they  conform  to  the 
desires  of  their  superiors.  And  yet  the  Constitution 
under  which  we  live  says  that  he  has  no  superior.  Is 
not  this,  then,  a  gross  attempt  to  fetter  the  free  minds 
of  a  free  people  ?  They  give  a  man  an  office  and  say 
he  is  no  longer  a  free  agent.  What  shameful  perver-  • 
sion  of  Democracy. 

And  now  let  us  see  how   it  is    with   respect   to    the 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  325 

augmentation  of  the  number  of  office-holders.  Is  it  the 
present  administration  that  extends  the  number  ?  Take 
the  custom-house  of  the  city  of  New  York  as  a  crite- 
rion. I  won't  go  to  Illinois  or  to  Michigan  to  the  land 
offices  there,  because  you  can't  easily  see  and  examine 
for  yourselves.  But  take  your  own  great  city,  and 
take  the  published  official  documents  and  you'll  see 
that  the  custom-house  officers  are  double  in  number  to 
what  they  used  to  be.  Where  there  were  100,  now 
there  are  200;  for  200  there  are  1,000.  And  what  is  all 
this  increase  for?  It  can't  be  because  they  are  wanted 
to  attend  to  the  legitimate  business  of  the  custom-house; 
because  there  were  not  half  the  number  when  the  du- 
ties were  much  greater.  Very  well,  then,  they  must 
be  wanted  for  an  illegitimate  purpose.  [Laughter.] 

Now,  as  to  the  expenses  of  the  Government,  we  all 
know  that  in  Adams'  time  $13,000,000  a  year  was  the 
most  that  was  spent.  The  expenses  then  never  aver- 
aged that  sum.  Now,  at  the  close  of  1837,  they  were 
run  up  to  $39,000,000!  I  don't  say  that  this  is  conclu- 
sive that  the  Government  has  been  wasteful  and  extrav- 
agant. There  has  been  occasion  this  year  for  extraor- 
dinary expenditures.  We  have  a  Florida  war  which 
Adams  had  not.  And  in  my  opinion,  if  he  had  been 
in  office,  we  never  should  have  had  it. 

Here,  then,  are  the  facts.  They  complain  that 
Adams'  administration  vvas  wasteful  and  profligate,  be- 
cause it  spent  nearly  $13,000,000.  Now,  then,  call  on 
them  to  say  why  they  spend  nearly  $39,000,000.  It's  a 
case  that  calls  for  an  account — a  strict  and  correct  one 
— and  they  ought  to  render  it. 

To  recur  a  moment  to  the  custom-house  of  New 
York.  The  expenses  now  are  three-fold  more  than 
they  were  in  Jonathan  Thompson's  time.  Inquire  how 
this  is,  and  obtain  a  full  and  satisfactory  answer,  and 
then  ponder  over  it.  It  does  not  appear  like  that  truly 
stern  economy  which  should  characterize  a  Democratic 
Government. 

A  recent  governor  of  this  commonwealth,  in  his 
place  in  the  Senate,  expressed  the  true  feelings  of  his 
heart  and  jthose  of  his  party  when,  flushed  with  the  tri- 


326  Reminiscences  of  Ike 

umphs  of  victor}',  he  was  justifying  the  removal  of 
every  one  from  office  that  was  opposed  to  his  party 
and  measures.  He  then  made  use  of  that  remarkably 
characteristic  explosion,  '•  Do  not  the  spoils  of  victory 
belong  to  the  conqueror?" 

This  is  applied  to  the  party  that  seizes  on  all  the  of- 
fices and  turns  out  all  that  differ  from  them  when  they 
obtain  the  victory.  Is  that  Democratic?  Are  the  of- 
fices merely  made  to  be  sported  with  in  this  way?  Are 
offices  made  for  mere  adventurers?  Is  that  the  spirit 
of  the  Constitution  of  this  free  country? 

In  a  word,  is  that  Democratic?  Stick  to  the  old  text. 
Is  not  the  Government  instituted  for  the  good  of  the 
people  ?  Should  not  a  government  be  checked  so  as  to 
possess  no  more  power  than  good  people  require  ? 
Should  a  government  have  any  moie  money  at  com- 
mand than  is  absolutely  necessary  for  its  simplest 
wants?  All  this  used  to  be  Democratic. 

But  take  a  view  of  what  the  present  Government 
calls  Democracy.  Why  you  may  look  for  a  descrip- 
tion of  it  in  all  the  books  from  the  primer  to  the  En- 
glish reader,  run  the  range  of  the  whole  vocabulary, 
and  you'll  not  find  a  word  about  it  in  all  the  good  old 
Democratic  schools. 

Then  keep  to  this.  Are  the  measures  of  the  present 
administration  Democratic?  Why,  the  leading  meas- 
ure and  the  only  measure  is  the  sub-treasury.  From 
alpha  to  omega  it's  all  "  sub-treasury,"  "  sub-treasury," 
"  sub-treasury."  And  its  echoes  have  not  ceased  and 
will  not  cease  till  the  administration  go  out  of  office. 
It  puts  one  in  mind  of  Orpheus  going  to  seek  Eury- 
dice,  u  Eurydice  the  woods,  Eurydice  the  floods,  Eury- 
dice,  the  rocks  and  hollow  mountains  rang."  With  our 
Government  it  is,  "  Sub-treasury  the  woods,  sub-treas- 
ury the  floods,  sub-treasury  the  rocks  and  hollow  moun- 
tains ring."  [Immense  cheering  and  tumultuous  laugh- 
tar.] 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  327 


MEETINGS  IN  SEPTEMBER. 


FROM  THE  GRANITE  MOUNTAINS  TO  THE  GULF  ALL 
TIP'S  BOYS  IN   MOTION. 

The  battle  of  Lake  Erie  was  celebrated  in  grand  style 
on  the  loth  of  September,  at  Erie,  Pennsylvania,  by 
the  Keystone  Tippecanoes.  September  6  there  was 
another  grand  rally  at  Monument  Square,  Baltimore, 
Maryland. 

The  friends  of  Harrison  and  Tyler  had  a  huge  con- 
vention at  Harrisburg,  Pa.,  on  the  i3th  of  September. 
Over  seventy -five  thousand  freemen  assembled  at  Syra- 
cuse, N.  Y.,  on  the  i6th,  who  were  addressed  by  Gen- 
eral Wilson,  of  New  Hampshire,  and  Tallmadge  and 
Hoffman,  of  New  York,  greatly  to  the  delight  of  the 
people. 

A  State  convention  and  festival  of  the  friends  of 
Harrison  and  reform  was  held  at  Hagerstown,  Md.,  on 
the  i6th,  which  was  a  regular  love  feast. 

The  three  days'  meeting  at  Dayton,  Ohio,  commenc- 
ing on  the  loth  of  September,  the  anniversary  of 
Perry's  victory,  will  long  be  remembered  as  one  of  the 
grandest  conventions  ever  assembled  in  Ohio.  The 
one  hundred  thousand  people  were  addressed  by  Gen- 
eral Harrison,  Henry  Clay,  Tom  Corwin.  "  The  Wagon 
Boy,"  Harry  Southgate,  and  many  other  distinguished 
orators. 

On  the  iSth  of  September,  at  Lancaster,  Pa.,  was 
the  greatest  gathering  of  people  that  had  ever  been 
known  in  that  hospitable  city.  Such  processions, 
with  banners  and  streamers,  and  canoes,  and  log  cab- 
ins and  other  devices,  surpassed  anything  in  this  part 
of  the  country.  Charles  Stephens,  Penrose  and  Reed, 
and  many  other  eminent  speakers  addressed  the  vast 
concourse. 

At  the  great  Harrison  and  reform  convention  at 
Wheeling,  W.  Va.,  on  the  3d  of  September,  the  extreme 
right  of  the  procession  was  occupied  by  over  three 


328  Reminiscences  of  the 

hundred  who  had  denounced  Van  Burenand  marched 
under  the  banner — uStraightouts  !  " 

At  Staunton  Va.,  on  the  ^oth,  there  was  a  grand  con- 
vention, which  was  eloquently  addressed  by  B.  W. 
Leigh,  James  Lyon,  Bailee  Peyton,  John  H.  Pleasants, 
H.  Rhodes,  W.  Robertson,  J.  M.  Wickham,  H.  L. 
Brook.  S.  S.  Baxter,  L.  W.  Chamberlayne,  W.  R. 
Gratton. 

At  Salsbury,  Somerset  county,  Md. ,  there  was  a 
rousing  Whig  meeting  on  September  23. 

The  Whig  State  convention  at  Baton  Rouge,  Lou- 
isiana, on  the  28th,  was  addressed  by  Hon.  Sergeant  S. 
Prentiss  and  others.  The  Tippecanoe  club  of  Missis- 
sippi was  there  in  great  numbers.  The  enthusiasm 
was  great. 


WEBSTER  IN  VIRGINIA. 


THE  VIRGINIA  CONVENTION  AT  RICHMOND,  OCTOBER 
5,  1840 — MR.  WEBSTER'S  SPEECH  BEFORE  THE 
CONVENTION  AND  THE  LADIES  IN  THE  LOG  CABIN. 

The  convention  held  at  Richmond  on  Monday  last, 
—  the  never-to-be-forgotten  fifth  of  October — will 
take  a  place  in  the  foremost  rank  of  those  great  gath- 
erings of  the  people  which  have  distinguished  the 
present  year 

The  day — the  memorable  anniversary  of  the  battle 
of  the  Thames — was  ushered  in  by  a  national  salute 
from  artillery  in  the  Capitol  square;  and  as  early  as 
sunrise  the  stir  and  bustle  of  preparation  began.  The 
different  delegations  with  their  flags,  banners,  and  in- 
signia, marched  to  their  respective  places  of  rendez- 
vous, and,  accompanied  by  fine  bands  playing  martial 
or  patriotic  airs,  gave  great  animation  to  the  streets. 
The  procession  formed  in  Maine  street  and  it  extended 
about  a  mile  and  a  half.  This  wide  and  continuous 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  329 

street  was  admirably  fitted  to  show  the  procession  to 
advantage,  and  the  houses  consequently  were  filled 
with  those  who  were  eager  to  enjoy  the  splendid 
spectacle.  Throughout  the  whole  line  of  march  the 
procession  was  hailed  with  demonstrations  of  the 
most  fervent  enthusiasm  on  all  sides.  All  seemed  to 
enter  into  the  spirit  of  the  hour,  and  if  there  were 
those  who  did  not  sympathize  heartily  with  the  scene 
they  kept  their  sentiments  to  their  own  bosoms,  or 
were  carried  beyond  themselves  and  participated  for 
the  time  in  the  general  feeling.  Every  window,  every 
doorway,  every  point  that  commanded  a  view  of  the 
procession,  was  occupied  by  ladies,  who  showed  by 
their  plaudits  and  waving  of  handkerchiefs,  and  mini- 
ature banners,  that  their  whole  souls  too  were  in  the 
holy  cause  of  the  people  against  the  opposers  of  the 
people,  and  if  they  had  suffrages  they  would  be  given 
on  the  side  of  "  Harrison  and  reform,"  and  in  opposi- 
tion to  this  corrupt,  imbecile  and  blundering  adminis- 
tration. A  triumphal  arch  of  shrubs  and  flowers  had 
been  thrown  quite  across  the  street,  having  at  each  end 
a  pendent  flag  bearing  sonle  appropriate  inscriptions; 
and  as  the  delegates  passed  under,  the  most  rapturous 
and  inspiring  cheers  arose  from  bevies  of  beauties  on 
either  side.  • 

The  spot  selected  for  the  meeting  of  the  convention 
was  the  noble  and  extensive  area,  on  old  Shockoe  Hill, 
in  front  of  the  Capitol;  and  no  city  in  the  world  can 
present  a  place  better  suited  for  such  purposes.  The 
facade  of  the  Capitol  was  tastefully  adorned  with 
flowers  and  evergreens;  elegant  wreaths  hung  from 
every  pillar,  and  in  the  midst  names  of  those  glorious 
fields  in  which  Harrison  had  won  so  much  renown 
while  his  achievements  shed  so  much  luster  on  his  coun- 
try's arms,  shone  out  conspicuously  "Tippecanoe," 
"The  Thames,"  etc.  Over  all  the  national  ensign 
floated  to  the  breeze.  The  most  excellent  arrangements 
had  been  made  for  the  accommodation  of  the  speakers, 
the  invited  guests,  the  ladies  and  the  public  generally. 
About  12  o'clock  the  procession  entered  the  square, 
and  the  different  delegations  were  conducted  to  the 


330  Reminiscences  of  the 

places  assigned  to  them  with  an  order  and  harmony 
which  reflected  the  highest  credit  on  the  marshals,  as  it 
called  out  the  approbation  of  all  who  witnessed  the  ad- 
mirable results  of  their  skill  and  efficiency.  The  ban- 
ners of  the  different  counties  and  States  were  success- 
ively hoisted  up  to  the  colonnade  of  the  Capitol,  and 
placed  in  full  view  of  the  assemblage,  who  hailed  the 
sight  of  them  with  loud  cheering.  When  that  of  Maine 
was  recognized,  the  applause  was  peculiarly  long  and 
loud,  but  it  was  nothing  to  the  earnest  enthusiasm  with 
which  the  old  time-worn  banner  that  had  been  borne- 
by  Captain  Spencer's  company  at  the  battle  of  the 
Maumee,  pierced  with  many  a  bullet,  and  slashed  by 
the  tomahawk,  was  presented  to  the  gaze  of  the  meet- 
ing. Several  other  old  banners  and  ensigns,  associated 
with  the  Revolutionary  events,  and  with  the  triumphs 
of  our  countrymen  in  the  War  of  Independence,  were 
hoisted,  and  among  them  a  banner  of  1776,  belonging 
to  the  old  Alexandria  Rifle  Corps. 

The  spectacle  presented  to  us  on  the  pavilion  that 
had  been  fitted  up  for  the  officers  and  speakers,  was 
one  of  the  most  magnificent* that  cnn  be  imagined.  In 
the  area  below  there  were  at  least  ten  thousand — some 
say  fifteen  thousand  persons — assembled.  The  dense 
mass  of  good  Whigs  of  our  own  sex  in  fhe  center  was 
flanked  by  galleries  of  beauty,  and  of  true,  sincere,  and 
devoted  Whigism,  too,  of  the  fairer  portion  of  our 
species.  Then  there  was  the  town  between  us  and  the 
shining  river;  and  a  lovely,  rich,  undulating  country 
beyond,  extending  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach — bask- 
ing under  bright  skies  and  a  clear  and  inspiring  atmos- 
phere— and  over  the  whole  thrown  a  halo  of  poetic, 
historical  and  patriotic  associations,  with  the  glory  and 
freshness  of  the  scenes,  which  were  then  to  be  enacted 
before  us.  It  is  but  feeble  and  halting  praise  that  we 
can,  by  any  words  of  ours,  bestow  on  our  fair  allies  of 
Richmond,  but  we  are  sure  that  the  impression  produced 
by  the  lovely  forms,  the  bright  eyes,  and  charming 
faces  that  gave  such  luster  to  the  Capitol  and  its  pre- 
cincts, will  not  soon  pass  away  from  the  men  of  sense 
and  feeling,  who  composed  the  convention. 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  331 

The  convention  was  organized  by  the  appointment 
of  Ex-Governor  James  Barbour,  of  Orange,  as  presi- 
dent, the  Whig  electors  who  happend  to  be  present, 
as  vice-presidents,  and  Beverly  Tucker,  Esq.,  and 
James  M.  Garnett,  Esq.,  as  secretaries.  Governor  Bar- 
bour on  taking  the  chair,  addressed  the  convention  in 
the  easy,  flowing,  and  felicitous  manner  for  which  he 
is  distinguished. 

I  i  compliance  with  the  invitation  of  the  committee 
of  arrangements,  a  meeting  of  the  clergy  of  Rich- 
mond had  been  held  in  the  Capitol,  in  the  morning. 
These  reverend  gentlemen  had  appointed  two  of  their 
number  to  perform  their  sacred  offices,  when  required, 
during  the  sitting  of  the  convention.  Accordingly, 
after  the  president's  address,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Palmer 
came  forward  and  offered  a  brief  but  earnest  and  ap- 
propriate prayer  to  the  Divine  Benignity. 

Benjamin  vVatkins  Leigh,  E>q.,  then  appeared,  and, 
after  a  few  eloquent  remarks,  read  an  address  to  the 
people  of  Virginia,  which  was  unanimously  adopted. 

The  cry  now  arose  on  all  sides,  "  Webster,  Webster!  " 
It  had  been  the  wish  of  Mr.  Webster  and  his  friends 
that  he  should  not  be  called  on  to  speak  until  Tuesday. 
He  had  undergone  great  exertion  for  weeks  previous, 
and  was  suffering  from  the  effects  of  a  severe  cold. 
But  the  impatience  of  the  people  to  see  and  hear  him 
could  not  be  controlled.  The  call  was  loud  and  universal. 
He  answered  it  with  promptness,  and  with  the  spirit 
and  energy  which  he  seems  to  have  ever  at  command 
to  meet  any  emergency,  however  unexpected. 

He  appeared  and  was  introduced  by  the  president 
amidst  the  loudest  and  most  enthusiastic  acclamations, 
the  buzzes  being  mingled  with  cries  of  "Welcome' 
welcome!"  "Three  cheers  again  for  him!"  "God 
bless  you!  "  etc. 

When  the  applause  subsided,  Mr.  Webster  began  a 
speech,  which,  considering  the  time  and  circumstances, 
will  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  best-judged  and  most 
admirably  conceived  and  most  exquisitely  finished  pro- 
ductions of  his  great  mind.  It  was  characterized 
throughout  by  a  dignity  of  tone,  a  power  of  thought,  and 


332  Reminiscences  of  the 

beauty  and  force  of  diction,  which  won  the  reluctant  ad- 
miration even  of  his  political  opponents,  and  more  than 
justified  all  that  his  most  encomiastic  friends  had  led 
the  public  to  expect.  It  was,  from  beginning  to  end, 
the  very  opposite  of  rhetorical  sophistry — solid,  sub- 
stantial and  energetic;  and  even  in  those  passages 
where  the  high  argumentation  was  enlivened  and  en- 
forced by  passionate  and  overwhelming  eloquence,  a 
manifest  and  profound  feeling  of  truth,  sincerity  and 
honesty,  forked  the  fulminations  of  his  oratory.  If  we 
are  to  judge  from  the  impressions  made  upon  his  au- 
dience, never  was  there  a  more  successful  speech.  The 
philosophic  statesmen  of  Virginia,  and  the  plainest  and 
most  untutored  denizens  of  that  State,  equally  admitted 
that  they  never  were  more  instructed,  delighted,  or  an- 
imated to  patriotic,  steady,  and  perserving  exertion, 
by  any  speech  irom  any  public  man. 

We  have  not  room  for  a  full  report.  We  cannot, 
however,  pass  over  some  of  the  most  striking  passages. 
His  allusion  to  those  amiable  persons  who  are  so  very 
considerate  of  their  reputation  and  his  reputation  as  to 
think  it  a  great  breach  of  propriety  in  him  to  have  gone 
to  Richmond,  or  to  be  invited  there,  was  received  with 
loud  laughter  and  cheering  and  cries  of  ''Welcome! 
welcome!"  "If,"  said  he,  "there  be  any  question  or 
questions  on  which  you  and  I  differ  in  opinion,  those 
questions  are  not  to  be  the  topics  of  discussion  to-day. 
No!  We  are  not  quite  soft  enough  for  such  an  oper- 
ation as  that.  [Laughter.]  We  are  battling  together 
in  the  face  of  a  common  enemy;  we  are  armed  to  the 
teeth,  putting  forth  as  manv  hands  as  Briareus,  and 
with  each  hand  dealing  him  all  the  blows  we  can;  and 
does  he  imagine  that  at  such  a  moment  we  shall  be 
carrying  on  our  family  controversies?  That  we  are  go- 
ing to  give  ourselves  those  blows  which  are  due  to  him? 
No;  he  is  the  enemy  of  our  country;  we  mean  to  pur- 
sue him  till  we  bring  him  to  capitulation  or  to  flight;* 
and  when  we  have  done  that,  if  there  are  any  differ- 
ences of  opinion  among  us,  we  will  try  to  settle  them 
ourselves,  without  his  advice  or  assistance  [laughter], 
and  we  will  settle  them  in  a  spirit  of  conciliation  and 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  333 

mutual  kindness.  If  we  do  differ  in  any  of  our  views 
we  must  settle  that  difference  not  in  a  spirit  of  exasper- 
ation, but  with  moderations,  with  forbearance,  in  a 
spirit  of  amity  and  brotherhood." 

The  most  striking  passage  in  his  speech,  unquestion- 
ably, was  that  :n  which  he  referred  to  the  subject 
which  so  deeply  interests  the  whole  South.  "  There 
is,"  said  Mr.  Webster,  "  one  perpetual  outcry  in  all 
the  administration  papers  from  Baltimore  south,  ad- 
monishing the  people  of  the  South,  that  their  own 
State  governments  and  the  property  they  hold  under 
them,  are  not  secure  if  they  admit  a  Northern  man  to 
any  considerable  share  in  the  administration  of  the 
Government.  You  all  know  that  that  is  the  general 
cry.  Now  I  have  spoken  my  sentiments  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Virginia,  though  not  actually  within  the 
State,  in  June  last,  and  again  in  the  heart  of  Massa- 
chusetts in  July,  so  that  it  is  not  now  that  I  proclaim 
them  for  the  first  time;  but  ten  years  ago,  when  obliged 
to  speak  on  the  same  subject,  I  uttered  the  same  senti- 
ment in  regard  to  slavery  and  to  the  absence  of  .all 
power  in  Congress  to  interfere,  in  anv  manner  what- 
ever, with  that  subject.  I  delivered  my  sentiments 
fully  in  Alexandria  in  the  month  of  June,  and  in  July 
at  Worcester,  in  Massachusetts.  I  shall  ask  some 
friend  connected  with  the  press  to  circulate  in  Virginia 
what  I  said  on  this  subject  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  on  the  3Oth  of  January  last.  I  have  nothing  to 
add  or  subtract  from  what  I  then  said.  I  commend  it 
to  your  attention,  or  rather  I  desire  you  to  read 
it.  I  hold  that  Congress  is  absolutely  precluded 
from  interfering  in  any  manner,  direct  or  indirect, 
with  this,  as  with  anv  other  of  the  institutions  of  the 
South." 

Now  the  cheering  was  so  loud  and  long  continued 
that  Mr.  Webster  was  interrupted  for  several  minutes. 
One  sonorous  voice  was  heard  above  the  other  expres- 
sions of  approbation,  exclaiming,  "  We  are  here  from 
Maryland  to  Louisiana;  repeat  that  sentiment  and  we 
will  tell  it  to  our  neighbors  at  home  !  Repeat!  Re- 
peat!" 


334  Reminiscences  of  the 

"  Well,"  exclaimed  Mr.  Webster,  in  trumpet  notes 
that  seemed  to  be  echoed  back  from  the  whole  country 
around,  "  I  do  repeat — proclaim  it  on  the  wings  of 
the  winds — tell  it  to  all  your  friends.  [Cries  of  "  We 
will  !  we  will  !  "]  Tell  it,  I  say,  that,  standing  here  in 
the  Capitol  of  Virginia,  beneath  an  October  sun,  in  the 
midst  of  this  assemblage,  before  the  entire  country  and 
upon  all  the  responsibility  which  belongs  to  me,  I  say 
that  there  is  no  power  directly  or  indirectly  in  Congress 
or  the  General  Government  to  interfere  in  the  slightest 
degree  with  the  institutions  of  the  South." 

The  cheering  was  renewed,  and  several  voices  cried 
and  repeated,  "  That  gives  two  thousands  votes  more  for 
Harrison." 

"And  now,"  added  Mr.  Webster,  "I  ask  you  to  do 
me  only  one  favor.  Carry  that  paper  home.  Read  it; 
read  it  to  your  neighbors,  and  when  you  hear  the 
question,  "  Shall  Daniel  Webster,  the  Abolitionist,  pro- 
fane the  soil  of  Virginia."  Here  the  orator  was  inter- 
rupted by  the  most  cordial  shouts  of  applause  that  we 
ever  heard.  Every  hat  and  every  handkerchief  was 
waved  in  the  air- -the  chorus  of  cheering  being  led  by 
the  most  distinguished  men  of  Virginia,  who  seemed 
to  vie  with  each  other  in  reprobating  the  foul  and  in- 
famous slander.  "Welcome!  welcome!  Heaven  bless 
you,  Webster!  Huzza!  We  scorn  their  abuse  of  you!  " 
etc.,  etc.,  etc.,  burst  from  the  thousands  before  him.  A 
more  exciting  scene  was  never  presented;  and  his  chok- 
ing voice,  and  burning  tear  drop  that  gathered  in  his 
eye,  and  trickled  slowly  down  his  pale  cheek,  showed 
how  deeply  the  orator  himself  was  moved. 

We  add  two  important  passages  as  reported  by  the 
Richmond  Whig,  to  give  our  readers  some  notion  of 
this  masterly  speech. 

After  Mr.  Webster  finished,  the  convention  took  a 
temporary  adjournment  for  dinner.  A  bountiful  lunch 
had  been  prepared  in  the  Capitol  for  those  who  did  not 
choose  to  retire,  and  all  were  made  freely  welcome. 
Every  house  of  every  Whig  was,  besides,  thrown 
widely  open,  and  all  the  luxuries  of  the  season  were 
presented  to  the  visitors  in  the  greatest  profusion. 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  335 

At  4  o'clock  the  people — emphatically,  we  say — the 
people  assembled  again  after  rational  and  moderate 
enjoyment.  A  platform  had  been  erected  on  the  north 
side  of  the  Capitol;  and  there  Mr.  Archer  and  Mr. 
John  Campbell,  late  Treasurer  of  the  United  States, 
addressed  the  people  in  speeches  which  engaged  their 
attention  to  the  last.  Some  of  the  crowd,  too,  who  had 
not  heard  Mr.  Webster  in  the  morning,  felt  their  disap- 
pointment so  keenly  that  they  could  not  rest  till  they 
had  him  out  again,  and  hearing  he  was  within  hail 
they  called  for  him.  He  obeyed  the  call,  and  ad- 
dressed them  briefly  with  wonderful  power  and  elo- 
quence. 

In  other  parts  of  the  square  Mr.  John  Hill,  a  high- 
spirited  and  talented  representative  of  the  old  common- 
wealth, and  other  gentlemen,  addressed  the  people  in 
the  course  of  the  afternoon. 

When  the  shades  of  the  evening  fell,  the  Capitol 
facade  was  illuminated,  and  the  speaking  was  con- 
tinued. Mr.  Botts  made  a  most  instructive  and  pow- 
erful speech,  which  was  listened  to  with  the  closest  at- 
tention. He  was  followed  by  several  gentlemen ;  among 
them  Mr.  Skinner,  late  postmaster  at  Baltimore;  Mr. 
Snowden,  of  Alexandria;  and  Mr.  Duncan,  of  Louis- 
iana. 

In  the  meantime  meetings  were  held  at  other  places. 
The  log  cabin  was  filled  to  overflowing,  and  Mr.  Leigh 
made  a  speech  of  singular  ability  and  eloquence.  In 
different  parts  of  the  city  little  squads  were  assembled 
and  if  we  could  collect  all  the  flowers  of  fancy  and  all 
the  confiscations  of  wit,  and  sallies  of  humor,  which 
were  produced  even  in  our  presence,  our  paper  would 
indeed  be  to-day  a  most  brilliant  and  valuable  one. 

On  Tuesday,  at  10  o'clock,  the  convention  reassem- 
bled in  the  area  on  the  south  side  of  the  Capitol,  and 
Mr.  Wm.  C.  Rives  addressed  the  people  in  a  speech  of 
more  than  three  hours'  length,  with  all  the  eloquence 
and  spirit  which  make  him  so  interesting  and  power 
ful  as  a  public  speaker.  After  he  had  finished,  there 
was  a  short  recess;  and  again  the  people  met,  and  were 
addressed  by  Governor  Barbour.  He  was  followed  by 


336  Reminiscences  of  the 

a  number  of  other  gentlemen,  and  the  speaking  was 
continued  until  after  midnight. 

While  these  proceedings  were  going  on  in  the  Cap- 
itol square,  some  of  the  delegations  that  had  been 
detained  on  their  way  to  the  convention  arrived;  and 
having' been  deprived  of  the  opportunity  of  hearing 
Mr.  Webster,  they  waited  on  him  at  the  house  of  a 
distinguished  gentleman,  whose  hospitality  he  was 
enjoying.  He  promptly  appeared,  and  responded  to 
their  hearty  greetings,  in  one  of  the  most  fervent, 
impassioned,  and  effective  speeches  that  ever  fell  from 
human  lips.  He  concluded  with  a  promise  that  he 
would  meet  them  in  the  log  cabin  in  the  evening.  He 
did  so;  and  there  again  he  made  a  speech,  which  is 
represented  by  many  who  heard  it,  in  whose  judgment 
we  confide,  to  have  been  fully  equal  to  his  speech  at 
the  Capitol,  for  the  intellectual  power  it  displayed, 
and  peculiarly  distinguished  for  that  faculty  of  high, 
earnest  and  pathetic  eloquence  which  he  can  so  read- 
ily command. 

MR.    WEBSTER'S    SPEECH    TO    THE    LADIES    IN    THE 
LOG  CABIN. 

LADIES:  I  am  very  sure  I  owe  the  pleasure  I  now 
enjoy  to  your  kind  disposition,  which  has  given  me 
the  opportunity  to  present  my  thanks  and  my  respects 
to  you  thus  collectively,  since  the  shortness  of  my  stay 
in  the  city  does  not  allow  me  the  happiness  of  calling 
upon  you  severally  and  individually.  And,  in  the  first 
place,  I  wish  to  express  to  you  my  deep  and  hearty 
thanks,  as  I  have  endeavored  to  do  to  your  fathers,  your 
husbands,  and  your  brothers,  for  the  unbounded  hospi- 
tality I  have  received  ever  since  I  came  among  you. 
It  is  registered,  I  assure  you,  on  a  grateful  heart  in 
chapters  of  an  enduring  nature.  The  rough  contests 
of  the  political  world  are  not  suited  to  the  dignity  and 
to  the  delicacy  of  your  sex;  but  you  possess  the  intel- 
ligence to  know  how  much  of  that  happiness  which 
you  are  entitled  to  hope  for,  both  for  yourselves  and 
for  your  children,  depends  on  the  right  administration 
of  good  government,  and  a  proper  tone  of  public 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  337 

morals.  That  is  a  subject  on  which  the  moral  percep- 
tions of  woman  are  both  quicker  and  juster  than  those 
of  the  other  sex.  I  do  not  now  speak  of  the  adminis- 
tration of  government  whose  object  is  merely  the 
protection  of  industry,  the  preservation  of  civil  liberty 
and  the  securing  of  enterprise  its  due  reward.  I  speak 
of  government  in  a  somewhat  higher  point  of  view. 
We  live  in  an  age  distinguished  for  great  benevolent 
exertion,  in  which  the  affluent  are  consecrating  the 
means  they  possess  by  endowing  colleges  and  acad- 
emies, by  uniting  to  build  churches  and  support  the 
cause  of  religion,  and  by  establishing  athenasums,  Iv- 
ceums,  and  all  other  modes  of  popular  instruction. 
This  is  all  well;  it  is  admirable;  it  augurs  well  for  the 
prospect  of  ensuing  generations.  But  I  have  some- 
times thought  that  there  is  a  point  of  view  in  which  gov- 
ernment is  to  be  considered;  I  mean  in  its  power  and 
its  duty  to  augment  the  morals  of  the  community  and 
to  inspire  it  with  just  sentiments  of  religion,  which  is 
too  often  overlooked. 

A  popular  government  is  more  powerful  than  any 
other  influence  (and  I  have  sometimes  feared  than  all 
other  influences  put  together)  in  its  action  on  the  mor- 
als of  the  community  for  good  or  for  evil.  Its  example, 
its  tone,  whether  of  respect  or  of  disrespect  to  moral  ob- 
ligation, is  most  important  to  human  happiness,  because 
it  is  among  those  things  which  most  affect  the  political 
morals  of  mankind,  and  hence  their  general  morals 
also.  I  advert  to  this,  because  there  has  been  put  forth 
in  modern  times  the  false  maxim  that  there  is  one  mor- 
ality for  politics  and  another  morality  for  other  things; 
that  in  their  political  conduct  to  their  opponents  men 
may  say  and  do  that  which  they  would  never  think  of 
saying  or  doing  in  the  personal  relations  of  a  private 
life.  There  has  been  openly  announced  a  maxim 
which  I  consider  as  the  very  concrete  of  false  morality, 
which  declares  that  "  all  is  fair  in  politics."  If  a  man 
speaks  falsely  or  calumniously  of  his  neighbor  and  is 
reproached  for  the  offense,  the  ready  excuse  is  this:  It 
was  in  relation  to  public  and  political  matters;  I  cher- 
ished no  personal  ill-will  whatever  against  that  indi- 

22 


338  Reminiscences  of  the 

vidual,  but  quite  the  contrary;  I  spoke  of  my  adver- 
sary merely  as  a  political  man.  In  my  opinion  the  day 
is  coming  when  falsehood  will  stand  for  falsehood  and 
calumny  will  be  treated  as  a  breach  of  the  commandment, 
whether  it  be  committed  politically  or  in  the  concerns 
of  private  life.  It  is  by  the  promulgation  of  sound 
morals  in  the  community,  and  more  especially  by  the 
training  and  instructions  of  the  young  that  woman  per- 
forms her  part  towards  the  preservation  of  a  free  gov- 
ernment. It  is  now  generally  admitted  that  public 
liberty,  the  perpetuity  of  a  free  constitution,  rests  on 
the  virtue  and  intelligence  of  the  community  which  en- 
joys it.  How  is  that  virtue  to  be  inspired,  and  how  is 
that  intelligence  to  be  communicated  ?  Bonaparte  once 
asked  Madam  De  Stael  in  what  manner  he  could  most 
promote  the  happiness  of  France.  Her  reply  was  full 
of  political  wisdom.  She  said,  '•  Instruct  the  mothers 
of  the  French  people."  Because  the  mothers  are 
the  affectionate  and  effective  teachers  of  the  human 
race. 

The  mother  begins  this  process  of'training  with  the 
infant  in  her  arms.  It  is  she  who  directs,  so  to  speak, 
its  first  mental  and  spiritual  pulsations.  She  conducts 
it  along  the  impressible  years  of  childhood  and  of  youth ; 
and  hopes  to  deliver  it  to  the  rough  contests  and  tumul- 
tuous scenes  of  life,  armed  by  those  good  principles 
which  her  ^hild  has  first  received  from  maternal  care 
and  love. 

If  we  draw  within  the  circle  of  our  contemplation 
the  mothers  of  a  civilized  nation,  what  do  we  see  ? 
We  behold  so  many  artificers  working,  not  on  frail  and 
perishable  matter,  but  on  the  immortal  mind,  molding 
and  fashioning  beings  who  are  to  exist  forever.  We 
applaud  the  artist  whose  skill  and  genius  present  the 
mimic  man  upon  the  canvas;  we  admire  and  celebrate 
the  sculptor  who  works  out  that  same  image  in  endur- 
ing marble;  but  how  insignificant  are  these  achieve- 
ments, though  the  highest  and  fairest  in  all  the  depart- 
ments of  art,  in  comparison  with  the  great  vocation 
of  human  mothers.  They  work  not  upon  the  canvas 
that  shall  fail,  or  the  marble  that  shall  crumble  into 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  339 

dust;  but  upon  mind,  upon  spirit  which  is  to  last 
forever,  and  which  is  to  bear,  for  good  or  for  evil, 
throughout  its  duration,  the  impress  of  a  mother's  plas- 
tic hand. 

I  have  already  expressed  the  opinion,  which  all 
allow  to  be  correct,  that  our  security  for  the  duration 
of  the  free  institutions  which  bless  our  country  depends 
upon  the  habits  of  virtue  and  the  prevalence  of  knowl- 
edge and  of  education.  The  feelings  are  to  be  disci- 
plined, the  passions  are  to  be  restrained,  true  and 
worthy  motives  are  to  be  inspired,  a  profound  relig- 
ious feeling  is  to  be  instilled,  and  pure  morality  incul- 
cated under  all  circumstances.  All  this  is  comprised 
in  education.  Mothers  who  are  faithful  to  this  great 
duty  will  tell  their  children  that  neither  in  political  nor 
in  any  other  concerns  of  life  can  man  ever  withdraw 
himself  from  the  perpetual  obligations  of  conscience 
and  of  duty;  that  in  every  act,  whether  public  or  private, 
he  incurs  a  just  responsibility,  and  that  in  no  condition 
is  he  warranted  in  trifling  with  important  rights  and 
obligations.  They  will  impress  upon  their  children 
the  truth,  that  the  exercise  of  the  elective  franchise  is 
a  social  duty  of  as  solemn  a  nature  as  man  can  be 
called  to  perform;  that  a  man  may  not  innocently  trifle 
with  his  vote,  that  every  true  elector  is  a  trustee  as 
well  for  others  as  himself,  and  that  every  man  and 
every  measure  he  supports  has  an  important  bearing 
on  the  interests  of  others  as  well  as  his  own.  It  is  in 
the  inculcation  of  high  and  pure  morals  such  as  these 
that  in  a  free  republic  woman  performs  her  sacred 
duty  and  fulfills  her  destiny  The  French,  as  you  know, 
are  remarkable  for  their  fondness  of  sententious 
phrases,  in  which  much  meaning  is  condensed  into  a 
small  space.  I  noticed  lately  on  the  title  page  of  one 
of  the  books  of  popular  instruction  in  France,  this 
motto:  "Pour  instruction  on  the  heads  of  the  people; 
you  owe  them  that  baptism."  And  certainly,  if  there 
be  anv  duty  which  oiay  be  described  by  a  reference  to 
that  great  institute  of  religion,  a  duty  approaching  it 
in  importance,  perhaps  next  to  it  in  obligation,  it  is 
this. 


340  Reminiscences  of  the 

I  know  you  hardly  expect  me  to  address  you  on  the 
popular  political  topics  of  the  day.  You  read  enough 
— you  hear  quite  enough  on  those  subjects.  You  ex- 
pect me  only  to  meet  you  and  to  tender  my  profound 
thanks  for  this  marked  proof  of  your  regard,  and  will 
kindly  receive  the  assurances  with  which  I  tender 
to  you,  on  parting,  my  affectionate  respects  and  best 
wishes. 


MEETING   AT   AUBURN,    N.   Y. 


HON.  WILLIAM  C.  RIVES,  OF  VIRGINIA,  AND  HON. 
HUGH  S.  LEGARE,  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA,  ELO- 
OJJENTLY  ADDRESS  THE  PEOPLE  OF  NEW  YORK, 
AT  AUBURN,  ON  THE  5TH  OF  OCTOBER. 

The  following  is  the  notice  of  the  organization  of  the 
convention: 

At  1 1  o'clock  on  Thursday  morning,  the  convention 
met  at  the  Baptist  chapel.  General  Tallmadge  was 
appointed  president  pro  tern.;  Mr.  Romeyn,  'of  Ulster 
county,  made  a  good  and  appropriate  speech,  pointing 
out  the  propriety  and  beauty  of  the  attendance  of  ladies 
at  these  meetings.  Gen.  Pierre  Van  Cortlandt  (one 
of  Jefferson's  electors)  was  chosen  president  of  the 
convention,  and  the  meeting  adjourned  to  a  good  din- 
ner at  the  American  hotel,  which  was  washed  down 
with  champagne,  and  the  convention  met  again  on  the 
green  in  front  of  the  Theological  Seminary,  at  half 
past  one. 

This  seminary  is  situated  at  one  extremity  of  the  vil- 
lage on  a  beautiful  knoll  of  rising  ground,  with  a  very 
large  green  before  it.  At  the  extremity  of  the  green, 
and  facing  the  college,  a  large  platform  was  erected 
for  the  Revolutionary  soldiers  (many  of  whom  were 
there),  the  officers  of  the  meeting,  the  speakers  and  the 
reporters.  About  forty  long  benches  were  constructed 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  341 

out  of  rough  planks  for  the  ladies,  all  of  which  were 
filled  with  some  of  the  most  lovely  women  in  the  coun- 
try. All  the  trees  around  the  green  were  filled,  and  in 
every  window  of  the  college  there  were  dozens  of 
young  ladies,  all  anxious  to  see  and  to  hear  Mr.  Rives 
and  Mr.  Legare.  There  must  have  been,  at  half  past 
one  o'clock,  not  less  than  5,000  persons  present. 

GEN.  VAN  CORTLANDT. 

We  have  assembled  to  discuss  those  principles  of 
government — principles  which  have  been  subverted  to 
the  purposes  of  the  present  administration.  We  have 
assembled  as  our  Revolutionary  fathers  did,  to  discuss 
the  merits  of  the  stamp  act  and  tea  tax;  and  have  as- 
sembled to  present  these  principles  of  our  faith  which 
should  be  held  sacred — and  I  have  risen  here  to  present 
to  you  our  distinguished  fellow-citizens  from  another 
State. 

We  have  seen  the  effect  of  some  of  the  measures  of 
the  administration  at  Washington,  and  it  is  high  time, 
my  fellow-citizens,  that  the  Augean  stable  there  was 
cleansed.  Augean,  King  of  Elis,  you  know,  kept  a 
large  number  of  oxen  for  nine  years  in  his  stable  with- 
out having  it  cleaned  out;  and  it  was  one  of  the  labors 
of  Hercules  to  cleanse  it.  The  Augean  stable  at  Wash- 
ington has  had  a  number  of  animals  in  it  for  nearly 
twelve  years,  without  being  cleaned  out.  [Laughter.] 
Hercules  performed  his  immense  task  by  turning  the 
river  Alpheus  through  it,  and  thus  cleansed  it  through. 
Now,  we'll  turn  the  great  current  of  public  opinion 
(that  is  rushing  all  over  the  land)  through  the  Augean 
stable  at  Washington;  and  we'll  not  only  clear  out  the 
litter  and  filth,  but  we'll  clear  out  the  cattle  along  with 
it.  [Immense  cheering  and  laughter.] 

But  I  have  not  risen  to  speak,  but  to  introduce  to 
you  a  man  who  stood  up  for  the  defense  of  his  coun- 
try, in  the  very  worst  of  times,  in  the  times  that  tried 
men's  souls.  [Loud  cheering.]  I  have  risen  to  intro- 
duce to  you  that  noblest  work  of  God,  an  honest  man. 
[Cheers.]  One  who  stood  up  in  his  place  on  the  floor 
of  the  Senate  and  declared  in  the  presence  of  the  min- 


342  Reminiscences  of  the 

ions  of  executive  power,  that  he  had  a  country  to  serve 
as  well  as  a  party  to  obey  !  [Immense  cheering.]  I 
have  the  honor  to  introduce  to  you  the  Hon.  William 
C.  Rives,  of  Virginia, 

Here  a  voice  in  the  crowd  called  out,  "Nine  cheers 
for  old  Virginia, "  and  nine  cheers  were  given. 

The  Hon.  W.  C.  Rives  then  came  forward  and  was 
received  with  tumultuous  shouts  of  welcome. 

He  spoke  for  two  hours,  and  his  remarks  stirred  the 
hearts  of  the  people  to  their  inmost  depths.  Then 
came  Legare  and  others,  thrilling  the  hearts  of  the 
people  by  their  eloquence. 


HARRISON    AT    LANCASTER,   OHIO. 

General  Harrison  spoke  at  Lancaster,  Ohio,  on  the 
2ist  of  October,  to  an  immense  concourse,  large  num- 
bers of  whom  were  foreign  born,  and  his  attention  being 
called  to  a  report  extensively  circulated  by  his  enemies 
that  he  was  unfriendly  to  immigrants  from  the  Old 
World,  and  unwilling  that  they  should  enjoy  the  privi- 
leges of  citizens,  he  replied  to  the  charge  in  the  follow- 
ing eloquent  words: 

"  I  am  accused,  fellow-citizens,  of  entertaining  un- 
friendly feelings  towards  foreigners  who  emigrate  to 
this  country  with  a  view  of  becoming  citizens,  and  of 
a  design  to  throw  obstructions  in  the  way  of  their 
naturalization.  Nothing  can  be  more  false  than  this 
charge.  Indeed,  it  has  become  the  custom  of  my  polit- 
ical opponents  to  ascribe  to  me  opinions  and  feelings 
the  very  reverse  of  those  that  I  entertain,  and,  without 
a  shadow  of  proof,  on  their  naked,  unsupported  asser- 
tion put  me  upon  my  defense.  What,  my  fellow-citi- 
zens, can  be  more  cruel  and  unjust  than  this?  I  have 
been  more  than  forty  years  before  my  country,  most 
of  the  time  engaged  in  active  public  service;  and  my 
votes,  and  my  speeches  which  are  upon  record  and  be- 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  343 

fore  the  public,  are  a  true  index  to  my  opinions  on  this 
as  well  as  other  important  subjects.  And  if  those  who 
thus  accuse  me  will  point  to  a  single  vote,  or  any  ex- 
pression of  mine,  which  can  in  the  least  support  their 
assertion,  then  I  will  agree  that  I  am  bound  to  come 
forward  and  explain  or  admit  its  truth.  But  they  can- 
not do  this.  No  such  vote  was  ever  given  by  me,  and 
no  such  opinion  ever  expressed.  On  the  contrary,!  have 
ever  felt  the  warmest  sympathy  for  the  victims  of  ty- 
ranny and  oppression  in  the  Old  World  who  have  fled 
here  for  refuge,  and  I  have,  on  all  occasions,  given  my 
support,  whether  in  the  national  councils  or  as  a  private 
citizen,  to  all  the  laws  which  have  been  passed  to 
render  their  condition  better  or  their  naturalization 
more  easy.  Nay,  more:  I  have,  on  several  special  oc- 
casions, lent  my  aid  to  bands  of  oppressed  foreigners 
exiled  from  their  homes,  when  the  general  laws  of  our 
country  were  not  effectual  for  their  relief. 

"When  Ireland  was  crushed  in  the  attempt  to  throw 
off  the  British  yoke,  and  when  her  enthusiastic  sons, 
the  united  Irishmen,  were  defeated  and  driven  into  ex- 
ile, and  as  exiles  sought  our  shore — they  came  poor  and 
without  a  home — I  was  one  who  sympathized  in  their 
sufferings,  and  advocated  a  law  for  their  relief — a  law 
.setting  apart  to  them  a  tract  of  land  sufficient  for  their 
wants,  to  be  given  them  on  long  credit  and  on  most 
moderate  terms.  I  advocated,  too,  a  like  grant  of  land 
to  the  French  exiles,  on  which  they  proposed  to  culti- 
vate the  vine  and  olive.  In  short,  whether  in  or  out 
of  public  station,  I  have  always  done  whatsoever  was 
in  my  power  to  relieve  the  burdens  and  add  to  the 
comforts  of  the  foreign  emigrant — and  where  I  could 
not  serve  them  more  efficiently,  I  have  given  them  my 
counsel  and  my  sympathy,  and  they  have  rewarded 
me  with  the  strongest  marks  of  their  gratitude  and  af- 
fection. 

u  In  the  last  struggle  of  Poland  for  liberty,  and  in  the 
last  battle  fought  under  the  walls  of  Warsaw,  in  which 
the  fate  of  that  gallant  nation  was  sealed,  there  was  an 
eminence  immediately  under  the  walls,  obstinately  con- 
tested, and  three  times  lost  and  won  by  the  contend- 


314  Reminiscences  of  the 

ing  armies.  The  spot  was  overgrown  with  small  alder 
shrubs,  and  every  bush  was  steeped  in  the  blood  of 
the  patriot  Poles.  When  the  contest  was  over,  and 
Poland  had  sunk  into  a  Russian  province,  her  people, 
who  mingle  a  stiong  degree  of  religious  devotion  with 
patriotic  enthusiasm,  flocked  to  the  spot  to  cut  and  pre- 
serve as  holy  relics  those  shrubs  stained  with  the 
blood  of  their  countrymen,  who  fell  as  martyrs  in  the 
cause  of  liberty  and  their  country. 

"The  Russian  Government,  fearing  the  effect  of  this 
feeling,  ordered  the  hill  to  be  cleared  and  the  bushes 
burned,  so  that  no  more  of  these  relics  could  be  pro- 
cured; hence  those  already  gathered  became,  in  the 
estimation  of  the  Poles,  a  treasure  above  all  price. 
Only  one  of  them,  perhaps,  has  found  its  way  to  Amer- 
ica, and  that  was  presented  to  me  but  three  days  ago 
by  a  delegate  of  the  exiled  Poles,  as  a  token  of  their 
gratitude  for  some  services  which  I  was  able  to  render 
them,  and  for  the  kind  feelings  which  they  knew  I  en- 
tertained for  them  and  their  country.  It  is,  as  you  see, 
a  cross  made  of  small  stems  of  the  alder,  and  beauti- 
fully wrought  with  silver.  These  unfortunate  men  es- 
teemed it  the  most  precious  gift  they  could  bestow  on 
one  whom  they  knew  to  be  their  friend,  and  I  prize  it 
as  they  prized  it." 


IN  BOSTON. 


GREAT  GATHERING  OF  THE  PEOPLE  AT  THE  NORTH 
END. 

The  meeting  of  the  Whigs  of  the  three  northern 
wards  in  the  Bennett  street  school-house,  on  October 
25,  was  throughout  a  most  successful  affair.  Although 
no  attempts  were  made  to  get  any  numbers  together, 
the  room  was  thronged  at  an  early  hour,  and  many,  in 
the  early  part  of  the  evening  went  away  unable  to 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  345 

obtain  an  entrance.  We  never  witnessed  any  public 
assemblage  that  was  better  conducted  or  where  there 
was  a  more  universal  satisfaction  on  the  part  of  the 
audience.  There  was  no  attempt  to  arouse  the  passions 
on  the  part  of  the  speakers.  Everything  was  addressed 
to  the  reason  alone.  There  was  no  idle  and  ridiculous 
declamation  and  naked  assertion  on  their  part  about 
British  gold,  nor  any  sneers  against  the  laboring  classes 
who  live  in  "log  cabins"  and  drink  "hard  cider," 
which  mark  all  the  harangues  of  the  hirelings  of  the 
custom-house.  All  was  as  it  should  be,  plain,  sober, 
common  sense,  such  as  the  intelligent  and  patriotic 
mechanics  and  laborers  of  the  North  End  can  under- 
stand and  appreciate;  and  we  were  glad  to  see  that 
not  a  few  of  those  who  last  year  were  opponents  of 
the  Whigs,  because  they  had  been  led  by  the  misrepre- 
sentations of  the  paid  partisans  of  the  administration 
to  believe  the  Whigs  were  inimical  to  the  interests  of 
the  people,  and  anti-Democratic  in  their  principles, 
were  present  on  this  occasion,  and  manifested  by  the  in- 
terest they  took  in  the  proceedings,  as  well  as  by  their 
repeated  expressions  of  applause,  that  they  had  at 
length  found  out  who  were  the  real  friends  of  the 
people. 

The  meeting  was  called  to  order  by  Simon  W.  Rob- 
inson, Esq.  Hon.  Nathaniel  Gurney,  of  Ward  one,  was 
appointed  president;  Benson  Leavitt,  Esq.,  of  Ward 
two,  and  David  Tillson,  Esq.,  of  Ward  three,  vice- 
presidents;  and  Richard  G.  Wait,  Esq.,  and  Henry  L. 
Gurney,  Esq.,  secretaries.  After  the  organization  of 
the  meeting.  Dr.  T.  M.  Brewer  offered  a  preamble  and 
series  of  resolutions,  which  will  be  found  below.  They 
were  received  with  great  applause,  and  at  the  close  of 
the  meeting  were  adopted  by  acclamation. 

The  chairman  then  introduced  to  the  meeting  Hon. 
Samuel  G.  Goodrich,  of  Roxburv,  who  was  warmly 
and  enthusiastically  received,  and  who  addressed  the 
audience  about  an  hour  in  his  best  and  happiest  style. 
He  exposed  in  a  strong  light  the  abuses  of  the  admin- 
istration, and  displayed  in  the  clearest  colors  how  in- 
imical it  had  shown  itself  by  all  its  measures  to  the  in- 


346  Reminiscences  of  the 

terests  of  the  laboring  portion  of  the  community.  The 
operation  of  the  sub-treasury — its  effects  in  reducing 
wages  and  in  lessening  the  value  of  property,  while  the 
debts  of  the  poor  man  were  not  diminished,  and  while 
at  the  same  time  the  wages  of  Van  Buren,  Bancroft, 
and  the  whole  tribe  of  office-holders,  were  increased  in 
proportion  to  the  fall  in  the  price  of  labor  and  produce — 
was  shown  in  a  masterly,  forcible  and  most  convincing 
manner.  Mr.  Goodrich  closed  his  remarks  amidst  the 
most  urgent  calls  to  go  on,  and  the  most  evident  and 
real  reluctance  on  the  part  of  the  audience  to  have  him 
stop.  His  remarks  were  interspersed  with  a  great 
variety  of  anecdotes  and  interesting  illustrations  of  his 
topics,  which  rendered  him  even  more  than  usually  en- 
tertaining. 

The  general  doctrine  that  he  sought  to  establish  and 
enforce  was  that  of  American  labor.  American  in- 
dustry being  the  great  source  of  our  wealth  and  hap- 
piness, demands  encouragement  at  the  hands  of  the 
administration.  Take  care  of  the  laborer,  take  care  of 
the  poor,  and  the  rich  will  take  care  of  themselves. 
This,  said  Mr.  Goodrich,  is  sound  policy  and  everybody 
can  see  it.  When  the  pockets  of  the  mass  of  the  peo- 
ple are  well  lined,  the  dependent  classes  as  the  lawyers, 
doctors,  ministers  and  merchants,  will  do  well  enough. 
Take  care  of  the  people,  then.  This  is  a  first  duty  of 
government;  yet  it  has  been  neglected  by  the  present 
administration.  Their  measures  tend  to  clean  out  the 
poor  man's  pocket  and  put  the  contents  into  the  rich 
man's  purse.  The  sub-treasury  is  a  measure  of  con- 
spiracy against  the  working-classes.  It  reduces  wages; 
it  destroys  the  currency;  it  annihilates  credit;  it  takes 
out  of  the  poor  man's  hands  the.  only  means  of  placing 
himself  on  a  level  with  the  rich  man;  it  makes  the  peo- 
ple without  cash  necessarily  the  servants  of  the  rich; 
it  sacrifices  the  poor  debtor  to  the  rich  creditor.  It 
tends  to  run  all  the  business  of  the  country  into  the 
control  of  mere  capitalists;  it  is  a  measure  imported 
from  Europe  and  tends  to  reduce  us  to  the  standard  of 
Europe;  it  would  make  our  workmen  slaves,  and  our 
women  drudges  in  the  field  and  in  the  street;  it  would 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  347 

change  the  whole  inducement  to  labor,  substituting  the 
fear  of  poverty  for  the  hope  and  expectation  of  success 
in  life. 

We  have  not  space  to  notice  Mr.  Goodrich's  remarks 
in  detail;  we  can  only  offer  a  sketch  of  a  story  which 
he  introduced,  and  which  was  nearly  as  follows: 

THE  MORTGAGE  AND  THE    SUB-TREASURY. 

Let  us  suppose  a  case.  Of  a  Saturday  evening  a 
mechanic  of  one  of  our  Norfolk  towns  sits  down  with 
his  wife  for  a  comfortable  chat  The  children  are  all 
in  bed,  the  week's  work  is  done,  its  cares  are  laid  aside. 
The  husband  has  just  returned  from  the  Springfield 
convention;  his  heart  is  full  of  Democracy.  He  can 
think  of  nothing  else,  he  can  speak  of  nothing  else;  in 
the  fullness  of  his  heart  he  calls  his  youngest  child  De- 
mocracy, and  as  he  kisses  his  wife  on  his  return,  he 
calls  her  Democracy  also.  Everything  he  loves  is  De- 
mocracy, everything  he  hates  is  Hartford  convention 
Blue  Lights  Federalism. 

The  conversation  of  the  mechanic  and  his  wife  on 
the  occasion  supposed  naturally  turns  upon  politics, 
and  the  following  conversation  ensues: 

Wife.  Well,  husband,  you  talk  a  great  deal  about 
Democracy;  now  I  am  a  woman  and  know  nothing 
about  politics,  but  pray  tell  me  what  Democracy  is  ? 

Mechanic.  Why,  Democracy  is  Democracy! 

W.  Indeed!  who  told  you  so? 

M.  Bancroft  told  me  so.  I  have  heard  him  say  so 
more  than  fifty  times,  and  Hallett  says  so,  and  Rantoul 
and  Everett;  they  all  say  so. 

W.  Well,  if  they  say  so,  it  must  be  true.  But  what 
does  Democracy  mean? 

M.  Pshaw!  You  women  can  never  understand 
politics;  you  have  no  head  for  it.  Now  I'll  read  to  you 
out  of  the  Boston  Post  what  it  means.  Here  are  "the 
resolutions  of  the  Democratic  convention,  prepared  at 
Boston  last  fall.  They  were  written  by  Brownson,  or 
some  of  the  great  guns.  Here  it  is.  "'Democracy  is 
the  supremacy  of  man  over  his  accidents." 

W.  Whew!     Democracy  is   the  supremacy  of  man 


348  Reminiscences  of  the 

over  his  accidents!  What  a  critter  it  must  be.  But  to 
tell  the  truth  I  don't  understand  any  more  about  De- 
mocracy than  I  did  before;  I  suppose  it's  because  I'm  a 
woman.  But  look,  here  husband  —  I  want  to  talk 
to  you  about  that  mortgage  of  Squire  Graball's 
upon  the  house  and  land.  He  called  here  while  you 
were  gone  and  he  said  a  part  of  it  must  be  paid  or  he'd 
sue  for  it,  and  then  the  house  and  land  would  all  go. 

M.  Why  did'nt  you  tell  me  of  this  before  ? 
W.  Because  your  head  was  so  full  of  Democracy 
and  the  Springfield  convention  that  you  would'nt 
listen  to  me.  I've  mentioned  it  three  times,  and  it 
went  in  at  one  ear  and  out  of  the  other.  Now,  hus- 
band, I've  been  thinking  about  the  mortgage,  and  it 
worries  me;  your  wages  have  fallen  off  of  late,  and 
some  of  the  time  you  have  no  employment.  When 
your  wages  were  a  dollar  and  a  half  a  day,  and  you 
had  full  work,  you  could  support  the  family  well,  and 
pay  a  hundred  dollars  a  year  towards  clearing  the 
mortgage.  It  was  a  pleasant  thing  to  work  and  be 
economical  and  saving  when  we  had  the  prospect  of 
having  a  house  of  our  own,  without  Squire  Graball's 
clutches  upon  it.  Now  you  can  hardly  support  the  fam- 
ily, and  when  I  ask  for  money  you  say  you  are  run- 
ning in  debt.  This  is  a  bad  prospect  if  we  are  to  lose 
the  house  and  land  after  all. 

M.  Oh,  never  fear,  wife;  times  will  be  better  soon. 
They've  got  a  sub-treasury  now  which  is  to  make  us 
all  rich  except  the  aristocrats. 

W.  I  don't  know  about  that.  The  times  have  been 
getting  worse  and  worse.  It's  four  or  five  years  since 
you  talked  of  having  better  times,  and  now  that  they 
have  really  got  a  sub-treasury  they  say  it  is  going  to 
reduce  wages  to  fifty  cents  a  day. 

M.  Well,  that's  trut,  but  everything  we  buy  is  to 
come  down  at  the  same  rate. 

W.  And  what  advantage  is  that?  Beside,  some 
people  say  that  sugar,  and  tea  and  coffee,  and  spices 
and  all  foreign  things  will  be  as  high  as  ever  because 
the  sub-treasury  don't  work  in  those  countries  where 
these  things  come  from.  But  if  wages  are  to  come 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  349 

down  how  are  you  to  pay  the  mortgage  of  $600  to 
Squire  Graball  ? 

M.  How  am  I  going  to  pay  the  mortgage  ? 

W.  Yes,  if  your  wages  go  down  to  fifty  cents  a  day 
how  can  you  ever  pay  it  ?  It  will  cost  all  that  you  can 
earn  to  support  the  family. 

M.  Well,  I  must  sell  trie  cow  and  the  garden  lot. 

W.  Yes,  but  these  have  gone  down  half  price,  and 
they  won't  go  far  towaid  reducing  the  mortgage. 

M.  Well,  I  must  sell  the  house. 

W.  But  that  has  gone  down  half  price  too!  so  that 
all  the  property  you  have  got  won't  pay  Squire  Grab- 
all's  mortgage.  We  must  be  turned  out  of  house  and 
home,  and  still  you  are  in  debt.  You  are  a  ruined  man 
if  the  sub-treasury  goes  into  full  operation. 

M.  I  never  thought  of  all  this  before.  There's 
something  wrong  somewhere. 

W.  There  is,  indeed,  husband.  When  they  made 
the  sub-treasury  to  reduce  the  poor  man's  wages  and 
the  poor  man's  property,  why  didn't  they  make  it  re- 
duce the  poor  man's  debt?  Answer  me  that.  When 
they  reduced  a  man's  means  of  paying  his  debt,  why 
didn't  they  reduce  the  debt  too  ? 

M.  I  can't  say,  upon  my  word. 

W.  Well,  these  men  who  made  the  sub-treasury, 
pretend  to  be  the  poor  man's  friend;  but  it  seems  to  me 
that  they  are  the  rich  man's  friend,  and  the  poor  man's 
enemy.  You  agree,  to  give  Squire  Graball  $800  for 
the  house  and  land.  Now  you  have  paid  $200,  and 
after  you  have  paid  $200  more  he  will  get  it  back  for 
$400.  So  Squire  Graball  gets  $400  out  of  you  for 
nothing,  just  because  we  must  have  a  sub-treasury; 
and  you  must  be  ruined  to  make  him  rich.  Seems  to 
me,  this  is  grinding  the  poor  to  fatten  the  rich.  It 
is  making  the  poor  man  poorer  and  the  rich  man 
richer. 

M.  Well,  really,  wife,  all  that  sounds  true;  but  Ban- 
croft and  Brownson  did  not  tell  us  that.  * 

W.  No,  no;  they  didn't  tell  you,  though  they  knew 
it  well.  They  filled  your  head  with  fantastic  ideas  of 
Democracy  and  liberty.  They  blindfolded  you  with 


350  Reminiscences  of  the 

names   and   words,   and  led    you    with  prejudices  and 
passions. 

M.  But  why  should  they  deceive  us  ? 
W.  Why  ?  Does'nt  Bancroft  get  $6,000  a  year  so 
long  as  Van  Buren  is  in,  and  the  sub-treasury  sup- 
ported ?  Does'nt  Brownson  get  $1,600  a  year,  so  long 
as  his  master,  Van  Buren,  reigns  ?  Now,  you  have  a 
vote,  and  the  voters  can  say  who  shall  be  President. 
The  way  for  Bancroft  to  keep  his  place,  therefore,  is  to 
throw  dust  in  your  eyes,  and  then  he'll  lead  you  up  to 
the  ballot-box  to  vote  for  Van  Buren,  who  supports 
him,  though  he  ruins  you  and  your  family. 

M.  Really,  wife,  you  seem  to  be  a  politician  after 
all. 

W.  No,  husband,  I  am  no  politician;  but  sometimes 
a  looker-on  sees  more  of  the  game  than  they  who  play 
it — I  judge  of  government  by  its  effects  on  our  home. 
Formerly,  before  this  cry  of  Democracy — before  these 
Halletts,  and  Rantouls,  and  Bancrofts  filled  your  head 
with  their  humbugs,  everything  went  well  with  us. 
You  were  then  a  happy  man,  and  la  happy  wife.  Our 
children  were  then  well  fed  and  well  clothed.  Every 
year  we  added  a  little  to  our  furniture;  if  I  wanted  a  new 
gown  you  always  gave  it  to  me,  and  you  paid  $100  a 
year  to  reduce  the  mortgage.  You  were  industrious 
and  cheerful;  your  face  was  always  pleasant  to  me; 
your  voice  was  always  kind  to  the  children.  Those 
days  are  gone.  I  mourn,  husband,  but  I  do  not  re- 
proach you.  You  have  your  cares  and  I  know  your 
heart  is  right.  But  how  has  this  change  come  about  ? 

M.  I  think  I  must  ask  you. 

W.  Well,  then,  I  will  tell  you  my  opinion.  I  think 
you,  with  too  many  others  in  the  country,  have  been 
grossly  cheated  and  deceived.  A  set  of  men,  who  only 
wished  to  enjoy  power,  and  office,  and  spoils,  have  been 
intrusted  with  the  reigns  of  Government,  and  they  have 
driven  us  over  a  precipice.  We  only  suffer  with  the 
rest  of  the  country — thousands  and  thousands  are  as 
bad  off  as  we. 

M.  Well,  wife,  I  am  afraid  you  are  right;  but  what 
can  I  do? 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  351 

W.  You  can  do  two  things.  The  first  is  to  forsake 
those  who  have  cheated  you — to  withdraw  your  confi- 
dence from  a  set  of  false  prophets  and  false  guides — 
men  who  use  you  only  to  abuse  you. 

M.  And  what  next  shall  I  do  ? 
W.  First  tell  me  whether  you  will  do  as  I  request? 

M.  I  never  buy  a  pig  in  a  poke.     Tell  me  what  it 
is  you  propose,  and  if  it's  reasonable,  I'll  do  it. 
W.  Vote  for  old  Tip! 

M.  I  thought  it  was  coming  to  that!  Well,  there's 
no  danger  in  trying  the  change.  Here  it  goes:  Hur- 
rah for  Harrison  and  better  times! 

"  Such,  my  friends,"  said  Mr.  Goodrich,  u  is  my  story, 
and  who  will  say  it  is  not  probable?  Who  will  say 
that  the  wife,  whose  happiness  is  directly  and  perhaps 
fatally  influenced  by  political  measures,  has  no  right  to 
use  her  influence  in  relation  to  this  subject.  The  Bos- 
ton Post  may  indeed  deny  it,  and,  if  wives  reason  it  as 
well  as  the  heroine  of  our  story,  the  Post  may  fear  it. 
We  wonder  not  that  men  who  fear  the  truth  should 
scoff  at  the  influence  of  clear-headed  and  true-hearted 
woman.  You  may  beguile  men  with  humbug  names, 
but  woman  brushes  these  cobwebs  of  delusion  away 
with  common  sense.  She  tests  things  by  results;  she 
asks  herself  whether  the  reign  of  Loco  Focoism  makes 
home  happier;  whether  it  brings  peace  to  the  pillow 
and  comfort  to  the  fireside?  The  wives  of  the  country 
have  been  applying  this  test,  and  their  decision  is  that 
the  humbug  Democracy  of  your  Bancrofts,  and  Bu- 
chanans, and  Van  Burens  is  an  imposition  of  half- 
wages  to  the  working  man  and  full  salaries  to  the  of- 
fice-holder. It  is  a  reduction  of  all  the  wages  and 
property,  and  all  the  means  of  payment  to  the  poor 
debtor  and  no  reduction  of  debts;  it  is  a  system  of  pre- 
tended benefit,  but  real  ruin  to  the  poor.  It  is  a  pre- 
tended war  upon  the  rich,  but  an  effective  and  power- 
ful promotion  of  their  interests.  It  is  a  reverse  of  the 
measures  upon  which  our  Government  should  be  ad- 
ministered, to  encourage  the  interests  of  the  working 
classes  of  the  poor,  and  the  rich  will  take  care  of 
themselves.  It  is  a  system  of  fattening  the  rich  at 


$$2  Reminiscences  of  the 

the  expense  of  the  poor.  It  is  not  strange  that  such 
injustice  in  the  administration  should-  make  all  good 
wives  good  Whigs.  It  is  not  strange  that  Loco  Foco 
editors  should  try  to  ridicule  woman  out  of  the  field 
of  political  influence,  where  tnat  influence  tends  to 
substitute  truth  for  falsehood,  prosperity  for  ruin,  the 
reign  of  reason  for  the  dominion  of  party,  and  the 
adoption  of  sound  and  stable  policy  in  place  of  juggling 
tricks  and  fatal  experiments. 


A  WET  BLANKET. 

Governor  Lewis  occasioned  no  little  consternation 
at  the  Loco  Foco  Poughkeepsie  convention,  of  which 
he  was  chairman,  by  denouncing  the  sub-treasury. 
The  following  sketch  from  the  Albany  Evening  Jour- 
nal, gives  the  details  of  the  affair.  The  scene  must 
have  been  rich. 

General  Lewis  began  by  saying  that  he  felt  grateful 
for  the  compliment  bestowed  upon  him;  that  he  was  an 
old  man  of  eighty-seven;  that  he  had  been  all  his  life  an 
observer  of  public  affairs  and  probably  knew  more  of 
the  history  of  the  sub-treasurers  than  most  present; 
that  the  first  sub-treasurer  with  whose  history  he  was 
acquainted  was  Lord ,  under  the  Colonial  Govern- 
ment, who  turned  out  to  be  a  large  defaulter!  [Here 
there  was  much  whispering  on  the  stage,  and  Mr.  Van- 

derpool  stepped  behind]  That  the  second  was 

[giving  the  name]  who  was  also  a  defaulter!  [Here  the 
confusion  increased,  and  General  Maison  and  Richard 
D.  Davis  moved  forward];  and  that  in  fine,  he  had 
never  known  but  one  man,  and  he  lived  next  door, 
who  could  settle  his  accounts  with  the  Government  as 
a  sub-treasurer,  and  he  was  enabled  to  do  so  only  by 
the  charity  of  his  neighbors,  who  brought  him  the  gold 
and  silver  in  little  bags  as  a  loan,  that  he  might  seem  to 
have  it  to  secure  his  reappointment,  and  the  next  day 
it  went  back  where  it  came  from.  That  for  these 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  353 

reasons  he  had  been  opposed  to  the  sub-treasury. 
[Here  the  alarm  and  confusion  on  the  stage  became  im- 
mense.] D — n  the  old  man,  said  D to  M ;  he 

don't  know  when  to  stop!  He'll  talk  all  day,  said 
another;  call  for  Wright.  General  Maison  stepped  up 
to  the  speaker,  and  saying  to  the  audience  in  an  un- 
dertone (the  General  is  very  deaf)  "'Don't  you  want  to 
hear  Wright?"  and  on  their  calling  out  forWT right,  he  put 
his  hand  on  the  speaker's  shoulder  and  yelled  in  rm 
ear,  "Don't  you  hear,  General,  they  call  for  Wright!" 
"  I  am  just  about  giving  my  reasons  why  I  think  it 
may  do.  If  the  bill  makes  it  felony  to  abstract  the 

money,"  persevered  the  General .   Mortification  and 

chagrin  was  now  marked  upon  every  countenance 
upon  the  stage.  "  Choke  him  off,"  muttered  one.  "  Let  us 
drown  him  with  cheers,"  said  Senator  Maison,  who 
came  to  the  front  of  the  stage,  and  threw  his  cap  three 
times  round  his  head,  bawling  hurrah  at  each  swing. 
The  three  cheers,  however,  were  faint  and  forced;  and 
the  deaf  man  did  not  hear  them  and  was  going  on  with 
his  reasons,  etc.,  when  Senator  Maison  gave  the  sig- 
nal for  three  more.  These  were  gotten  up  in  better 
style,  and  the  speaker  was  again  reminded  to  give  his 
reasons.  When  Senator  Maison  gave  the  signal,  the 
band  on  the  stage  struck  up  Yankee  Doodle,  a  grand 
hubbub  ensued,  and  in  the  midst  of  it  Vanderpool 
pulled  the  old  veteran  into  the  chair  by  his  coat  tail. 


MEETINGS  IN  OCTOBER. 

ONE  FIRE  MORE — DEAR  FRIENDS,  ONCE  MORE  TO 
THE  BREACH. 

The  battle  of  the  Thames  was  grandly  celebrated  at 
Detroit  on  the  5th  day  of  October,  by  the  Wolverenes. 

In  Ohio  at  the  county  seat  of  each  county,  the  Buck- 
eyes met  and  celebrated  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  on 
the  5th,  and  was  preparatory  to  two  more  signal  vic- 
tories of  old  Tippecanoe. 

23 


354  Reminiscences  of  the 

On  the  5th  of  October  there  were  thirty-four  acres  of 
people  at  a  great  Whig  rally  near  Norris'  woods,  about 
three  miles  north  of  Philadelphia.  They  came  together 
in  their  strength  to  celebrate  the  anniversary  of  the 
battle  of  the  Thames,  one  of  the  most  brilliant  of  Ameri- 
can engagements,  in  which  the  army,  under  Harrison's 
command  gave  final  peace  to  all  the  great  Western  ter- 
ritory which  was  for  twenty  years  the  field  of  his  ardu- 
ous labor  as  soldier  and  civilian.  About  twenty  thousand 
people  were  said  to  have  been  under  the  management  of 
Col.  C.  G.  Childs,  chief  marshal,  and  his  numerous  aides. 
The  city  procession,  augmented  by  the  delegations 
from  Germantown,  Frankford,  Bristol,  Oxford  and 
other  places  was  huge  in  its  proportions.  Alexander 
Ferguson  presided,  and  gave  an  interesting  account  of 
the  fight,  he  having  been  a  captain  under  Harrison. 
From  their  stands,  speaking  was  carried  on  by  John 
Sargeant,  Morton  McMichael,  W.  B.  Reed  and  others. 
As  the  crowd  was  in  the  procession  returning  to  the 
city  the  infuriated  Loco  Foco  bullies  assaulted  it  with 
clubs,  stones  and  missiles,  but  they  were  repulsed. 

At  Wilmington,  Delaware,  there  was  an  enormous 
crowd  on  the  5th  of  October.  Doctor  Naudain  pre- 
sided, and  the  thousands  were  eloquently  and  ably  ad- 
dressed by  Daniel  Webster,  John  M.  Clayton  and 
Hiram  Ketcham.  Great  was  the  enthusiasm  created 
by  these  grand  orators. 

The  Loudon,  Virginia,  Whig  festival  on  the  I2th  of 
October  was  a  splendid  affair.  The  Leesburg  Genius 
of  Liberty  says  the  procession  numbered  6,000  footmen, 
and  there  was  a  brilliant  assemblage  of  1,000  ladies 
adding  life  and  animation  to  the  scene.  Eloquent 
speeches  were  made  by  C.  C.  Washington,  of  Mary- 
land; L.  Chillon,  of  Fauquier  county;  J.  S.  Pendleton 
and  others. 

On  the  iSth  of  October,  a  great  meeting  was  held  at 
Bridgetown,  N.  J.,  which  was  addressed  by  Senator 
Southard,  Governor  Call,  of  Florida,  and  other  distin- 
guished orators. 

The  glorious  anniversary  of  .the  9th  of  October  was 
grandly  commemorated  by  noble  Whigs  from  far  and 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  355 

near  on  the  plains  of  Yorktown,  Va.,  who  were  ad- 
dressed by  electors  from  North  Carolina,  Maryland 
and  Virginia  in  inspiring  speeches  for  Harrison  and 
Tvler. 


COOLNESS  ON  THE   FIELD  OF  BAT- 
TLE. 

Connected  with  the  movements  of  the  Northwest- 
ern armies,  in  1838  and  previously,  are  many  incidents 
which,  though  too  unimportant  for  the  pages  of  gen- 
eral history,  are  nevertheless  highly*  interesting  and 
well  worthy  of  preservation.  Some  of  these  have 
been  related  by  General  Tipton  and  other  brave  offi- 
cers; several  are  recorded  in  the  narratives  of  Dawson 
and  Hall;  a  few  may  be  found  in  the  newspapers  of 
the  times  in  which  they  occurred;  but  the  greater 
number  of  them  dwell  merely  in  the  recollections  of 
the  surviving  soldiers  who  witnessed  them.  Some  of 
them  display  an  intrepidity  unsurpassed  in  the  history 
of  warfare;  others  exhibit  a  coolness,  in  the  moment 
of  imminent  danger,  indicative  of  the  most  determined 
resolution  and  the  most  extraordinary  nerve.  Of  this 
latter  character  are  the  two  incidents  mentioned  be- 
low. We  find  them  related  in  a  letter  from  Col.  John 
Speed  Smith  (a  prominent  friend  of  the  administra- 
tion, in  Kentucky)  to  a  gentleman  of  this  city.  Colo- 
nel Smith,  it  will  be  recollected,  was  one  of  the  aides 
of  General  Harrison  in  the  battle  of  the  Thames: 

The  writer  states  that  a  moment  before  the  battle 
commenced,  General  Harrison  rode  up  to  a  majestic 
Seneca  chief,  and  took  his  powder-horn  to  reprime  his 
pistols.  Upon  witnessing  this,  Lieutenant  Smith  asked 
him  if  he  expected  to  come  in  personal  contact  with 
the  enemy;  to  which  the  general  replied  that  it  was 
proper  to  be  prepared  for  any  event;  that  he  commanded 
an  army  of  better  materials  than  Proctor's,  and 


356  Reminiscences  of  the 

that  he  was  determined  not  to  survive  a  defeat;  add- 
ing with  a  smile,  to  Lieutenant  Smith,  "You  had  bet- 
ter fresh  prime,  too,  as  I  shall  expect  my  aides  to  die 
around  me!" 

Whilst  at  the  crochet,  after  the  left  wing  had  recov- 
ered from  its  momentary  confusion,  and  was  joining 
the  front,  General  Harrison  ordered  Lieutenant  Smith  to 
bring  down  Chilles's  command  to  support  it.  While 
he  was  giving  this  order,  the  necks  of  the  two  horses 
were  interlocked;  and  some  twigs  of  a  tree  above  them, 
which  had  gathered  and  retained  a  cluster  of  leaves, 
and  around  which  the  aide  had  to  look  at  his  com- 
mander, were  cut  down  by  the  enemy's  balls.  Near 
the  spot,  at  the  same  moment,  a  soldier  was  shot 
through  the  thigji,  and  seeing  the  commander-in-chief 
as  he  swung  arouud  and  fell,  he  cried  out:  "Did  you 
see  that,  General  ?  they  have  shot  me  again." 

This  man  had  been  wounded  the  day  before  at  the 
bridge.  General  Harrison  directed  him  to  be  taken 
back  to  have  his  wounds  dressed,  but  finding  that  his 
thigh  was  not  broken,  the  brave  fellow  bandaged  it 
with  his  handkerchief  to  stop  the  bleeding,  clutched  up 
his  gun,  swore  he  meant  to  have  satisfaction,  and  con- 
tinued to  fight.  A  few  moments  afterwards,  a  young 
man  dashed  up  to  the  commander,  holding  a  scalp  in 
his  hand,  and  sung  out,  "  Look  here,  General,  I've  got 
it!  My  father  was  an  old  Kentucky  Indian  fighter, 
and  when  I  left  home,  he  made  me  promise  to  bring 
the  scalp  of  a  red  skin  killed  by  myself.  And  here  it 
is — this  is  for  the  old  man.  Now  I  want  one  for  my- 
self." And  away  he  sprang  in  search  of  another 
enemy. 

These  two  anecdotes,  Colonel  Smith  says,  greatly 
amused  Commodore  Perry,  when  he  related  them  to 
him  at  the  close  of  the  battle;  and  the  gallant  sailor 
truly  said  that  an  army  of  such  men  could  not  be  con- 
quered. And  he  frequently  afterwards,  on  meeting 
with  the  officers  of  the  army,  would  repeat  the  brave 
soldier's  exclamation  with  great  zeal,  "  Do  you  see  that, 
General?  They  have  shot  me  again!" 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  357 


THE  LADIES  IN  THE  CANVASS. 

On  the  i4th  of  August  the  Whig  ladies  of  Dover, 
Delaware,  presented  the  Dover  Hundred  Tippecanoe 
Association  a  beautiful  banner  wrought  by  them. 
Several  young  ladies  in  the  West  promised  to  marry 
their  lover  provided  Harrison  was  elected,  and  many 
young  men  who  had  been  Loco  Focos  took  the  stump 
in  earnest  for  "  Tip  and  Ty." 

The  following,  from  the  Providence  Journal,  is  one 
of  the  pleasing  signs  of  the  times.  When  the  ladies  are 
for  us,  we  are  certain  of  two  things,  that  our  cause  is 
just  and  that  it  will  prevail: 

"The  ladies  of  Maine  are,  almost  without  exception, 
all  Whigs.  In  the  town  of  Bristol,  a  young  girl  who 
was  engaged  to  a  young  fisherman  in  the  island  of 
Mowhegan,  which  is  attached  to  that  town,  and  who 
was  suspected  of  Loco  Focoism,  told  him  that  she  would 
banish  him  from  her  favor  unless  he  voted  the  Whig 
ticket.  The  young  man,  who,  by  the  way,  was  just 
twenty-one,  and  had  consequently  never  voted  before, 
demurred,  but  his  lady-love  was  inexorable,  and  very 
justly  insisted  that  not  to  be  a  Whig  in  these  times 
argued  either  a  lack  of  intelligence  and  discernment,  or 
a  want  of  principle  and  true  patriotism.  Neither  de- 
ficiency was  to  be  overlooked  by  her,  and  he  need 
never  come  and  see  her  again,  therefore,  if  he  did  not 
vote  the  Harrison  ticket.  Love  and  prejudice  had  a 
hard  contest,  but  the  former  triumphed.  The  young 
man  voted  the  entire  Whig  ticket,  and  Thorpes,  the 
Whig  candidate,  was  chosen  by  one  majority.  The 
damsel  is  surely  deserving  the  thanks,  not  only  of  the 
young  man  whom  she  thus  saved  from  the  sin  of  Loco 
Focoism,  but  of  every  true  Republican  in  the  State." 

From  the  Connecticut  Courant,  of  August  13,  1777: 
'•Williamsburg,  Virginia,  July  4.  We  hear  that  the 
young  ladies  of  Amelia  county,  considering  the  situa- 
tion of  our  country  in  particular  and  the  United  States 
in  general,  have  entered  into  a  resolution  not  to  permit 


35$  Reminiscences  of  the 

the  addresses  of  any  person,  be  his  circumstances  or 
condition  in  life  what  they  will,  unless  he  has  served  in 
the  American  Army  long  enough  to  prove  by  his  valor 
that  he  is  deserving  of  their  love." 

Such  were  the  daughters  of  America,  when  our  sires 
were  struggling  in  the  AVar  of  Independence  against  a 
foreign  foe;  and  such  the  daughters  of  America  are 
still,  and  ever  will  be,  admirers  of  bravery  and  honor, 
and  devoted  to  their  country.  We  have  before  taken 
notice  of  the  enthusiasm  of  the  fair  children  of  our 
land  in  the  present  contest  between  a  people,  zealous 
of  their  liberty  and  royalty,  with  its  stately  palace,  its 
better  currency,  and  its  standing  armies.  We  have 
now  another  instance  to  give  of  their  Roman  virtue. 
We  learn  that,  at  the  Whig  meeting  in  Alexandria,  the 
ladies  were  at  the  windows  as  the  Whig  procession 
paraded  the  streets,  encouraging  them  with  their 
sweet  smiles,  waving  their  handkerchiefs,  and  breath- 
ing the  pure  and  grateful  prayer  of  woman  for  their 
success  in  the  coming  struggle.  A  few  hours  passed, 
and  the  Loco  Foco  procession  came  in  its  turn.  No 
bright  eye  beamed  upon  their  path;  no  sweet  smile 
shone  upon  them,  but  the  closed  blinds,  and  the  black 
flags,  which  hung  from  the  windows  where  these  fair 
forms  stood  two  hours  before,  showed  how  the  good 
and  virtuous  mourned  o'er  the  trampled  liberties  of 
their  country. 

If  ought  on  earth  can  toil  beguile, 

'Tis  lovely  woman's  cheering  smile; 

Its  sweetest  meed,  its  best  reward 

Is  smiling  woman's  kind  regard. 


EFFECT  OF  A  NATIONAL  SONG. 

The  last  Nashville  Whig  contains  a  letter  from  Rog- 
ersville,  East  Tennessee,  which  gives  an  account  of  a 
promiscuous  political  meeting  at  Greenville,  where  Mr. 
Grundy  and  Turney  addressed  the  people  in  reply 
to  General  Arnold.  Grundy  and  Turney  then  ad- 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  359 

journed  over  to  this  place,  not  expecting  that  Arnold 
would  be  there — but  hear  the  writer  in  his  own  words: 

"  Well,  when  we  arrived,  say  about  12  o'clock, 
Grundy  was  addressing  some  three  hundred  persons  in 
the  large  new  court-house.  They  had  no  idea  Arnold 
would  be  here;  and  having  invited  Mr.  Senter  to  at- 
tend and  reply  to  them,  who  was  sick  and  unable  to 
speak  at  all,  as  they  well  knew,  just  as  Grundy  was  la- 
menting that  there  was  no  gentlemen  of  the  opposite 
party  present  to  advocate  the  Whig  cause,  Arnold 
stepped  in,  and  making  his  bow  to  the  old  gentleman, 
told  him  he  had  come  in  good  time.  Nothing  was 
more  manifest  than  that  Grundy  and  his  whole  party 
were  very  much  confused.  On  he  went,  however,  mak- 
ing all  manner  of  statements,  for  near  five  hours,  evi- 
dently with  a  view  to  prevent  a  reply.  He  became  angry 
upon  seeing  Arnold  enter  the  house,  and  denounced  the 
Whigs  as  '  a  miserable  pie-bald  party,'  having  no  prin- 
ciples, but  little  honor,  and  a  candidate  destitute  of 
talent — one,  too,  whom  he  declared  they  were  trying 
to  elect  by  singing,  and  by  the  exhibition  of  log  cabins 
and  coon-skins  ! 

"  When  he  sat  down,  the  redoubtable  Colonel  Mc- 
Clelland attempted  to  introduce  Turney,  but  the  crowd 
called  out  for  Arnold,  long  and  loud,  though  they  re- 
fused to  let  him  speak  at  all.  Arnold  asked  them  for 
one  hour  only — for  the  hour  they  had  offered  his  sick 
colleague,  Mr.  Senter,  .but  they  refused  to  let  him  say 
one  word.  The  crowd  then  called  to  Arnold  to  go 
with  them  into  the  street,  and  answer  Grundy's  speech, 
which  he  did,  and  did,  too,  in  a  masterly  manner — leav- 
ing but  sixty  persons  in  the  house,  as  I  was  told  by 
those  who  afterwards  counted  them! 

''At  the  close  of  Arnold's  speech,  Turney  having 
been  forced  to  close  for  the  want  of  hearers,  Senator 
Anderson  attempted  to  speak,  but  the  Tippecanoe 
club  struck  up  a  fine  Harrison  song,  and  took  the 
whole  assembly  from  them.  I  never  saw  a  set  more  com- 
pletely used  up.  Their  countenances  told  the  tale  of 
their  souls,  horror.  I  view  it  as  the  best  day's  work  the 
Whigs  have  ever  done  in  Hawkins." 


360  Reminiscences  of  t]ic 

GOOD  REASONS  FOR  TURNING  ONE'S 
COAT. 

The  following  dialogue  from  the  Pilot  is  reproduced 
as  indicative  of  the  feeling  of  the  workingmen: 

I  was  sitting  at  my  window  some  evenings  ago. 
when  two  mechanics  met  each  other  and  began  to 
talk  just  below  me.  Being  pleased  with  the  good 
sense  of  their  conversation,  I  took  up  my  pen,  and  as 
well  as  I  can  recollect,  wrote  it  down;  here  it  is: 

"  Good  morning,  John;  have  you  found  any  work 
yet?  I  have  not." 

"No,"  said  John,  "not  one  stroke;  nobody's  doing 
anything." 

"  What,"  said  his  companion,  "are  things  coming  to, 
if  they  keep  on  at  this  rate?" 

"  I  don't  know,  indeed,"  said  John,  "  I  can't  live  on 
one  day's  work  in  a  week  and  support  my  family;  Bill, 
I  hate  to  go  home  and  see  my  poor  children,  for  God 
only  knows  how  long  it  will  be  before  they  are  crying 
to  me  for  bread;  it's  all  owing  to  the  currency,  and  our 
rulers  should  better  it;  they  have  the  power." 

"They  are  going  to,  John." 

"  Yes,"  replied  he,  "and  their  attempts  are  like  the 
man  who  undertook  to  make  his  horse  live  on  one 
straw  a  day;  his  experiment  went  on  bravely  with  this 
exception,  that  before  he  had  reduced  him  to  the  one 
straw  diet  he  was  dead." 

"  Why,  John,  you  talk  like  a  Whig." 

"  So  I  am." 

"You  a  Whig?" 

"Yes,  you  need'nt  stare;  the  story  is  short;  I  had 
nothing  to  do,  so  got  the  papers  and  read  both  sides, 
and  now  I  mean  to  go  it  strong  for  Tippecanoe." 

"  Well  ! " 

"Yes,  it's  very  well  indeed." 

"But,  John,  the  boys  will  laugh  at  you  and  call  you 
'turn-coat.'" 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  361 

"Let  them;  and  those  of  them  I  can't  thrash  I'll  try 
to!  I  know  my  own  business  best,  and  I  know  who 
is  my  friend;  Old  Tip  £y,  and  Martin  Van  Buren  is  not. 
Tip's  a  brave  old  soldier,  and  AN  HONEST  MAN;  and 
what  is  still  better,  a  working-man  like  myself.  As 
regards  the  coat,  I'll  tell  you  how  it  is:  1  got  up  in  the 
morning,  half  asleep,  and  put  it  on  wrong  side  out,  and 
that  was  the  Van  Buren  side,  all  threads,  seams  and 
linings;  when  I  awoke,  well  I,  like  a  sensible  fellow, 
took  it  off,  brushed  it,  and  then  put  it  on  right.  Now 
the  Tip  side  is  out;  and  I  consider  that  man  a  fool  who 
takes  an  exception  at  the  change,  but  him  a  greater 
fool  who  is  ashamed  to  turn  his  coat  right;  but  would, 
because  he  put  it  on  wrong  in  the  morning,  wear  it  so  all 
day." 

"  But,  John,  what's  your  reason  ?" 

"For  these:  Van  Buren's  experiments  have  played 

the  d 1  with  the  currency,  and  I  am  consequently 

out  of  work;  he  has,  therefore,  virtually  taken  my 
wages  from  me,  and  I  mean  to  charge  him  in  my  book 
for  every  day  I  am  out  of  work,  and  consider  the  sum 
total  so  many  good  reasons  for  not  voting  for  him. 
When  his  party  came  into  office,  they  found  the  best 
of  currencies,  and  I  found  work  plenty;  both  are 
gone  to  Davy  Jones'  locker;  he  promised  us  a  gold 
and  silver  currency.  Where'st  ?  Why,  here  is  one  of 
the  ghosts  of  the  humbug;"  and  he  took  out  a  shin- 
plaster  levy. 

"But,  John,  'twas  the  Whigs  and  the  banks." 

"Pshaw,  nonsense!  nobody  in  his  senses  believes 
that.  What  have  the  Whigs  to  do  with  our  financial 
affairs?  They  are  not  at  the  head  of  the  Government. 
They  were  in  the  minority  (but  don't  intend  to  be  any 
longer);  but,  admitting  this  falsehood,  a  party  that 
would  permit  a  minority  to  do  as  they  please  with  our 
moneys,  is  not  fit  to  pretend  to  rule,  and  should  be 
turned  out.  And,  again,  I  should  be  a  fool,  indeed,  to 
vote  for  a  party  who  goes  the  whole  hog  for  reducing 
my  wages;  and  that,  by-the-bye,  I  think  is  very  useless, 
for  just  let  them  tinker  and  cobble  away  as  usual,  and 
the  mechanic  won't  have  any  wages  to  be  reduced  at 


362  Reminiscences  of  the 

all.  And  Mr.  Van  Buren  is  not  the  choice  of  the  peo- 
ple; he  was  smuggled  into  the  Presidential  chair  under 
the  old  general's  popularity.  We  want  no  such  bastard 
politicians  foisted  upon  us.  Let  a  man's  own  worth, 
talents,  merit  and  popularity,  father  him — not  another's. 
And,  again,  this  party  has  proposed  and  acted  upon 
this  curious  proposition,  'a  small  rogue's  a  big  rogue, 
and  a  big  rogue  is  no  rogue  at  all,'  he  is  only  a  de- 
faulter— an  absquatulator,  but  no  rogue.  Steal  a  five 
dollar  note  and  you  will  be  sent  to  jail;  steal  (don't 
steal,  oh,  no!  only  take)  a  million  and  a  half,  and  you 
are  a  fine  fellow  —  very  much  surprised  you  did'nt  take 
more;  and,  in  one  case,  they  actually  applied  the  old 
fable  of  the  fox  and  the  flies  to  some  rodguing,  thiev- 
ing rascal  out  West." 

"  Well,  John,  I  have  no  work  to  do;  I  will  go  and 
read  both  sides.  May  be  my  old  jacket  is  on  wrong, 
too;  so  good-bye." 

" Good-bye,  Bill;  tell  all  your  friends  to  read  both 
sides,  too;  "  and  they  departed. 


WILLIAM  WILKINS  AND  THE  MAN- 
UFACTURERS. 

On  Friday  evening  last,  at  the  Porter  meeting,  at  the 
Exchange,  William  Wilkins  contended  that  the  sub- 
treasurv  scheme,  with  cash  duties  on  foreign  products, 
would  be  better  for  the  manufacturers  than  the  best 
tariff.  He  then  called  by  name  on  the  Messrs.  Bake- 
wells,  and  other  manufacturers,  to  express  their  opin- 
ions on  the  subject.  The  following  is  their  response 
to  his  call.  We  ask  the  attention  of  Mr.  Wilkins,  and 
of  our  farmers,  manufacturers  and  working  men  to  it. 
It  gives  an  admirable  summing  up  of  the  truth  of  the 
whole  matter  in  a  very  small  compass.  —Pittsburgh 
Gazette. 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  363 

To  the  Hon.  Judge   Wilkins: 

SIR:  Having  heard  that  in  your  address  from  the 
Exchange  steps,  on  Friday  evening  last,  you  appealed 
to  our  firm,  amongst  others,  whether  the  sub-treasury 
scheme,  with  cash  payments  of  duties,  would  not  be 
better  for  the  manufacturers  than  the  ;"  best  protective 
tariff,"  and  not  doubting  your  desire  to  have  every  er- 
roneous impression  corrected,  we  beg  leave  to  observe 
that,  although  the  latter  would,  as  far  as  it  went,  be 
favorable,  the  operations  of  the  former  will  be  highly 
injurious  to  them. 

It  will  paralyze  the  enterprise  of  the  manufacturer, 
and  the  ingenuity  of  the  mechanic  by  diminishing  the 
demand  for  their  products.  It  will  oppress  the  indus- 
trious farmer  by  greatly  reducing  the  prices  of  his 
produce,  and  it  will  bring  down  the  wages  of  the  la- 
boring man  so  low  as  to  deprive  him  of  the  means  of 
obtaining  many  of  the  comforts  he  has  been  accus- 
tomed to  enjoy. 

Manufacturers  flourish  -best  when  the  farmer,  the 
mechanic  and  the  working  man  are  doing  well! 

In  no  country  with  which  we  are  acquainted,  possess- 
ing only  a  metallic  currency,  does  labor  meet  its  just 
reward;  and  the  inevitable  tendency  of  the  sub-treas- 
ury law  is  to  bring  into  operation  the  anti-Democratic 
principle  of  making  the  "poor  poorer  and  the  rich 
richer;"  and  is  totally  opposed  to  that  of  "promoting 
the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number." 

We  remain,  sir,  respectfully  yours, 

August  16,  1840.  BAKEWELLS  &  Co. 


INCIDENTS  AND  HUMOROUS  FACTS 
WORTH  REMEMBERING. 

Mr.  Webster,  at  the  great  log-cabin  gathering  in  Ver- 
mont, was  introduced  to  a  member  of  the  Boston  Tea 
Party,  an  old  veteran,  94  years  of  age,  who  pushed  the 


364  Reminiscences  of  the 

tea  from  the  gunwale  of  the  ship  into  the  water.  Mr. 
Webster,  on  his  return  to  Brattleboro,  called  on  the 
hero  at  his  dwelling  among  the  mountains  in  July,  1840, 
and  he  avowed  himself  ready  to  push  Matty  Van  Buren 
from  the  gunwale  of  our  national  ship  into  the  briny 
deep. 

NO  CROWING. 

We  are  sorry  to  hear  that  the  very  Chapman  who  re- 
ceived orders  to  crow  is  "  cooped  up,"  his  comb  cut 
and  his  gaffs  off,  for  the  Indianapolis  Journal,  of  July 
4,  said,  "  Chapman,  the  Loco  Foco  editor  of  the  Wa- 
bash  Enquirer,  stands  indicted  in  the  court  of  Vigo 
county  for  perjury." 

FEDERAL    OUTRAGE. 

Three  students  of  Dartmouth  college,  New  Hamp- 
shire, have  been  expelled  from  that  institution,  and 
seventeen  fined  $3  each  for  attending  a  Harrison  con- 
vention. 

At  Dayton,  Ohio,  at  the  great  convention  in  a  log 
cabin,  was  a  live  wolf  with  a  sheep-skin  on  him,  labeled 
"Van  Buren." 

Another  picture,  Van  Buren  running  down  hill,  his 
locks  and  coat-tail  streaming  in  the  wind  and  a  barrel 
of  hard  cider  rolling  after  him;  he  was  crying  out, 
"Stop  that  barrel." 

REVOLUTIONARY    ARMY. 

We  find  the  following  in  an  old  Vermont  paper: 
The  number  of  regulars  furnished  to  the  Revolution- 
ary army  were,  by  New  England,  147,441;  by  the 
Middle  States,  56,571;  by  the  Southern  States,  56,997. 
It  appears  by  the  above  that  New  England,  consisting 
of  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island  and 
Connecticut,  furnished  more  troops  for  the  defense  of 
the  country  than  the  other  nine  States  by  3,S72-  The 
number  of  troops  furnished  by  South  Carolina  was 
6,448;  Massachusetts,  67,907;  Georgia,  2,697;  Connecti- 
cut, 31,939. 

Wm.  L.  Crandell,  editor  of  the  Onondaga,  N.  Y., 
Standard,  publicly  asserted  in  a  speech  at  Brockway's, 
in  the  town  of  Camillus,  that  "  with  the  sub-treasury 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  365 

in  full  operation,   the   farmer  could   hire   ten   men   to 
labor  for  the  sum  that  he  now  has  to  pay  five." 

FACTS    TO    BE    REMEMBERED. 

That  four  votes,  given  in  the  Fifth  ward  of  New 
York,  made  Thomas  Jefferson  President  of  the  United 
States. 

That  one  vote  made  Marcus  Morton  Governor  of 
Massachusetts  in  1839. 

That  six  votes,  given  in  the  Fourteenth  ward  of 
New  York,  in  1837,  gave  the  Whig  party  the  majority 
in  the  common  council. 

That  in  1839  a  merchant  from  the  Eighth  Senatorial 
district  of  New  York,  being  in  the  city  on  business, 
returned  home  to  vote,  by  which  the  Whigs  elected  a 
State  senator. 

At  a  loafers'  meeting  on  the  island  opposite  Wheel- 
ing, Va.,  on  the  loth  of  August,  Richard  M.  Johnson 
was  one  of  the  speakers,  and  upon  being  asked 
whether  General  Harrison  was  a  coward,  he  replied: 
"You  might  as  well  ask  me  whether  I  was  a  coward, 
for  in  the  battle  of  the  Thames  there  were  no  cowards  — 
every  man  did  his  duty  from  the  general  down.  "  He 
also  said  he  never  heard  his  bravery  questioned  until 
the  present  canvass. 

An  anecdote  illustrating  an  important  fact  is  the  fol 
lowing  :  Mr  Williams,  the  State  senator,  was  address- 
ing a  meeting  at  Alexandria,  Westmoreland  county, 
and  remarked  that  on  the  administration  side  the  con- 
test was  maintained  by  office-holders,  and  that  without 
their  opposition  Harrison  would  be  elected  by  uni- 
1  versal  acclamation.  •  Some  one  in  the  crowd  ex- 
claimed :  "That's  not  true  !"  Mr.  Williams  promptly 
replied,  "I  know  that  voice;  it  is  the  voice  of  Mr. 
Moorhead,  our  postmaster  at  Pittsburg,  and  this  is  an- 
other evidence  of  the  truth  of  my  remarks." 

Log-cabin  carpets  were  brought  into  use,  and  ink- 
stands, cane  heads  and  quilts  and  various  other  em- 
blems and  devices  were  to  be  met  with  in  the  homes  of 
Harrison  men  in  all  the  States. 

The  Louisville  Journal  states  that  Capt.  John  Fow- 


366  Reminiscences  of  the 

ler,  who  certifies  that,  in  1798-99,  General  Harrison 
wore  the  black  cockade,  presided  at  a  public  dinner  in 
Lexington,  in  November,  1813,  at  which,  among  toasts 
to  Jefferson,  Shelby,  Colonel  Johnson,  etc  ,  the  follow- 
ing was  drank  to  Harrison: 

"The  commander-in-chief  of  the  Northwestern 
Army;  the  favorite  son  of  the  Western  country." 

On  one  of  the  steamboats  going  from  New  York  to 
Albany,  on  July  3,  a  party  of  office-holders  were 
drinking  toasts  to  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  the  administra- 
tion, and  called  upon  an  Irishman  who  was  present 
for  his  toast  with  the  promptness  characteristic  of  his 
native  isle,  he  said: 

"  Here's  to  our  fathers  and  mothers, 

Likewise  to  ould  Ireland  too; 
Down  with  Martin  Van  Buren, 
And  up  with  Old  Tippecanoe." 


GEN.  HARRISON'S  REPLY  TO  POIN- 
DEXTER. 


ELOQUENCE  OF  THE  OLD  TIPPECANOE  CHIEF — EX- 
TRACT FROM  GENERAL  HARRISON'S  REMARKS  IN 
THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES  ON  THE  SEM- 
INOLE  WAR. 

No  public  man  seemed  ever  to  have  been  so  much 
underestimated  as  General  Harrison.  At  least  no 
one's  abilities  have  been  so  assailed  by  his  adversaries. 
There  never  has  been  a  candidate  who  was  so  often 
called  upon  for  expositions  of  his  nerve.  No  one  has 
so  frankly,  freely  and  fully  given  his  opinions  in 
letters  and  speeches,  as  these  pages  will  bear  witness. 
His  letters  were  plain  and  direct,  his  speeches  practical 
and  to  the  point,  and  elicited  unbounded  applause. 
Notwithstanding  his  life  from  boyhood  had  been  upon 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  367 

the  frontier,  and  much  of  the  time  in  the  army,  yet  he 
had  read  much  and  possessed  a  well  cultivated  mind 
and  retentive  memory.  He  had  read  and  thoroughly 
studied  ancient  history,  and  seemed  to  have  in  great 
part  regulated  his  conduct  by  illustrious  examples  in 
Grecian  and  Roman  history.  His  allusions  were  ever 
apt,  and  his  sentiments  appropriate.  Where  will  any- 
thing more  excellent  be  found  than  the  following 
extract  from  his  reply  to  Governor  Poindexter,  on  the 
subject  of  General  Jackson's  invasion  of  Florida.  It 
is  well  worthy  of  preservation  among  the  gems  of 
eloquence  by  Amercan  statesmen: 

"A  Republican  Government  should  make  no  dis- 
tinctions between  men,  and  should  never  relax  its 
maxims  of  security  for  any  individual,  however  dis- 
tinguished. No  man  should  be  allowed  to  say  that  he 
could  do  that  with  impunity  which  another  could  not 
do.  If  the  father  of  his  country  were  alive  and  in  the 
administration  of  the  Government,  and  had  authorized 
the  taking  of  the  Spanish  posts,  I  would  declare  my 
disapprobation  of  it  as  readily  as  I  do  now.  Nay, 
more,  because  the  more  distinguished  the  individual, 
the  more  salutary  the  example.  No  one  can  tell  how 
soon  such  an  example  would  be  beneficial.  General 
Jackson  will  be  faithful  to  his  country;  but  I  recollect 
that  the  virtues  and  patriotism  of  Fabio  and  Scipio 
were  soon  followed  by  the  crimes  of  Marius  and  the 
usurpation  of  Sylla.  I  am  sure,  sir,  that  it  is  not  the  in- 
tention of  any  gentleman  upon  this  floor  to  rob  Gen- 
eral Jackson  of  a  single  ray  of  glory,  much  less  to 
wound  his  feelings  or  injure  his  reputation.  And, 
while  I  thank  my  friend  from  Mississippi  (Mr.  Poin- 
dexter), in  the  name  of  those  who  agree  with  me  that 
General  Jackson  has  done  wrong,  I  must  be  permitted 
to  decline  the  use  of  the  address  which  he  has  so  oblig- 
ingly prepared  for  us,  and  substitute  the  following  as 
more  consonant  to  our  views  and  opinions.  If  the  res- 
olutions pass,  I  would  address  him  thus:  'In  the  per- 
formance of  a  sacred  duty  imposed  by  their  construc- 
tion of  the  Constitution,  the  representatives  of  the  peo- 
ple have  found  it  necessary  to  disapprove  a  single  act 


368  Reminiscences  of  the 

of  your  brilliant  career;  they  have  done  it  in  the  full 
conviction  that  the  hero  who  has  guarded  her  rights  in 
the  field  will  bow  with  reverence  to  the  civil  institu- 
tions of  his  country,  that  he  has  admitted  as  his 
creed  that  the  character  of  the  soldier  can  never  be 
complete  without  eternal  deference  to  the  character  of 
the  citizen.  Your  country  has  done  for  you  all  that  a 
republic  can  do  for  the  most  favored  of  her  sons.  The 
age  of  deification  is  past;  it  was  an  age  of  tyranny  and 
barbarism;  the  adoration  of  man  should  be  addressed 
to  his  Creator  alone.  You  have  been  feasted  in  the 
pritanes  of  the  cities.  Your  statue  shall  be  placed  in 
the  Capitol,  and  your  name  be  found  in  the  songs  of  the 
virgins.  Go,  gallant  chief,  and  bear  with  you  the  grat- 
itude of  your  country.  Go,  under  the  full  conviction 
that,  as  her  glory  is  identified  with  yours,  she  has 
nothing  more  dear  to  her  but  her  laws,  nothing  more 
sacred  but  her  Constitution.  Even  an  unintentional 
error  shall  be  sanctified  to  her  service.  It  will  teach 
posterity  that  the  Government  which  could  disapprove 
the  conduct  of  a  Marcellus,  will  have  the  fortitude  to 
crush  the  vices  of  a  Marius.'  These  sentiments,  sir, 
lead  to  results  in  which  all  must  unite.  General 
Jackson  will  still  live  in  the  hearts  of  his  fellow-citi- 
zens, and  the  Constitution  of  our  country  will  be  im- 
mortal." 


PEACE      HATH    ITS    VICTORIES    AS 
WELL    AS    WAR. 

The  great  Revolution  was  not  made  in  peace,  but 
through  storm  and  bloodshed;  the  people  favoring 
Harrison  had  to  walk  in  many  localities.  There  were 
deeds  of  violence  such  as  no  other  political  campaign 
in  the  Union  had  known.  From  the  time  when 
Thomas  Laughlin,  the  honest  carpenter,  marching 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  369 

with  the  procession  of  Whig  young  men  at  Baltimore, 
the  5th  of  May,  was  killed,  there  were  hundreds  of 
supporters  of  Tippecanoe  assaulted,  battered,  bruised 
beaten,  and  very  many  killed  in  various  parts  of  the 
country.  These  outrageous  attacks  were  applauded 
unblushingly  by  that  class  of  papers  •  that  believed 
with  the  Globe  that  "  rivers  of  blood  should  flow  before 
Van  Buren  should  be  removed  from  the  executive 
office."  Blair  and  Kendall,  with  brutal  indecency,  in- 
solent bluster  and  savage  b.ullyism,  did  all  in  their 
power  to  incite  desporadoism  and  make  violence.  At- 
tacks by  ruffians  and  bullies  were  made  upon  men  go- 
ing to  and  returning  from  conventions,  and  upon  pro- 
cessions and  meetings  in  various  parts  of  the  country. 
Public  speakers  like  John  W.  Bear,  the  Buckeye  black- 
smith, were  pelted  with  eggs,  brickbats  and  stones, 
and  the  man  of  the  people  the  bullies  sought  to  mur- 
der at  Huntington,  Pennsylvania,  and  other  places. 
From  many  accounts  of  like  character,  the  following 
extract  of  a  letter,  dated  Cincinnati,  October  i,  1840. 
is  taken  as  showing  the  malicious  and  vindictive  spirit 
of  the  times: 

A  tremendous  excitement  prevails  in  the  city  in  re- 
gard to  a  disturbance  which  took  place  about  an  hour 
ago  (ten  o'clock  at  night).  The  Whigs  seemingly  of 
all  creation  held  a  meeting  here  to-day.  All  places  of 
business  were  closed,  and  an  immense  procession, 
which  commenced  in  the  morning  at  eight  o'clock,  was 
held.  Old  Tip,  Governors  Metcalf,  Poindexter,  Wick- 
liffe,  Moorehead,  etc.,  were  the  speakers,  This  even- 
ing an  immense  crowd  of  ladies  and  gentlemen  assem- 
bled in  front  of  the  Huron  House,  where  I  stop. 
While  Mr.  Graves,  of  Kentucky,  was  speaking  from 
the  portico,  the  meeting  was  broken  up  by  a  num- 
ber of  Loco  Focos,  and  ended  in  a  general  fight. 
Brickbats,  clubs,  sword-canes,  bowie  knives,  pistols, 
etc.,  were  used.  Several  have  been  badly  hurt, 
some  of  whom  have  just  been  brought  into  the 
house,  and  there  are  all  sorts  of  reports  flying.  I 
saw  several  pistols  fired  from  my  room  window  in  the 
third  story. 

24 


370  Reminiscences  of  the 

Old  Tip  takes  the  stage  for  Pennsylvania  to  morrow 
morning.  So  it  is  likely  he  will  be  with  you  before  the 
election. —  U.  S.  Gazette. 

The  Examiner  thus  describes  a  like  outrageous 
scene  at  Lancaster,  Pennsylvania,  on  the  5th  of  Octo- 
ber: 

As  usual  with  them  for  the  past  few  weeks,  the 
Loco  Focos  issued  a  call  for  a  meeting  on  Saturday  even- 
ing last,  knowing  that  we  had  called  a  meeting  on  the 
same  evening.  Coming  down  East  King,  from  the 
place  where  we  keep  our  big  ball,  we  were  met  by  the 
Van  Buren  men;  some  of  them  threw  stones  and  broke 
several  holes  into  the  ball,  and  came  near  hitting  the 
boy  inside!  Our  friends  passed  on,  determined  to  suf- 
fer rather  than  resent  the  outrage.  Returning  from 
the  place  of  meeting,  the  same  outrage  was  attempted 
to  be  repeated;  but  was  prevented  by  one  of  our 
friends.  After  the  ball  was  put  away  our  procession 
was  dismissed  in  front  of  Levi  Swope's  (late  Sharp's) 
tavern;  some  few  went  into  the  tavern,  but  the  greater 
number  returned  to  their  homes.  After  this,  a  num- 
ber of  Van  Buren  bullies,  headed  by  John  Boot, 
George  Huffnagle,  Neal  Donnelly,  Cooney  Plitt,  Bill 

Haines,  Fraley  and  others,  armed  with  clubs, 

stones,  pistols,  etc.,  rushed  into  the  house,  and,  before 
our  friends  were  aware  of  their  object,  beat  and  bruised 
several  of  our  most  worthy  citizens.  Our  friends  ral- 
lied and  put  them  out  of  the  house,  when  they  com- 
menced throwing  stones  through  the  door  and  win- 
dows, injuring  several  persons  inside,  and  shattering 
the  door  and  windows  to  pieces!  The  sheriff  inter- 
fered, but  was  also  knocked  down  !  The  mayor  was 
prevailed  upon  to  restore  order,  but  complied  in  such 
a  manner  as  to  create  dissatisfaction  among  some  of 
those  who  assisted  him,  time  after  time,  into  his  pres- 
ent office  !  It  is  said,  he  even  declared  on  the  ground 
that  the  Whigs  should  never  be  suffered  to  obtain  the 
ascendency  in  this  city  !  If  this  be  true,  is  it  not  sec- 
onding the  declaration  of  Reah  Frazer,  that  u  the 
Democrats  should  maintain  their  ascendency,  even 
if  they  had  to  do  it  at  the  point  of  a  bayonet !  " 


Political  Campaign  of  1S40.  371 

Order  was  at  length  restored,  but  several  of  our 
friends  were  afterwards  waylaid  and  beaten  on  their 
return  home  ! 

The  National  Gazette,  of  Philadelphia,  speaking  of 
the  attacks  upon  the  procession  of  October  5,  when 
it  was  passing  through  the  northern  part  of  the  city,  and 
was  broken  in  upon  by  gangs  of  Van  Buren  roughs 
and  bullies,  says:  "They  cannot  see  an  assembly  of 
their  political  opponents  without  commencing  an  as- 
sault upon  it.  And  their  conduct,  instigated  by  the 
spirit  of  their  journals,  is  then  palliated  or  justified  by 
the  same  authorities.  We  speak  of  what  we  know. 
We  witnessed  on  Monday  several  unprovoked  sallies 
by  Van  Buren  pugilists  upon  persons  in  the  Whig 
procession.  We  saw  missiles  thrown,  and  a  banner 
dragged  from  the  hands  of  a  bearer,  which  has  simply 
this  inscription:  'One  Presidential  Term  and  No  Sub- 
Treasury,'  certainly  nothing  to  give  just  offense.  That 
was  just  what  they  were  mad  at.  They  could  not  bare 
the  thought  that  their  party  should  be  routed  from 
power.  The  Democratic  party  are  always  opposed  to 
going  out  of  office,  while  to  get  in  they  may  profess  to 
be  in  favor  of  '  one  term.'  No  sooner  does  their 
President  become  seated  than  he  begins  wise  working 
and  manipulating  for  another  term." 

This  book  could  be  filled  with  accounts  of  mobocratic 
acts  of  Loco  Foco  ruffians  in  Virginia,  Kentucky, 
Missouri,  Mississippi,  Louisiana  and  other  States, 
where,  by  inaugurating  a  reign  of  terror,  they  tried  to 
intimidate  men  and  prevent  them  from  voting.  The 
old  veterans  in  Ohio  will  remember  the  assaults  upon 
their  processions  and  the  meetings  in  Jefferson,  Lick- 
ing, Fairfield,  Knox,  Richland,  and  other  counties. 
The  writer  of  these  reminiscences  has  been  on  the 
speakers'  stand,  with  others,  pelted  with  eggs,  in  pro 
cession  dragged  from  his  horse,  and  has  personally 
witnessed  wanton  and  unprovoked  attacks  upon  car- 
riages and  wagons  filled  with  men,  women  and  chil- 
dren, driving  in  processions  or  going  home  from  con- 
ventions. Nearly  every  town  of  size  had  its  bullies 
and  beastly  ruffians,  who,  ready  to  do  the  bidding  of  ad- 


372  Reminiscences  of  the 

ministration  leaders,  set  upon  and  grievously  hurt 
their  fellow-citizens,  who  dared  to  exercise  the  rights 
of  freemen.  By  domineering  and  brute  force  they  en- 
deavored to  maintain  their  ascendency.  But,  unfor- 
tunately for  them,  the  followers  of  Harrison  were  of 
sterner  stuff  than  to  yield.  They  remembered  their 
gallant  leader's  words:  "The  people  can  do  their  own 
voting  as  well  as  their  own  fighting."  They  stood  up 
manfully  for  their  rights  and  privileges  as  American 
citizens,  and  another  victory  was  scored  for  "  Old  Tip- 
pecanoe." 


THE  GRAND  TRIUMPH. 


HARRISON'S  CREED    APPROVED    BY   THE    PEOPLE- 
REFLECTIONS  AND  GENERAL  SUMMING  UP. 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  foregoing  that  General  Harri- 
son's canvass  was  hotly  contested.  He  was  the  sub- 
ject of  more  misrepresentation  than  any  candidate  in 
the  history  of  the  country.  He  was  catechised  from 
all  sections  and  by  all  manner  of  men.  His  answers 
were  plain  and  were  models  of  epistolary  correspond- 
ence. His  views  were  presented  upon  slavery,  duel- 
ing, immigration,  treatment  of  the  Indians,  and  other 
questions  of  moral  and  political  character.  His  letters 
of  acceptance  and  to  Hon.  John  MacPherson  Berrier, 
of  Georgia,  Thomas  Sloo,  Jr.,  of  Louisiana,  Sherrod 
Williams,  Mr.  Owen,  Harmor  Denny  and  various 
others,  were  republished  in  all  the  papers  of  the  United 
States. 

His  creed,  briefly  summed  up   was  as  follows: 

To  serve  one  term  and  to  be  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  not  of  a  party. 

To  communicate  to  Congress  the  affairs  of  the 
nation  truly. 


Political   Campaign  of  1840.  373 

That  Congress  shall  make  the  laws,  and  not  the 
President. 

To  use  the  veto  power  but  seldom,  and  then  only  for 
the  preservation  of  the  Constitution. 

That  Congress  had  no  right  to  interfere  with  slavery 
in  any  way. 

That  right  is  reserved  to  the  States  where  slavery 
exists. 

That  no  man  shall  be  appointed  to  office  but  such  as 
is  known  to  be  capable  and  honest. 

No  man  shall  be  dismissed  from  office  without 
proper  reasons  being  given. 

That  office-holders  shall  not  interfere  in  elections. 

That  the  people's  money  shall  be  under  the  immedi- 
ate control  of  Congress,  and  not  to  be  kept  in  boxes, 
to  be  Swartwouted  whenever  the  sub-treasury  may 
deem  necessary. 

The  protection  of  American  labor  by  the  Clay  tariff. 

The  rights  of  the  people. 

The  freedom  and  purity  of  elections. 

The  people  had  faith  in  Harrison  and  believed  in  the 
principles  he  avowed.  They  elected  him  by  an  over- 
whelming majority  of  the  electoral  and  popular  votes. 
Scarcely  a  county  in  the  United  States  increased  its 
Democratic  majority.  Van  Buren  Democracy  was 
routed  "horse,  foot  and  dragoons,"  and  the  people 
were  victorious.  The  result  proving  that — 

"  Easier  were  it 

To  hurl  the  rooted  mountain  from  its  base, 
Than  to  force  the  yoke  of  slavery  upon  men 
Determined  to  be  free." 

This  is  the  moral  to  be  impressed  upon  the  mind. 
The  many  thousands  of  meetings  throughout  the  Union 
we  could  not  mention,  nor  the  names  of  all  the  gal- 
lant speakers  and  workers  in  the  great  campaign. 
Those  given  are  simply  as  samples  illustrative  of  the 
way  the  work  was  done.  Every  man  did  his  duty, 
and  nobly,  too.  As  to  the  effect  of  the  cyclone  upon 
the  opposition,  we  will  let  the  oldest  Democratic  editor 
of  Ohio,  Hon.  Lecky  Harper,  of  the  Democratic  Ban- 


374  Reminiscences  of  the 

ner,  tell   how   it  struck   him,  by   extracting   from  his 
communication  to  the  Graphic: 

"  The  campaign  opened  at  Columbus  on  the  22d  of 
February,  1840,  when  the  greatest  mass-meeting  ever 
witnessed  in  this  country  took  place,  to  which  the 
writer  was  an  eye-witness.  Being  then  engaged  as  a 
legislative  reporter  on  Medary's  Statesman,  I  was  de- 
tailed, with  others,  to  write  up  the  grand  pageant. 
But  no  imagination  could  paint  and  no  pen  could  de- 
scribe it.  The  fifty  thousand  or  more  people  who  drop- 
ped into  Columbus  on  that  memorable  morning,  came 
from  every  nook  and  corner  in  the  State.  They  came  in 
log  cabins,  dressed  as  old  pioneers;  and  coon-skins  and 
gourds,  and  barrels  of  'good  old  hard  cider,'  were  con- 
spicuous objects  inside  and  outside  of  every  cabin. 
Some  of  these  cabins  were  fifty  feet  long,  and  were 
fitted  up  like  boarding-houses,  with  cooking  and  sleep- 
ing apartments,  and  were  drawn  by  ten  or  twenty 
horses,  and  each  horse  carried  a  rider,  dressed  to  suit 
the  momentous  occasion.  There  was  no  organization 
and  no  speaking  to  amount  to  anything,  the  whole  day 
being  taken  up  in  marching,  hurrahing  and  singing. 
It  was  this  singing  that  did  the  work.  Some  of  the 
songs  I  shall  never  forget.  They  rang  in  my  ears 
wherever  I  went,  morning,  noon  and  night,  during  the 
whole  of  that  campaign.  Men,  women  and  children 
did  nothing  but  sing.  It  worried,  annoyed,  dumb- 
founded, crushed  the  Democrats,  but  there  was  no  use 
trying  to  escape.  It  was  a  ceaseless  torrent  of  music; 
still  beginning,  never  ending.  If  a  Democrat  tried  to 
speak,  argue,  or  answer  anything  that  was*  said  or  done, 
he  was  only  saluted  with  a  fresh  deluge  of  music.  If  a 
Democrat  would  say  that  John  Tyler  was  no  Whig, 
the  Whigs  would  join  in  a  derisive  laugh  and  a  song, 
which  ended  with  the  chorus: 

'And  we'll  vote  for  Tyler,  therefore, 
Without  a  why  or  wherefore.' 

"When  compelled  to  listen  to  such  arguments,  many 
of  the  old  hard-shell  Democrats  would  become  angry: 
but  this  only  pleased  the  Whigs,  and  they  'rubbed  it 


Political  Campaign  of  1840.  375 

in '  the  harder.  The  most  popular  song  of  the  day 
was  one  about  'Tippecanoe  and  Tyler,  too,'  one  verse 
of  which  I  shall  quote  from  memory: 

'Oh,  what  has  caused  this  great  commotion,  'motion,  'mo- 
tion, the  country  through  ? 
It  is  the  ball  a  rollin'  on 

For  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler,  too, 
For  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler,  too, 
And  with  them  we'll  beat  little  Van. 
Van,  Van,  Van  is  a  used  up  man, 
And  with  them  we'll  beat  little  Van.' 

"  Well,  the  bawl,  that  was  thus  started  at  Columbus, 
kept  'rollin'  on'  all  over  the  country.  Van  Buren 
was  badly  beaten,  and  Harrison  and  Tyler  were 
elected  by  an  overwhelming  majority  of  the  popular 
as  well  as  the  electoral  vote  of  the  country." 

Was  it  not  burning  as  with  a  red  hot  iron  when 
Whig  songs  were  so  riveted  upon  the  mind  of  hard- 
shell Democrats,  that  they  can  correctly  "  quote  from 
memory,"  that  which  was  so  distasteful  after  a  lapse  of 
forty-eight  years  ?  When  men,  women,  and  children 
did  nothing  but  sing,  our  hoary-headed  old  friend,  under 
the  inspiration,  joined  the  choir.  The  writer  can 
remember  of  many  wives  and  daughters  of  Demo- 
crats joining  in  the  singing,  and  how  mad  the  husbands 
and  fathers  were,  and  what  fantastic  tricks  some  of 
them  cut  in  their  rage,  and  all  to  no  purpose;  the  sing- 
ing still  went  on.  We  know  of  daughters  being  locked 
up  to  prevent  their  singing  Whig  songs,  and  of 
their  company  being  unceremoniously  turned  out  of 
houses  to  which  they  had  been  invited  by  irate  parents. 
And  among  those  who  flew  into  such  passion  were 
many  of  the  most  prominent  and  respectable  Demo- 
crats of  the  country.  It  has  seemed  strange  to  us 
that  nothing  should  in  all  these  years  have  been  written 
to  perpetuate  the  incidents  of  1840,  when  the  whole 
people  may  be  said  to  have  gone  wild  for  Tippecanoe. 
We  have  collected  by  considerable  effort  many  of  the 
best  songs  of  the  campaign.  Some  of  them  are  of  a 
high  order  of  merit,  descriptive  of  the  men  and  times. 
In  eloquence  they  have  never  been  equaled  in  any 


376  Political  Campaign  of  1840. 

subsequent  campaign.  Well  might  A.  Fletcher  say: 
"  G.ve  me  the  making  of  the  ballads  of  a  nation,  and 
I  care  not  who  makes  the  laws." 


This  work  is  done.  With  all  its  imperfections,  and 
they  are  many,  it  goes  forth  to  awaken  old  memories. 
It  has  been  prepared  and  compiled  while  in  much  suf- 
fering from  "  poison  oak,"  and  a  virulent  attack  from 
coming  under  the  influence  of  the  cursed  ivy  that  is 
foolishly  let  grow  upon  walls  and  in  yards  as  an  adorn- 
ment, has  put  us  to  bed  and  closed  our  eyes  so  that 
we  could  give  no  attention  to  copy  or  reading  proof. 
Harrison  and  Tyler,  Van  Buren  and  Johnson,  and 
nearly  all  their  supporters  have  been  consigned  to  the 
tomb,  and  over  their  ashes  a  new  generation  busily 
moves  on  to  other  contests  of  rivals  for  popular  honors. 

"Now  is  the  stately  column  broke, 
The  beacon  light  is  quenched  in  smoke; 
The  trumpet's  silver  sound  is  still, 
The  warder  silent  on  the  hill." 


TIPPECANOE  SONGS 


OK  THE 


^oc  CABIN  BOYS  AND  GIRLS 


OF   1840. 


RDITRD   RV 


A.    B.    NORTON. 


A.    R.    NORTON    &    CO.: 

M(H  NT    VKKNON,    O..    AND    DALLAS,    TEXAS. 
1888. 


Copyright,  1888, 
BY    A.    B.    NORTON 


All  Rights  Resewed. 


' .....    f.f  *  i.::.   Oe, 
AKKON    O. 


PREFACE. 


The  songs  waked  the  people  up  in  1840,  and 
played  a  very  important  part  in  the  great 
Revolution.  In  the  cabins,  upon  the  roads,  in 
the  towns  and  cities,  everywhere,  sweet  voices 
were  singing  the  songs  for  "  Tippecanoe  and 
Tyler  too."  Those  in  this  book  have  been  col- 
lected from  all  portions  of  the  Union,  and  were 
the  most  popular  in  the  days  of  log  cabins, 
hard  cider  and  coons.  The  Whigs  sang  them 
loudly.  Every  Harrison  man  loved  a  good  song. 

"The  songs  of  old,  they  come  to  us,  and  take  possession 
of  our  heart; 

The  words  are  rude,  the  measure  strange,  devoid  of  orna- 
ment or  art, 

And  yet  they  touch  a  deeper  depth-  bring  warmer  tears 
to  fill  the  eyes  — 

And  hold  a  sweeter,  stronger  charm  than  finer  songs  in 
finer  guise. 

"These  Old  Tippecanoe  ;  ongs   were  made  by   men   who 

knew  the  midnight  !oe; 
Who   caught   the   arrow    on    the    shield,    and    swung  the 

sharp  sword's  fatal  blow; 
Who   held    the    helm    of  rolling    ship,   and    steered  their 

course  by  ice  cliffs  bare; 
Who  hunted    wolves  upon   the   hills   or  'fronted    lions  in 

their  lair. 


4  Preface. 

And  some  were  writ  by  women  whose  white  hands  were 

wet  with  salt  tears'  rain, 
Keeping  a  drear  sad  watch  at  home  for  those  that  never 

came  again; 
Who   broke   their   hearts   in   dungeons   deep   of  gloomy 

castles  closely  pent, 
Or  withered  slow  in  foreign  lands,  doomed  to  a  life-long 

banishment. 

"  And  those  old  songs  have  in  them  now  the  spirit  of  the 

writers'  days: 
Each  word  a  well  of  their  old  life  which  rises  as  the  tune 

we  raise; 
And  lo!  there  flows  from  them  to  us  the  feeling,  be  it  stern 

or  sweet, 
And  with  its  added  volume  makes  our  smaller,  shallower 

lives  complete." 


TIPPECANOE   SONGS. 


WHIG   SONG. 

TUNE,  "Marseillaise  Hymn.'" 

Rise!  rise!  ye  freemen!     Once  'twas  glory 

For  man  t'  oppose  a  tyrant's  power, 
And  who  resisted  lived  in  story. 

Oh,  seize,  then,  seize  the  present  hour! 
Say,  shall  we  slumber,  while  around  us 

Oppression's  galling  chains  are  cast? 

Say,  will  they  lighter  hang  at  last, 
To  call  them  gold  when  they  have  bound  us? 

No,  no!  no,  no!     Then  rise 
For  our  forefathers'  laws; 

March  on,  march  on!  resolved  to  win 
Our  favorite  hero's  cause. 

Will  flatt'ring  tales  of  coming  pleasures, 
When  plenteousness  and  peace  shall  reign, 

And  all  be  rich  in  glittering  treasures, 
The  poor  man's  present  wishes  gain? 

Will  it  stay  the  tide  of  desolation 
That  sweeps  so  strongly  o'er  our  land, 
To  gorge  an  office-holding  band 

And  rob  the  pockets  of  the  nation? 
No,  no,  etc. 

O,  freemen,  up!     Let  widely  flowing 
Your  banners  to  the  breeze  be  thrown, 

Your  love  of  worth  and  valor  showing; 
Your  scorn  for  tyrant  knaves  make  known 

Shall  men  believe  the  voices  telling 
In  syren  tones,  your  ship  of  state 
Is  safe,  when  all  around  dark  fate 

Frowns  out  in  ev'ry  wave  that's  swelling? 
No,  no,  etc. 

That  statesman-chief  who  led  undaunted 
And  cheered  in  strife  his  warlike  band; 

Whose  praise  a  grateful  nation  chaunted; 
Who  tills,  a  farmer  bold,  his  land — 


Tippccanoc  Songs  of  IS 40. 

Shall  we  neglect  for  one,  who  scorning 

Our  rights,  the  people's  cause; 

Who  dares  to  trample  on  our  laws, 
Nor  list  their  prayers,  their  threats,  nor  warning; 

No,  no,  etc. 

DA  CAPO  CHORUS. 

Then  rise,  rise  all  for  one. 

Who  ev'rj  suffrage  claims; 
Huzza,  for  him!  a  loud  huzza! 

Who  conquered  at  the  Thames. 


SHOULD  BRAVE    SOLDIERS    BE    FORGOT. 
AIR,  "Auld  Lang  Syne" 

Should  brave  old  soldiers  be  forgot? 

Should  patriots  fail  to  twine 
Wreaths,  glorious  wreaths,  for  those  who  fought 

In  days  of  old  lang  syne? 
No!  long  as  life  endures  will  we 

Deep  in  our  hearts  enshrine 
The  names  of  those  who  made  us  free 

In  days  of  old  lang  syne. 

Proud  England,  gloating  o'er  her  Crown, 

And  King,  and  "  rights  divine," 
Sent  forth  her  slaves  to  chain  us  down, 

In  days  of  old  lang  syne; 
But  Freedom's  champions  averr'd 

They'd  make  her  lion  whine, 
And  nobly  did  they  keep  their  word, 

In  days  of  old  lang  syne. 

They  drew  a  charter,  strong  and  full, 

Nor  did  they  fear  to  sign 
The  bulletin  that  pricked  John  Bull 

And  cut  in  every  line. 
Among  those  hearts  of  flint,  whose  fire 

Lit  up  the  flame  benign, 
Was  Harrison — Tip's  sainted  sire — 

A  Whig  of  old  lang  syne. 

But  not  the  father's  fame  alone 

Exalts  the  soldier  son — 
He  has  bright  laurels  of  his  own 

In  hard -fought  battles  won! 


Tippecanoc  Songs  of  1840. 

The  W abash  banks,  Fort  Meigs,  the  Thames; 

Their  tributes  all  combine 
To  rank  him  high  with  those  whose  names 

Were  dear  in  old  lang  syne. 

And  who's  Van  Buren?     Where  and  when 

Did  he  lead  on  the  brave, 
Or  raise  his  voice  or  wield  his  pen 

Or  ope  his  purse  to  save? 
While  Tip  gave  fight  he  styled  the  war 

"  Disastrous  and  malign," 
And  richly  earned  a  coat  of  tar, 

As  Tories  did  lang  syne. 

Let  those  who  love  sub-treasury  charms, 

Hard  work  and  little  pay, 
Closed  working  shops  and  mortgaged  farms, 

Extol  King  Martin's  sway. 
But  we  have  solemnly  affirm'd 

We  will  not  rest  supine 
Till  Van  shall  squirm  as  Croswell  squirm'd 

And  wriggl'd — not  lang  syne. 

The  knapsack  pillow'd  Harry's  head. 

The  hard  ground  eas'd  his  toils; 
While  Martin  on  his  downy  bed 

Could  dream  of  naught  but  spoils. 
And  shall  the  Blue-light  rule  the  free? 

Shall  Freedom's  star  decline? 
Forbid  it,  Heaven!     Forbid  it  ye 

Who  bled  in  old  lang  syne. 

Is  Harrison  one  whit  the  worse 

Because  he'd  not  secure, 
As  Martin  did,  a  long  full  purse, 

But  went  from  office  poor! 
And  does  the  low  "  log  cabin  "  hearth 

Unfit  Old  Tip  to  shine? 
Did  no  log  house  give  nobles  birth 

In  days  of  old  lang  syne? 

What  though  the  hero's  hard  "  huge  paws," 

Were  wont  to  plow  and  sow! 
Does  that  disgrace  our  sacred  cause! 

Does  that  degrade  him?     No! 
Whig  farmers  are  our  nation's  nerve, 

Its  bone,  its  very  spine! 
They'll  never  swerve — they  did  not  swerve 

In  days  of  old  lang  syne. 


Tippecanoc  Songs  of  1840. 

No  ruffled  shirt,  no  silken  hose 

No  airs  does  Tip  display; 
But  like  "  the  pith  of  worth,"  he  goes 

In  home-spun  "hodden-gray." 
Upon  his  board  there  ne'er  appear'd 

The  costly  sparkling  wine, 
But  plain  hard  cider,  such  as  cheer'd 

In  days  of  old  lang  syne. 

Connecticut  has  raised  the  heel 

Tip's  Tory  foes  to  bruise; 
And  keenly  do  their  vitals  feel 

The  tread  of  Jersey  Blues." 
November's  ides  will  give  the  stroke — 

Hard,  final  and  condign — 
A  blow  like  that  which  snapped  the  yoke 

In  days  of  old  lang  syne. 

Yes,  Tip  must  grace  the  White  House! 

(Alas  for  groom  and  cook) 
And  Van  on  kabbitch-stocks  must  brouse, 

At  home,  sweet  home — the  'hook! 
Thrice  hail,  Old  Tip!     " Log  Cabin "  Tip! 

"Hard-cider  Tip!"     To  you 
The  helm  we  give!     Hail,  noble  ship! 

Land,  ho!     The  port's  in  view! 
Huzza!  huzza!     Kind  heaven  be  praised — 

The  star,  the  star  benign, 
Shines  bright! — 'tis  Freedom's  star  that  blaz'd 

In  days  of  old  lang  syne! 


THE    SOLDIER    OF   TIPPECANOE. 
DIRGE,  "Not  a  Drum  Was  Heard" 

The  stars  are  bright,  and  our  steps  are  light 

As  we  sweep  to  our  camping  ground, 
And  well  we  know,  as  we  forward  go, 

That  the  foe  fills  the  greenwood  round; 
But  we  know  no  fear,  though  the  foe  be  near, 

As  we  tramp  the  greenwood  through, 
For  oh!  have  we  not  for  our  leader  got 

The  soldier  of  Tippecanoe. 

Now  the  deep  green  grass  is  our  soft  mattress 
Till  the  beating  of  reveille; 


Tippccanoc  Surigs  of  18^0.  c 

No  light's  in  our  camp  but  the  fire-fly  lamp, 

No  roof  but  the  greenwood  tree. 
Brief  slumber  we  snatch,  till  the  morning  watch, 

But  one  eye  no  slumber  knew! 
One  eye  was  awake  for  his  soldiers'  sake, 

'Twas  the  soldier  of  Tippecanoe! 

The  faint  dawn  is  breaking,  our  bugles  are  speaking, 

Quick  rouses  our  lengthened  line. 
Sweet  dreams  are  departing,  the  soldier  is  starting 

And  welcomes  the  morning  shine. 
But,  hark!  'tis  the  drum!  the  foe  is  come 

Their  yells  ring  the  dark  wood  through; 
But  see  mounted,  ready,  brave  cautious,  and  steady, 

The  soldier  of  Tippecanoe! 

Now  nigher  and  nigher,  tho'  hot  in  their  fire, 

And  ceaseless  the  volleying  sound, 
We  press  down  the  hollow,  and  dauntlessly  follow, 

Then  tramp  up  the  rising  ground. 
With  dealing  ardor  we  press  them  yet  harder, 

And  still  as  they  come  into  view, 
"Now  steady,  boys,  steady;  be  quick  and  be  ready!" 

Cries  the  soldier  of  Tippecanoe! 

Down,  down  drop  the  foe,  and  still  on  we  go, 

And  each  thicket  and  dingle  explore; 
Loud  our  shrill  bugle  sing,  till  the  wild  woods  ring, 

And  their  rifles  are  heard  no  more. 
Now  weave  the  green  crown  of  undying  renown 

For  the  patriot  hero's  brow, 
And  write  his  name  with  the  halo  of  fame, 

The  soldier  of  Tippecanoe! 


THE    HARRISON    CAUSE. 
AIR,  "-Bonnets  o1  Bine" 

Here's  a  health  to  him  that's  just, 

Here's  a  health  to  him  that's  true, 
And  who  could  not  wish  success  to  the  man 

Who  conquered  at  Tippecanoe? 
It  is  good  to  be  noble  and  firm, 

It  is  good  to  be  honest  and  true, 
It  is  good  to  support  our  Harrison's  cause. 

Who  stuck  to  the  "  red,  white  and  blue." 
Huzza  for  the  brave  and  the  true 


io  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

Who  battled  at  Tippecanoe, 
And  the  heroes  whose  names 
On  the  bank  of  the  Thames, 

Were  written  in  "  red,  white  and  blue  " 

Here's  success  to  him  that's  firm, 

Here's  success  to  him  that  is  wise, 
And  tho'  aged  and  poor,  will  give  from  his  store, 

When  misery  ever  applies! 
Here's  a  health  to  the  sage  of  North  Bend, 

Here's  success  to  the  man  of  the  plow, 
Here's  a  health  to  the  man  who  sticks  to  his  friend, 
And  lives  by  the  sweat  of  his  brow! 
Huzza  for  the  just  and  the  true, 
And  the  hero  of  Tippecanoe, 
And  the  star-spangled  "  red,  white  and  blue." 


A    SONG   OF    AN    OLD    SOLDIER. 
TUNE,  "Old  Oaken  Bucket.'" 

Oh,  dear  to  my  soul  are  the  days  of  our  glorv, 

The  time-honored  days  of  our  national  pride, 
When  heroes  and  statesmen  enobled  our  story, 

And  boldly  the  foes  of  our  country  defied, 
When  victory  hung  o'er  our  flag  proudly  waving 

And  the  battle  was  fought  by  the  valiant  and  true, 
For  our  homes  and  our  loved  ones  the  enemy  braving, 

Oh,  then  stood  the  soldier  of  Tippecanoe. 

The  iron  armed  soldier,  the  true-hearted  soldier. 
The  gallant  old  soldier  of  Tippecanoe. 

When  dark  was  the  tempest  and  hovering  o'er  us, 

The  clouds  of  destruction  seemed  gathering  fast, 
Like  a  ray  of  bright  sunshine  he  stood  out  before  us, 

And  the  clouds  passed  away  with  the  hurrying  blast, 
When  the  Indian's  loud  yell  and  his  tomahawk  flashing, 

Spread  terror  around  us,  and  hope  was  with  few. 
Oh,  then,  through  the  ranks  of  the  enemy  dashing, 

Sprang  forth  to  the  rescue  old  Tippecanoe. 

The  iron-armed  soldier,  the  true-hearted  soldier, 
The  gallant  old  soldier  of  Tippecanoe. 

When  cannons  were  pealing  and  brave  men  were  reeling 
In  the  cold  arms  of  death  from  the  fire  of  the  foe, 

Where  balls  flew  the  thickest  and  blows  fell  the  quickest 
In  front  of  the  battle  bold  Harry  did  go. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  1 1 

The  force  of  the  enemy  trembled  before  him, 

And  soon  from  the  field  of  his  glory  withdrew, 
And  his  warm-hearted  comrades  in  triumph  cried  o'er  him, 
God  bless  the  bold  soldier  of  Tippecanoe! 

The  iron-armed  soldier,  the  true-hearted  soldier, 
The  gallant  old  soldier  of  Tippecanoe. 

And  now  since  the  men  have  so  long  held  the  nation 

Who  trampled  our  rights  in  their  scorn  to  the  ground, 
We  will  fill  their  cold  hearts  with  a  new  trepidation 

And  shout  in  their  ears  this  most  terrible  sound: 
The  people  are  coming,  resistless  and  fearless, 

To  sweep  from  the  White  House  the  reckless  old  crew; 
For  the  woes  of  our  land,  since  its  rulers  are  tearless 

We  look  for  relief  to  old  Tippecanoe. 

The  iron-armed  soldier,  the  true-hearted  soldier, 
The  gallant  old  soldier  of  Tippecanoe. 


OLD   TIPPECANOE. 

Hurrah  for  the  Father  of  all  the  green  West! 

For  the  Buckeye  who  follows  the  plow! 
The  foeman  in  terror  his  valor  confest, 

And  we'll  honor  the  conqueror  now. 

His  country  assailed  in  the  darkest  of  days, 

To  her  rescue  impatient  he  flew; 
The  war  whoop's  fell  blast,  and  the  rifle's  red  blaze, 

But  awakened  old  Tippecanoe! 

On  Maumee's  dark  waters,  along  with  brave  Wayne, 
Green  laurels  he  glean'd  with  his  sword, 

But  when  peace  on  the  country  came  smiling  again, 
His  steel  to  the  scabbard  restored. 

But  wise  in  the  council,  as  brave  in  the  field, 

His  country  still  asked  for  his  aid; 
And  the  birth  of  voung  empires  his  wisdom  revealed 

The  sage  and  the  statesman  displayed. 

But  the  red  torch  of  war,  the  tomahawk's  gleam 

To  the  battle  again  called  the  true; 
And  there  where  the  stars  and  the  stripes  brightly  stream, 

Rushed  the  hero  of  Tippecanoe. 

Now  hark!  from  the  far  frozen  winds  of  the  North 
What  battle  shouts  burden  the  gale  ? 


1 2  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

The  hosts  of  Old  England  ride  gallantly  forth. 
And  the  captive  and  conquered  bewailt. 

His  country  recalls  the  bold  chieftain  she  loves, 
The  sword  of  Old  Tip  she  reclaims; 

And  victory  heralds  wherever  he  moves 
The  path  of  the  hero  of  Thames! 

Hurrah  for  the  hero  of  Tippecanoe  — 

The  farmer  who  plows  at  North  Bend ! 

A  soldier  so  brave,  and  a  patriot  so  true, 
Will  find  in  each  freeman  a  friend. 

Hurrah  for  the  log-cabin  chief  of  our  choice! 

For  the  old  Indian  fighter  hurrah! 
Hurrah!  and  from  mountain  and  valley  the  voice 

Of  the  people  re-echoes—hurrah! 

Then  come  to  the  ballot-box — boys  come  along. 

He  never  lost  battle  for  you; 
Let's  down  with  oppression  and  tyranny's  throng, 

And  up  with  Old  Tippecanoe. 


TO  THE   AMERICAN    FLAG  AND    HARRISON. 
AIR,  "Sparkling  and  Bright" 

See  in  the  light  of  glory  bright. 

Each  star  and  stripe  proudly  beaming, 

Our  flag  once  more  unfurled  to  the  war, 
To  the  breeze  of  reform  now  streaming. 

CHORUS. 

Your  goblets  fill  with  a  free  good  will, 

To  the  chief  renowned  in  story; 
Pledge  your  faith  to  him  on  the  beaker's  brim 

To  speed  him  onward  to  glory. 

Oh!  that  he  might  arrest  the  blight 

Destroying  our  dominions, 
Yet  first  awhile  he  must  beguile 

The  spoiler  of  his  minions. 

Chorus — Your  goblets  fill,  etc. 

Our  hero  bright  will  stop  the  wight, 
And  all  his  friends  shall  leave  him, 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  13 

And  every  one,  for  our  Harrison, 
With  loud  huzza's  shall  grieve  him. 

Chorus— Your  goblets  fill,  etc. 

When  high  in  state  we'll  place  elate, 

By  his  side  our  flag  unwaved; 
Loud  be  our  cheers,  when  the  hero  for  years, 

Plants  that  flag  o'er  a  Union  saved. 

Chorus — Your  goblets  fill,  etc. 


SONG   FOR  JIM    CROW. 
TUNE,  "Tell  Chapman  He  Must  Crow." 

Let  all  de  British  Tory, 

Who  feel  very  low, 
Keep  stiff  de  upper  lip, 
And  give  a  loud  crow. 
Brag  about  and  bet  about — 

And  grin  just  so; 

And  every  time  you  meet  a  Whig, 
Give  a  loud  crow. 

Massa  Kendall  give  de  order, 

"Charge  on  de  foe!" 
Se  neber  be  down-hearted, 

But  give  a  loud  crow ! 
Brag  about,  etc. 

Old  Missus  Grundy, 

Who  eberything  do  know, 

He  tell  de  loco, 
"  Give  a  loud  crow !  " 
Brag,  etc. 

Old  Massa  Ritchie — 

He  say  just  so — 
Stick  to  de  dunghill, 

And  give  a  loud  crow! 
Brag,  etc. 

Dere  is  Louisiana, 

No  matter  how  she  go — 
Only  claim  the  battle, 

And  give  a  loud  crow! 
Brag,  etc. 


14  Ttppecanoe  Song's  of  1840. 

Massa  Van  be  frightened, 

Everybody  know, 
Still  he  scold  at  Amos 
'Cause  he  doesn't  crow! 

Brag  about  and  boast  about- 

And  strut  just  so, 
And  never  lose  de  spirits, 
But  give  a  loud  crow ! 


GENERAL    HARRISON. 
AIR,   ^Pizeti   Sarpient" 


When  the  British  foemen  swarmed  around, 
And  burnt  our  cabins  to  the  ground, 

Ri  tu  ral,  etc. 

A  gallant  boy,  brave  Harrison, 
By  noble  deeds  bright  laurels  won, 

Ri  tu  ral,  etc. 

He  fought  by  Wayne,  where  brave  men  bled, 
And  where  the  ground  was  strown  with  dead, 

Ri  tu  ral,  etc. 

And  where  the  battle  fiercest  seemed 
His  ready  blade  to  combat  gleamed, 

Ri  tu  ral,  etc. 

He  spent  long  years  in  hardy  fight, 
And  always  kept  his  laurels  bright, 

Ri  tu  ral,  etc. 

And  when  with  peace  our  land  was  blest, 
We  find  him  on  his  farm  at  rest, 

Ri  tu  ral,  etc. 

No  prying  demagogue  was  he, 
But  honest,  noble,  brave  and  free, 

Ri  tu  ral,  etc. 

He  would  not  barter  truth  for  gold  — 
His  mind  was  never  bought  and  sold, 

Ri  tu  ral,  etc. 

To  great  men's  skirts  he  never  hung, 
As  Martin  to  brave  Jackson's  clung, 

Ri  tu  ral,  etc. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

But  all  alone  he  trod  the  way, 
Where  honors  thick  around  him  lay, 

Ri  tu  ral,  etc. 

The  White  House  will  by  him  be  rilled, 
For  so  the  yeomanry  have  willed, 

Ri  tu  ral,  etc. 


HURRAH    FOR    OLD   TIP. 

Old  Tip's  the  boy  to  swing  the  flail, 
Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah! 

And  make  the  locos  all  turn  pale, 
Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah! 

He'll  give  them  all  a  tarnal  switching 

When  he  begins  to  "  clare  de  kitchen! " 
Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah. 

Plowboys!  though  he  leads  in  battle, 
.He's  a  team  in  raisin'  cattle, 
And  tho'  old  Proctor  at  him  kicked, 
He  is  the  chap  that  ne'er  was  licked, 
Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah. 

His  latch-string  hangs  outside  the  door, 
As  it  has  always  done  before; 
The  people  vow  he  shall  be  sent 
To  Washington  as  President, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah. 

In  all  the  States  no  door  stands  wider, 
To  ask  you  in  tq  drink  hard  cider, 
But  any  man's  "given  to  grabbin','' 
Ne'er  can  enter  his  log  cabin, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah. 

For  such  as  Swartwout,  Price  and  Bovd, 
His  honest  soul  will  e'er  avoid, 
And  poverty  the  thinks  no  crime, 
But  welcomes  it  at  dinner  time, 
Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah. 

So  here's  three  cheers  for  honest  Tip, 
We've  got  the  locos  on  the  hip — 
We'll  row  them  all  far  up  Salt  river, 
There  let.  them  stand  to  shake  and  shiver, 
Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah! 


1 6  Tippccanoe  Songs  of  1SJ/0. 

LOG    CABIN    LYRICS. 
AIR,  " There's  Nae  Luck  About  tJ/e  House" 

Come  let  us  join  with  heart  and  voice, 

And  hail  the  people's  friend, 
And  send  to  Washington  our  choice — 
The  hero  of  North  Bend. 

For  there's  no  luck  at  the  White  House, 

There  will  be  none  at  a' 
Till  Martin  and  his  myrmidons, 
Are  driven  far  awa'. 

The  cabinet  assembled  there, 

While  thousands  in  each  State 
Have  not  wherewith  to  purchase  food, 

They  dine  off  golden  plate. 

O!  there's  no  luck  at  the  White  House. 

Then  let  us  vote  for  Harrison, 

And  turn  out  scheming  Van; 
Capsize  his  kitchen  cabinet, 

And  rout  the  loco  clan. 

For  there's  no  luck  at  the  White  House. 


AN   INVITATION  TO  THE  LOG   CABIN    BOYS 

TO   OLD    TIPPECANOE'S    RAISIN'. 
TUNE,  "The  Good  Old  Days  of  Adam  and  Ere." 

Come  all  you  log-cabin  boys,  we're  going  to  have  a  raisin', 
We've  got  a  job  on  hand  that  we  think  will  pe  pleasin', 
We'll  turn  out  and  build  Old  Tip  a  new  cabin, 
And  finish  it  off  with  chinkin'  and  daubin'. 
We  want  all  the  log-cabin  boys  in  the  nation, 
To  be  on  the  ground  when  we  lay  the  foundation; 
And  we'll  make  all  the  office  holders  think  its  amazin' 
To  see  how  we  work  at  Old  Tippecanoe's  raisin'. 

On  the  thirtieth  day  of  next  October, 
We'll  take  some  hard  cider,  but  we'll  all  keep  sober; 
We'll  shoulder  our  axes  and  cut  down  the  timber 
And  have  our  cabin  done  by  the  second  of  December, 
We'll  have  it  well  chink'd  and  we'll  have  on  the  cover, 
Of  good  sound  clapboards,  with  the  weight  poles  over, 
And  a  good  wide  chimney  for  the  fire  to  blaze  in, 
So  come  on,  boys,  to  Old  Tippecanoe's  raisin'. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  i*] 

Ohio  will  find  the  house-log  timber, 

And  old  Virginia,  as  you'll  remember, 

Will  find  the  timber  for  the  clapboards  and  chinkin', 

'Twill  all  be  first  rate  stuff,  I'm  thinkin'. 

And  when  we  want  to  daub  it,  it  happens  very  lucky, 

That  we  have  got  the  best  of  clay  in  old  Kentucky," 

For  there's  no  other  State  has  such  good  clays  in, 

To  make  the  mortar  for  Old  Tippecanoe's  raisin'. 

For  the  hauling  of  the  logs  we'll  call  on  Pennsylvania, 

For  their  Conestoga  teams  will  pull  as  well  as  any, 

And    the    Yankee  States  and  York  State  and  all  of  the 

others, 

Will  come  and  help  us  lift  like  so  many  brothers. 
The  Hoosiers  and  the  Suckers  and  the  Wolverine  Farmers, 
They  all  know  the  right  way  to  carry  up  the  corners, 
And  every  one's  a  good  enough  carpenter  and  mason, 
To  do  a  little  work  at  Old  Tippecanoe's  raisin'. 

We'll  cut  out  a  window  and  have  a  wide  door  in, 
We'll  lay  a  good  loft  and  a  first  rate  floor  in, 
We'll  fix  it  all  complete,  for  Old  Tip  to  see  his  friends  in, 
And  we  know  that  the  latch-string  will  never  have  its 

end  in. 

On  the  fourth  day  of  March  Old  Tip  will  move  in  it, 
And  then  little  Martin  will  have  to  shin  it; 
So  hurrah  boys,  there's  no  two  ways  in 
The  fun  we'll  have  at  Old  Tippecanoe's  raisin'. 


YE    SOLDIERS  OF   FREEDOM. 
TUNE,  "Bonaparte's  Return  from  Russia" 

Ye  soldiers  of  freedom,  pray  stand  to  your  arms, 
Prepare  for  the  battle,  our  freedom  alarms; 
The  trumpets  are  sounding,  come  soldiers  and  see 
The  standard  and  colors  of  sweet  liberty. 

Though  Van's  black  organ  is  sounding  so  near, 
Take  courage,  brave  soldiers,  his  powers  don't  fear; 
In  the  strength  of  our  freedom,  we  dare  him  to  fight. 
We'll  put  his  black  powers  of  aliens  to  flight. 

As  the  great  Alexander,  Van  Buren  shall  fall; 

With  the  emblem  of  freedom  we'll  conquer  them  all; 

We'll  leave  no  oppressor  alive  on  the  field, 

By  the  strength  of  the  patriots  we'll  force  them  to  yield. 

2* 


1 8  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

Through  Harrison  our  leader  we'll  battle  their  rage; 
My  heart  beats  for  freedom,  come  soldiers  engage; 
The  drums  are  sounding,  the  armies  appear, 
We'll  not  leave  one  standing  from  front  to  rear. 

Old  Tip,  he  is  riding,  the  fort  on  before, 
With  a  keg  of  hard  cider  to  treat  us  once  more, 
Some  shouting,  some  singing,  for  Harrison  they  cry, 
In  the  great  cause  of  freedom  all  gags  we  defy. 


WHAT     HAS     CAUSED     THIS     GREAT     COM- 
MOTION ? 

TUNE,  "Little  Pigs  Tail." 

What  has  caused  the  great  commotion,  motion,  motion, 
Our  country  through  ? 
It  is  the  ball  a  roiling  on,  on. 

CHORUS. 

For  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too — Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too, 

And  with  them  we'll  beat  little  Van,  Van,  Van, 

Van  is  a  used  up  man, 

And  with  them  we'll  beat  little  Van. 

Like  the  rushing  of  mighty  waters,  waters,  waters, 

On  it  will  go, 

And  in  its  course  will  clear  the  way 

For  Tippecanoe,  etc. 

See  the  loco  standard  tottering,  tottering,  tottering, 
Down  it  must  go, 
And  in  it's  place  we'll  rear  the  flag 

Of  Tippecanoe,  etc. 

Don't  you  hear  from  every  quarter,  quarter,  quarter, 
Good  news  and  true, 
That  swift  the  ball  is  rolling  on 

For  Tippecanoe,  etc. 

The  Buckeye  boys  turned  out  in  thousands,  thousands, 
Not  long  ago, 
And  at  Columbus  set  their  seals, 

To  Tippecanoe,  etc. 

Now  you  hear  the  Van  Jacks  talking,  talking,  talking, 
Things  look  quite  blue, 
For  all  the  world  seems  turning  round, 

For  Tippecanoe,  etc. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  19 

Let  them  talk  about  hard  cider,  cider,  cider, 
And  log  cabins  too, 
'Twill  only  help  to  speed  the  ball 

For  Tippecanoe,  etc. 

The  latch-string  hangs  outside  the  door,  door,  door, 
And  is  never  pulled  through, 
For  it  never  was  the  custom  of 

Old  Tippecanoe,  etc. 

He  always  has  his  table  set,  set,  set, 
For  all  honest  and  true, 
And  invites  them  in  to  take  a  bite 

With  Tippecanoe,  etc. 

See  the  spoilsmen  and  leg  treasurers,  treas,  treas, 
All  in  a  stew, 
For  well  they  know  they  stand  no  chance 

With  Tippecanoe,  etc. 

Little  Matty's  days  are  number'd,  number'd,  number'd, 
Out  he  must  go, 
And  in  the  chair  we'll  place  the  good 

Old  Tippecanoe,  etc. 

Now  who  shall  we  have  for  our  governor,  governor, 

Who,  tell  me  who  ? 

Let's  have  Tom  Corwin,  for  he's  a  team 
For  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too — Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too, 
And  with  him  we'll  beat  Wilson  Shannon,  Shannon, 
Shannon  is  a  used  up  man, 
And  with  him  we'll  beat  Wilson  Shannon! 


OLD   TIP'S   BROOM. 
TUNE,  "Buy  a  Broom" 

Come,  patriots,  come,  and  let's  clare  out  the  kitchen, 
Let's  sweep  out  the  parlor  and  clean  the  east  room, 
Drive  out  the  magrician,  who  long  has  been  witching, 
His  schemes  to  dissolve,  let  us  try  a  new  broom: 
Take  a  broom — Old  Tip's  broom! 
Come,  every  true  Whig,  and  help  handle  the  broom. 

To  nullify  subs  that  so  long  have  annoyed  us 

And  have  fattened  themselves  from  the  treasury  spoils, 


2o  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

Will  be  the  best  exercise  that  ever  employed  us, 

And  well  will  reward  us  for  all  of  our  toils: 

Take  a  broom—Old  Tip's  broom  ? 

Come,  all  ye  true  Democrats,  take  Old  Tip's  broom. 

We  all  know  our  rights,  let  us  dare  to  maintain  them. 

And  sign  the  death  warrant  of  Martin's  downfall: 

He  reads  not  the  signs,  let  our  Daniel  explain  them, 

Interpret  the  writing  that's  writ  on  the  wall: 

Take  a  broom— Old  Tip's  broom  ? 

Come,  lovers  of  freedom,  come  take  Old  Tip's  broom. 

When  the  contest  shall  come,  let  us  all  do  our  duty, 
And  make  a  clean  sweep  of  our  twenty-six  rooms; 
We'll  send  the  experiments'  crew  and  their  booty 
To  south  seas  exploring,  with  lots  of  old  brooms: 
Take  a  broom— Old  Tip's  broom  ? 
Come,  patriot  sweepers,  and  use  a  new  broom. 

Reform  the  reformers  and  sweep  out  corruption, 

Let  tyrants  and  spoilsmen,  with  faces  of  gloom 

Hear  the  rumbling  and  throes  of  the  earthquake's  eruption, 

The  voice  of  a  nation  deciding  their  doom: 

Take  a  broom — Old  Tip's  broom  ? 

To  sweep  out  corruption,  come  take  a  new  broom. 

The  new  broom  of  him  whom  they  call  Old  Granny, 

Shall  sweep  out  the  suckers  of  treasury  pap; 

The  vampires  that  lived  on  the  blood  of  the  many, 

While  we,  the  dear  people,  were  taking  a  nap: 

Take  a  broom — Old  Tip's  broom  ? 

Wake,  Democrats,  wake !  and  let's  try  a  new  broom. 

When  we  were  deceived  by  a  Hickory  hero, 
Our  credit  was  wither 'd  at  his  fatal  touch; 
Now  we  are  insulted  by  this  modern  Nero, 
Who  says  we  are  looking  to  him  for  too  much: 
Take  a  broom— Old  Tip's  broom  ? 
No  longer  be  slaves,  come  and  try  a  new  broom. 

And  when  little  Matty  is  out  of  employment, 

With  bloodhounds  and  broomstick,  far  south  he  might  go ; 

In  the  everglade  wars,  he  might  find  some  enjoyment, 

And  end  a  long  contest  by  flogging  the  foe; 

Take  a  broom — take  a  broom  ? 

[Spoken.     Take  Tip's  broom  ?] 

[Spoken.     In  the  everglade  swamps,  among  the  frogs 

with  his  dogs,  don't  you  think  he'd  find  Sam  Jones  ?] 

Come,  patriots,  come,  let  us  try  a  new  broom. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  2 1 

To  end  all  this  warring,  defaulting  and  scheming. 

This  war  upon  labor,  and  credit,  and  banks, 

On  commerce  and  trading,  a  new  light  is  gleaming, 

The  people  will  soon  put  an  end  to  their  pranks, 

With  a  broom— Old  Tip's  broom, 

They'll  drive  out  the  spoilers  by  using  Tip's  broom. 


THE    LOG   CABIN    AND    HARD    CIDER 
CANDIDATE. 

TUNE,  fAuld  Lang  Syne." 

Should  good  old  cider  be  despised, 

And  ne'er  regarded  more? 
Should  plain  log  cabins  be  despised, 

Our  fathers  built  of  yore  ? 
For  the  true  old  style,  my  boys! 

For  the  true  old  style  ? 
Let's  take  a  mug  of  cider,  now, 

For  the  true  old  style. 

We've  tried  experiments  enough 

Of  fashions  new  and  vain, 
And  now  we  long  to  settle  down 

To  good  old  times  again. 
For  the  good  old  ways,  my  boys! 

For  the  good  old  ways, 
Let's  take  a  mug  of  cider,  now, 

For  the  good  old  ways. 

We've  tried  your  purse-proud  lords,  who  love 

In  palaces  to  shine; 
But  we'll  have  a  plowman  President 

Of  the  Cincinnatus  line. 
For  old  North  Bend,  my  boys! 

For  old  North  Bend, 
We'll  take  a  mug  of  cider,  yet, 

For  old  North  Bend. 

We've  tried  the  "greatest  and  the  best," 

And  found  him  bad  enough; 
And  he  who  "in  the  footsteps  treads" 

Is  yet  more  sorry  stuff. 
For  the  brave  old  Thames,  my  boys! 

For  the  brave  old  Thames, 
We'll  take  a  mug  of  cider,  yet, 

For  the  brave  old  Thames. 


22  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

Then  give  's  a  hand,  my  boys! 

And  here's  a  hand  for  you, 
And  we'll  quaff  the  good  old  cider  yet 

For  Old  Tippecanoe. 
For  Old  Tippecanoe,  my  boys! 

For  Old  Tippecanoe, 
We'll  take  a  mug  of  cider,  yet, 

For  Old  Tippecanoe. 

And  surely  you'll  give  your  good  vote, 

And  surely  I  will,  too; 
And  we'll  clear  the  way  to  the  White  House,  yet, 

For  Old  Tippecanoe. 
For  Tip-pe-canoe,  my  boys, 

For  Tip-pe-canoe, 
We'll  take  a  mug  of  cider,  yet, 

For  Tippecanoe. 


"ANOTHER     SONG." 

The  Whigs  they  are  rising  all  over  the  land, 

And  resolving,  as  brethren  should  do, 
To  bury  dissensions,  and  join  hand  in  hand 

In  the  cause  of  Old  Tippecanoe. 

The  voice  of  their  country  now  calls  them,  and  they, 

As  patriots  faithful  and  true, 
Can  never  refuse  her  commands  to  obey, 

While  led  by  Old  Tippecanoe. 

Then  rally,  brave  boys,  with  your  banners  on  high, 

And  the  motto  unfolded  to  view, 
"  For  our  country  to  conquer,  or  in  battle  to  die," 

By  the  side  of  Old  Tippecanoe. 

The  Tories  full  long  have  triumphant  appeared, 

But  now  they  begin  to  feel  blue, 
For  they  know  that  a  tyrant  has  never  yet  dared, 

To  stand  before  Tippecanoe. 

His  cabin  is  built  up,  of  logs  all  unhewn, 

(They  say,  and  we  grant  it  is  true,) 
But  "  another  guess  "  house  they'll  discover  full  soon, 

Is  destined  for  Tippecanoe. 

His  "  cider's  too  hard  "  for  our  stomachs,  say  they, 
And  admit  it  we  readily  do, 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  23 

But  harder,  by  far,  on  their  shoulders  will  lay, 
The  lash  of  Old  Tippecanoe. 

"  He  is  old,"  they  exclaim,  but  for  that  we  don't  care, 

For  so  was  Old  Hickory  too, 
The  older,  the  tougher  to  them  will  appear 

The  arm  of  Old  Tippecanoe. 

But,  besides,  "  he  is  poor,"  and  can  never  withstand 

The  gold  of  Van  Buren  &  Co.; 
But  poor  as  he  is,  all  the  wealth  of  the  land, 

Can't  "buy  up"  Old  Tippecanoe. 

And  tho'  the  base  minions  of  power  may  sneer, 

As^their  master  compels  them  to  do, 
They  cannot  regard  without  quaking  and  fear, 

The  march  of  Old  Tippecanoe. 

For  the  chaps  that  surround  him  are  "just  of  the  sort," 

To  "  lick  up  "  a  Tory  or  two; 
A  keen  set  of  fellows,  so  runs  the  report, 

Are  the  soldiers  of  Tippecanoe. 

Then  rally,  brave  boys,  with  your  banners  on  high. 

And  the  motto  unfolded  to  view, 
For  our  country  to  conquer,  or  in  battle  to  die, 

By  the  side  of  "Old  Tippecanoe." 


YOU    REMEMBER    THE   TIME. 
TUNE,  "Tou  Remember  It,  Don't  You" 

You  remember  the  time  when  our  sires  sought  the  West, 
To  find  a  safe  home  for  the  friends  they  loved  best — 
How  each  hill  and  each  valley  a  foeman  concealed, 
And  each  plain  the  red  warrior  in  armor  revealed  ? 

You  remember  it,  don't  you  ? 

Oh!  think  of  it,  won't  you  ? 
Yes,  yes,  of  all  this  the  remembrance  shall  last 
Long  after  the  present  fades  into  the  past. 

You  remember  the  era,  when  Wayne  with  his  legion, 
Drove  the  merciless  foe  from  this  blood -sprinkled  region, 
The  gallant  young  soldier  the  foremost  in  fight, 
Who  pursued  the  wild  foe  in  his  perilous  flight  ? 

You  remember  it,  don't  you  ? 

Oh!  think  of  it,  won't  you  ? 


24  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

Yes,  yes,  of  all  this  the  remembrance  shall  last 
Long  after  the  present  fades  into  the  past. 

You  remember,  years  after,  in  the  progress  of  time, 
How  this  same  gallant  soldier,  who  was  then  in  his  prime, 
Drove  far  from  our  border  the  wild  savage  foe, 
And  the  Briton,  at  Thames,  Meigs,  and  Tippecanoe  ? 

You  remember  it,  don't  you  ? 

Oh!  think  of  it,  won't  you  ? 
Yes,  yes,  of  all  this  the  remembrance  shallj.last 
Long  after  the  present  fades  into  the  past. 

You  remember  the  man  who,  when  war's  dread  commotion, 
Spread  over  the  land,  and  the  fathomless  ocean — 
Or  when  peace  cast  her  blessings  our  wide  country  o'er, 
Who  was  ever  a  father  and  a  friend  to  the  poor  ? 

You  remember  him,  don't  you  ? 

Oh!  think  of  him,  won't  you  ? 
Yes,  yes,  of  this  man,  the  remembrance  shall  last 
Long  after  the  present  fades  into  the  past. 

When  tyrant  oppression  walks  abroad  in  the  land, 
And  spreads  want  and  disaster  with  a  merciless  hand 
Who  boldly  steps  forward  her  hope  to  renew  ? 
'  Tis  the  gallant  old  soldier  of  Tippecanoe ! 

You  remember  him,  don't  you  ? 

You  will  think  of  him,  won't  you  ? 
Oh,  yes,  of  all  this,  the  remembrance  will  last. 
Long  after  the  present  fades  into  the  past. 

And  when  the  oppressors  are  scattered  afar. 
Their  forces  all  vanquished  and  sunken  their  star — 
The  drama  then  ended,  our  hopes  bright  and  true, 
He  will  join  in  a  concert  to  Tippecanoe. 

And  we'll  remember  each  blunder, 

While  he's  flying  with  plunder 
Of  the  wily  magician  caught  napping  at  last, 
Long  after  the  spoilers  from  pow'r  are  cast. 


THE   TIMES    ARE    GROWING    HOT. 
TUNE,    " Yankee  Doodle." 

The  times  are  growing  hot,  they  say, 
Van  Burenites  are  few,  sir; 

Old  Tip  and  Tyler  take  the  day, 

As  such  good  Whigs  should  do,  sir. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  25 

The  people  think  of  other  days, 
When  Indian  yells  were  loud,  sir; 

They  call'd  the  General  far  away, 
From  out  the  youthful  crowd,  sir. 

'  Twas  Washington,  with  soldier's  eye, 

Who  saw  the  hero  plain,  sir, 
And  bade  him  march  to  do  or  die, 

Triumphant  o'er  the  slain,  sir. 

He  march'd  into  the  distant  West, 
With  patriot  heart  and  hand,  sir; 

'  Tis  useless  now  to  tell  the  rest, 
He  thrash'd  the  Indian  band,  sir. 

His  country  free,  her  warriors  sav'd, 
He  seeks  his  much  lov'd  home,  sir, 

But  soon  he  hears  the  cry  again, 
Our  enemies  are  come,  sir. 

He  seeks  again  the  tented  field, 

And  lands  on  British  soil,  sir; 
Where  Proctor  went  it  with  a  rush, 

And  Thames  records  the  toil,  sir. 

They  could'nt  come  it  over  Tip, 

He's  always  wide  awake,  sir, 
He  only  wanted  half  a  chance, 

His  enemies  to  take,  sir. 

He  ruled  the  land  his  valor  won 
With  laws  both  good  and  right,  sir, 

And  proved  himself  a  glorious  son 
Of  one  who  swore  he'd  fight,  sir. 

In  Congress  next  we  see  Old  Tip, 

The  soldiers'  cause  he  plead,  sir; 
The  living  there  a  pension  got, 

And  honor  for  the  dead,  sir. 

The  western  lands  he  portion'd  out 

In  farms  that  all  might  buy,  sir; 
The  honest  poor  their  portion  took, 

And  now  they're  'mong  the  high,  sir. 

The  ship  of  State's  in  trouble  now, 

There's  war  upon  her  border, 
Old  Tip,  they  say,  must  take  the  helm, 

The  people  give  the  order. 


26  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

Come  swell  the  shout,  ye  noble  hearts, 
Like  Tip,  we  fear  no  jell,  sir; 

Let  all  who  hear  me  act  their  parts, 
The  locos  to  expel,  sir. 

The  dandy  Mat  shall  stand  aside, 
Perhaps  in  Eaton's  room,  sir; 

'  Neath  petticoats  he  there  may  hide, 
Or  act  the  part  of  groom,  sir. 

One  shout  for  Tip,  long,  loud  and  high, 
And  then  my  song  is  o'er,  sirs; 

Ye  locos  bid  your  spoils  good-bye, 
Ye'll  get  them  now  no  more,  sirs. 


OLD   TIPPECANOE. 
TUNE,  "Rosin  the  Boiv." 

A  bumper  around,  now,  my  hearties, 
I'll  sing  you  a  song  that  is  new; 

I'll  please  to  the  buttons,  all  parties, 
And  sing  of  old  Tippecanoe. 

When  first  near  the  Thames'  gentle  waters, 
My  sword  for  my  country  I  drew, 

I  fought  for  America's  daughters, 
Long  side  of  Old  Tippecanoe. 

Ere  this,  too,  when  danger  assailed  us, 
And  Indians  their  dread  missiles  threw, 

His  counsel  and  courage  availed  us, 
We  conquered  at  Tippecanoe. 

And  when  all  the  troubles  were  ended, 

I  flew  to  the  girls  that  I  knew, 
They  promptly  declared  they  intended 

To  kiss  me  for  Old  Tippecanoe. 

And  now  that  the  good  of  the  nation 
Requires  that  something  we  do, 

We'll  hurl  little  Van  from  his  station, 
And  elevate  Tippecanoe. 

Again  and  again  fill  your  glasses, 

Bid  Martin  Van  Buren  adieu, 
We'll  please  ourselves  and  the  lasses, 

And  vote  for  Old  Tippecanoe. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  27 

OLD   TIPPECANOE. 
TUNE,  '•'•Rosin  the  Boiv" 

Ye  Vanites  of  wide  Pennsylvania, 

Of  every  old  State  and  each  new; 
Take  warning,  come  out  with  the  many, 
And  vote  for  Old  Tippecanoe! 
And  vote  for  Old  Tippecanoe; 
Take  warning,  come  out  with  the  many, 
And  vote  for  Old  Tippecanoe! 

We've  multiplied  here  past  endurin', 
Blair  and  Rives  begin  to  look  blue, 

They  see  there's  no  chance  for  Van  Buren, 
In  a  fight  with  Old  Tippecanoe. 
In  a  fight  with,  etc. 

The  little  Magician,  he  sickens 

At  the  sight  of  Delaware,  too; 
When  the  blue  hen  calls  her  game  chickens, 

To  fight  for  Old  Tippecanoe! 
To  fight  for,  etc. 

Both  New  York  and  New  Jersey  are  ours, 

Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  too; 
And  Vermont  with  her  green  mountain  flow'rs 

Will  flourish  for  Tippecanoe! 
Will  flourish,  etc. 

We'd  a  brush  in  Rhode  Island  lately, 
To  show  them  what  Yankees  could  do; 

And  we  flog'd  'em  all  most  completely, 
In  the  name  of  Old  Tippecanoe! 
In  the  name,  etc. 

And  in  old  never  tire  Virginny, 

They've  found  of  good  Whigs,  not  a  few; 

A  State,  sirs!  I'll  hold  you  a  guinea, 
Goes  hollow  for  Tippecanoe! 
Goes  hollow,  etc. 

Who  flies  to  the  rescue  ?  Kentucky, 
With  hearts,  gallant,  loyal  and  true; 

We'll  beat  them  with  brave  men  and  lucky 
Harry  Clay  and  Tippecanoe! 
Harry  Clay,  etc. 

Illinois,  Indiana,  Ohio, 

Their  towns  and  green  prairies  go  thro', 


28  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

You'll  hear  from  each  nook  of  the  trio, 
Loud  shouts  for  Old  Tippecanoe. 
Loud  shouts,  etc. 

On  Michigan's  shores  and  Missouri. 

The  ball  is  in  motion,  'tis  true; 
But  Benton  cries  out  in  a  fury, 

'Tis  rolling  tow'rds  Tippecanoe. 
'Tis  rolling,  etc. 

Mississippi,  Louisiana, 
Tennessee,  Al'bama  here  view, 

They  send  from  each  hill  and  savanna, 
Their  voices  for  Tippecanoe. 
Their  voices,  etc. 

Should  I  name  all  those  who  are  for  us, 
'Tis  plain  I  should  never  get  through; 

Rejoice  in  the  prospect  before  us, 
Huzza!  for  Old  Tippecanoe. 
Huzza!  for,  etc. 

But  before  I  finish  my  cMtty, 

I'll  claim  patriot  Maryland,  too; 

And  hail!  noble  monument  city, 
Where  we  gather  for  Tippecanoe! 
Where  we  gather,  etc. 


THE    ROUGH    LOG   CABIN. 

I  love  the  rough  log  cabin 

It  tells  of  olden  time, 
When  a  hardy  and  an  honest  class 

Of  freemen  in  their  prime, 
First  left  their  fathers'  peaceful  home 

Where  all  was  joy  and  rest 
With  their  axes  on  their  shoulders, 

And  sallied  for  the  West. 

Of  logs  they  built  a  sturdy  pile, 

With  slabs  they  roofed  it  o'er; 
With  wooden  latch  and  hinges  rude 

They  hung  the  clumsy  door. 
And  for  the  little  window  lights, 

In  size  two  feet  by  two, 
They  used  such  sash  as  could  be  got 

In  regions  that  were  new. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  29 

The  chimney  was  composed  of  slats 

Well  interlaid  with  clay, 
Forming  a  sight  we  seldom  see 

In  this  a  later  day; 
And  here,  on  stones  for  fire-dogs, 

A  rousing  fire  was  made; 
While  round  it  sat  a  hardy  crew 

"  With  none  to  make  afraid." 

I  love  the  old  log  cabin — 

For  here,  in  early  days, 
Long  dwelt  the  honest  Harrison, 

As  every  loco  says; 
And  when  he  is  our  President, 

Which  one  year  more  will  see, 
In  good  hard  cider  we  will  toast 

And  cheer  him  three  times  three. 


THE    FARMER   OF   NORTH    BEND. 
TUNE,  "Atild  Lang  Syne." 

Can  grateful  freemen  slight  his  claims 

Who  bravely  did  defend, 
Their  lives  and  fortunes  on  the  Thames, 
The  farmer  of  North  Bend  ? 

The  farmer  of  North  Bend,  my  boys, 
The  farmer  of  North  Bend, 
We'll  give  a  right  good  hearty  vote 
To  the  farmer  of  North  Bend. 

The  trump  of  fame  in  storied  song 

The  patriot's  deeds  shall  tell, 
And  freedom's  voice  the  strain  prolong, 
The  gladsome  chorus  swell. 

The  gladsome  chorus  swell,  my  boys, 
The  gladsome  chorus  swell, 
We'll  join  to-night  in  merry  song, 
The  gladsome  chorus  swell. 

The  chieftain  heard  the  stirring  drum, 

And  bent  his  soldier's  bow, 
But  victor  soon — he  hastened  home, 
His  farming  fields  to  mow, 

His  farming  fields  to  mow,  my  boys, 
His  farming  fields  to  mow, 
Exchanged  the  saber  for  the  scythe, 
His  farming  fields  to  mow. 


30  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

Though  youthful  valor  bravely  won 

The  laurel  for  his  brow, 
Yet  victory's  own  triumphant  son 
Now  holds  the  yeoman's  plow. 

Now  holds  the  yeoman's  plow,  my  boys, 
Now  holds  the  yeoman's  plow, 
And  soon  we'll  try  his  trusty  hand 
To  hold  the  nation's  plow. 

Now  hear  the  note,  his  country's  call, 

From  the  hill-tops  and  the  shore, 
It  comes  from  camp,  and  cot,  and  hall, 
And  all  the  valleys  o'er. 

And  all  the  valleys  o'er,  my  boys, 
And  all  the  valleys  o'er, 
It  calls  him  to  the  rescue,  boys, 
From  all  the  valleys  o'er. 

The  hero  who,  long  years  ago, 

Once  wore  the  warrior's  mail, 
Now  comes  to  beat  the  yeoman's  foe, 
A  farmer  with  his  flail. 

A  farmer  with  his  flail,  my  boys, 

A  farmer  with  his  flail, 

And  they'll  get  a  right  gude  threshing,  yet, 

From  the  farmer  with  his  ffail. 

Then  cheer  we  up,  my  boys,  to-night, 

A  helping  hand  we  lend, 
And  pledge  the  old  Kevstone  to-night, 
To  the  farmer  of  North  Bend. 

To  the  farmer  of  North  Bend,  mv  boys, 
To  the  farmer  of  North  Bend, 
We'll  pledge  the  old  Keystone  to-night, 
To  the  farmer  of  North  Bend. 


HARRISON    SONG. 
TUNE,  "Star -Spangled  Banner" 

Oh  say  have  you  heard  how  in  days  that  are  past, 
Bold  sons  of  the  West  with  brave  Harrison  leading, 
At  the  bugle's  shrill  call  and  the  trumpet's  loud  blast, 
To  the  battle-field  rush'd  where  our  frontiers  lay  bleeding; 

Hark!  with  the  loud  acclaim, 

How  they  shout  at  the  name, 
Of  the  hero  predestin'd  to  guide  them  to  fame! 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  31 

Oh!  the  name  of  our  Harrison,  long  may  it  stand 
The  boast  of  our  country,  the  pride  of  our  land! 

Hark!  loud  rings  the  war-whoop  o'er  forest  and  plain, 
And  the  savage  and  Briton  in  bloody  alliance 
Bringing  havoc  and  death  in  their  murderous  train, 
To  the  brave  sons  of  Freedom  are  bidding  defiance; 

But  when  Harrison  came, 

At  the  sound  of  his  name, 

They  trembled  and  fled  in  confusion  and  shame; 
Oh!  the  name  of  brave  Harrison,  long  may  it  stand 
The  boast  of  our  country,  the  pride  of  our  land! 

Unmov'd  and  serene  the  brave  Harrison  stood 

'Mid  the  din  of  the  strife  and  the  cannon's  dead  rattle, 

And  Tecumseh  and  Proctor,  twin  monsters  of  blood, 

By  their  death  or  their  flight  prov'd  his  prowess  in   battle, 

And  victory  flew, 

To  his  flag  ever  true, 

At  Fort  Meigs  and  the  Thames  and  at  Tippecanoe! 
Oh!  the  name  of  the  brave  Harrison,  long  may  it  stand 
The  boast  of  our  country,  the  pride  of  our  land! 

Oh,  long  as  the  fame  of  our  country  endures 
Be  the  names  of  her  heroes  embalmed  in  her  story, 
How  her  Jackson  defended,  her  Washington  saved, 
And  her  Harrison  fill'd  up  her  measured  glory; 

Then  long  may  the  men 

Of  the  "Log  Cabin"  strain, 
Stand  true  to  the  cause  of  the  pupil  of  Wayne; 
Oh!  the  name  of  Harrison,  long  may  it  stand 
The  boast  of  our  country,  the  pride  of  our  land! 


THE    UNITED    STATES. 
TUNE,  "Bay  of  Biscay,  O." 

Van  Buren  on  the  weather  tack, 
Our  gallant  ship  did  sail, 
When  she  was  struck  aback, 
By  a  wild  and  sweeping  gale. 

For  a  long  time  drear  and  dark, 
Was  the  Constitution  bark, 
Tossed  by  tides, 
Till  on  the  ides, 
In  Loco  Foco  Bay. 


32  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

Her  topsails  in  ribbons  fly, 
And  her  yards  were  blown  away 
As  the  waves  roll'd  mountain  high, 
For  many  a  stormy  day. 
No  vessel  can  we  spy, 
And  no  harbor  now  is  nigh, 
Till  on  the  ides, 
Toss'd  by  tides, 
In  Loco  Foco  Bay. 

And  the  stormy  petrels  flew 
Thro'  the  feathery  ocean's  foam, 
As  the  bark  and  her  poor  crew 
On  the  raging  seas  do  roam, 

While  the  spirits  of  the  clouds, 
Peal'd  their  war-notes  on  her  shrouds, 
Till  on  the  ides, 
Toss'd  by  tides, 
In  Loco  Foco  Bay. 

But  a  gallant  boat's  in  view, 
Dancing  lightly  o'er  the  wave, 
'Tis  pilot  Tippecanoe, 
Bearing  down  the  ship  to  save. 

Hurrah!  give  him  three  cheers, 
As  upon  deck  he  appears: 

For  now  we  sail, 
With  the  gale, 
From  Loco  Foco  Bay. 


A    SONG. 
TUNE,  "Hail  Columbia." 

Immortal  patriot  bright  in  arms, 
Whose  breast  the  fire  of  freedom  warms, 
Defender  of  our  hearths  and  homes, 
Defender  of  our  hearths  and  homes, 
The  scalping  knife  fell  from  the  hand, 
That  raised  it  o'er  our  boasted  land. 
The  savage  yell'd  and  conquered  fled, 
Britain  lowered  her  plumed  head; 
Proctor  yielded  to  thy  skill — 
Victor  then,  victorious  still. 

Firmly  to  our  standard  flock, 
Freemen  stand  like  solid  rock, 
Tides  of  slander  cannot  shake, 
Traitors'  hearts  alone  shall  quake. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.          •       33 

Then  rise  above  the  servile  dust, 

To  deeds  of  glory  pure  and  just; 

Our  hero's  fame  still  fadeless  blooms, 
Our  hero's  fame  still  fadeless  blooms, 

Let  slander  hide  her  dastard  head, 

The  ground  is  safe  on  which  we  tread; 

So  rally  to  the  standard  on, 

Sons  of  sires  like  Washington; 

Let  the  battle  well  be  fought, 

Glory's  best  when  dearest  bought. 

Firmly  to  our  standard  flock, 
Freemen  stand  like  solid  rock, 
Tides  of  slander  cannot  shake, 
Traitors'  hearts  alone  shall  quake. 

Lo,  now  a  grateful  people  rise, 
With  cheers  exulting  rend  the  skies, 

Brave  Harrison  in  loud  huzzas, 

Brave  Harrison  in  loud  huzzas, 
From  East  to  West  the  echo  rings, 
And  Freedom  flaps  her  airy  wings. 
Rejoiced  to  see  her  reign  prolonged, 
By  millions  round  the  hero  throng'd; 
Hoist  the  banners  high  in  air, 
Grateful  hearts  are  everywhere. 

Firmly  to  our  standard  flock, 

Freemen  stand  like  solid  rock, 

Tides  of  slander  cannot  shake, 

Traitors'  hearts  alone  shall  quake. 


HAVE    YOU    HEARD    THE   GOOD   NEWS. 
TUNE,  "Rosin  the  Botv" 

Have  you  heard  the  good  news  from  Virgin'a, 
That  makes  all  the  locos  look  blue? 

She  has  hauled  down  the  flag  of  Van  Buren, 
And  hoisted  Old  Tippecanoe. 

Old  Ritchie  &  Co.  told  "the  party" 

That  the  State  for  Van  Buren  was  true; 

But  the  log-cabin  boys  gave  them  battle, 
And  conquered  for  Tippecanoe. 

The  locos  they  worked  like  all  nature, 
And  told  all  their  lies  old  and  new; 

But  the  cabin  boys  said  you  can't  come  it, 
We  are  going  for  Tippecanoe. 

3* 


34  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

Rhode  Island  we've  got  and  Virginia, 
And  we've  taken  Connecticut  too; 

In  '36  each  was  for  Martin, 

But  now  they're  for  Tippecanoe. 

Ten  cheers  for  the  ancient  dominion; 

Ten  cheers  for  our  triumph  in  view; 
We  will  beat  them  as  bad  in  October, 

As  Old  Tip  did  at  Tippecanoe. 

Huzza  for  the  rest  of  the  Union; 

Huzza  for  our  cause  good  and  true; 
Huzza,  for  John  Tyler,  Tom  Corwin, 

And  huzza,  for  Old  Tippecanoe. 


GENERAL    HARRISON. 
TUNE,   "Tke  Lament." 

Hark!  with  shouts,  the  air  is  rending, 
Of  the  white  man's  savage  foe; 

Now  their  cruel  course  is  bending 
To  the  work  of  death  and  woe. 

Hear  the  cries  of  widows  weeping 
For  a  murdered  husband,  son; 

Low  in  death  forever  sleeping, 

Did  they  spare  them?     No,  not  one. 

Now  their  savage  bosoms  swelling; 

To  destroy,  their  only  aim; 
See!  they  burn  the  lowly  dwelling; 

See  destruction  in  their  train. 

They,  with  stealthy  steps  are  treading, 
To  secure  their  feeble  prey; 

Now,  in  fear,  the  white  man  dreading, 
Unpursued  they  flee  away. 

Hear!  the  trump  of  war  is  sounding; 

See  an  injured  people  come; 
See  the  red  man's  host  surrounding; 

See  the  gallant  Harrison. 

He.  his  country's  rights  defending, 
Has  no  cause  but  that  alone; 

He,  the  foe's  proud  power  rending, 
Ranks  on  ranks,  has  overthrown. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  35 

Now  the  cannon  loudly  roaring, 

In  destruction  on  the  foe; 
Now  in  vengeance  death  is  pouring, 

Lays  the  haughty  chieftain  low. 

Now  from  battle  he's  returning 

With  the  spoils  his  valor  won; 
See,  with  joy  his  bosom  burning; 

See  our  own,  our  Harrison. 

Now  in  safety  he's  returning; 

Joy  to  those  who  lived  in  dread; 
They,  in  silence,  now  imploring 

Choicest  blessings  on  his  head. 

Now  once  more  his  way  is  wending 

To  his  pleasant  rural  home; 
Now  his  golden  fields  is  'tending, 

In  domestic  pleasures  roam. 

Now  in  life  he's  fast  declining, 

Yet  in  wisdom  holds  his  sway; 
Round  his  head  he's  fast  entwining 

Sages'  counsel,  brightest  ray. 

Now  ye  people — now  ye  nation, 

Ere  life's  feeble  course  is  run, 
To  the  high  exalted  station, 

Raise  your  own,  your  Harrison. 


HARK   TO   THE    WARNING. 
TUNE,  "All  the  Blue  Bonnets." 

All  praise  to  the  hero,  the  statesman,  the  farmer, 
As  threefold  his  title,  be  threefold  his  fame; 
The  strong  arm  is  stronger,  the  warm  heart  is  warmer 
When  touched  by  the  magic  of  Harrison's  name. 


Hark!  to  the  warning  a  nation  has  spoken — 
It  rolls  from  the  mountain,  it  springs  from  the  plain, 
Down  with  the  spoilers,  their  trust  who  have  broken, 
And  up  with  the  standard  of  freedom  again! 

He  calls  on  the  wealthy,  whose  store  he  protected, 
The  poor  man  whose  pittance  he  labored  to  save; 


36  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

The  patriot,  who  frowns  not  on  merit  neglected, 
The  soldier,  who  honors  the  noble  and  brave. 

Hark!  to  the  warning,  etc. 

Bj  the  toils  and  the  dangers  that  sadden  his  story, 
By  the  blood  that  he  poured   with  the  blood  of  the  foe, 
By  the  homes  that  he  fought  for,  his  triumphs  his  glory 
He  calls  us  to  aid  him,  to  strike  the  last  blow. 

Hark!  to  the  warning,  etc. 

Then  up  at  his  call — speed  the  plow  my  good  neighbors, 
To  the  fields  so  long  barren,  all  eagerly  come; 
Soon  autumn  shall  yield  the  rewards  of  our  labors, 
And  the  land  shall  be  glad  with  its  new  harvest-home. 
Hark!  to  the  warning,  etc. 

Then  shout  to  the  hero,  and  forth  swell  the  chorus, 
More  loud  than  the  war-whoop  that  died  at  his  voice; 
Will  the  agent  of  ruin  fly  trembling  before  us, 
And  the  country,  redeemed  at  their  downfall,  rejoice. 
Hark!  to  the  warning,  etc. 


NEW    NATIONAL    WHIG    SONG. 
AIR,  "Hail  to  the  Chief  Who  in  Triumph  Advances."1 

Hail  to  the  chief,  for  whom  triumph  advances, 

Honored  and  blest  by  the  people  anew, 
Long  may  the  Buckeye's  green  o'erspreading  branches 
Shelter  the  hero  of  Tippecanoe! 

North,  send  it  happy  dew; 
South,  send  it  sap  anew; 
Firmly  to  flourish  as  broadly  it  grew 
Whilst  every  hill  and  plain 
Echoes,  in  joyful  strain, 
Harrison!  hero  of  Tippecanoe! 

Our's  is  no  dandy — no  poor  man's  oppressor, 

Blooming  in  power — next  winter  to  fade, 
When  the  people  shall  point  out  to  Martin's  successor 
Oh!  then  shall  our  hero  emerge  from  the  shade. 
First  in  the  nation's  choice; 
Called  by  the  people's  voice; 
Proudly  they'll  welcome  the  veteran  anew, 
Who  at  Fort  Meigs  and  Thames 
Was  his  country's  and  fame's — 
Harrison!  hero  of  Tippecanoe! 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  37 

Loudly  our  tocsin  was  thrilled  through  the  nation, 

With  Harrison's  banner  unfurled  o'er  the  land. 
The  proud  Old  Dominion  has  taken  her  station, 
The  Empire  and  Keystone  are  taking  their  stand, 
The  Buckeye  and  the  Bay  States 
We  count  on  as  first  rates 
To  carry  the  gallant  old  veteran  through; 
For,  tired  of  dallying 
The  people  are  rallying 
For  Harrison!  hero  of  Tippecanoe! 

Rise!  freemen,  rise!  for  the  hope  of  the  nation, 

Vote  for  the  hero  and  pride  of  the  West, 
Whose  fitness  to  fill  so  exalted  a  station 
His  virtues  both  private  and  public  attest, 
Firm  to  his  country's  cause; 
True  to  her  outraged  laws, 
Keeping  her  honor  and  glory  in  view, 
Triumph  will  grace  him 
Wherever  we  place  him — 
Harrison!  hero  of  Tippecanoe! 


DYING   GROANS    OF   THE   TIN-PAN. 

[Sung  at  the  great  Ohio  Convention,  held  at  Columbus,  February  22,  1840.] 

We  have  had  a  hard  time  on  account  of  the  road, 

But  we  looked  not   behind,  for  we  knew  our  cause  was 

good, 

The  object  of  our  journey  was  plain  to  discover, 
'Tis  to  row  Mat  Van  Buren  way  up  Salt  River, 

Ching  ring  a  ching,  O  ching  ring  a  ching. 

When  this  grand  delegation  will  arrive  at  the  convention, 
Then  we'll  learn  more  fully  General  Harrison's  intention, 
We'll  compose  such  a  body  that  the  Locos  will  look  sour, 
For  they  well  know  we  come  for  to  witness  their  last  hour. 

O  ching,  etc.,  etc. 

The  brig  General  Harrison  is  just  on  before 
With  a  band  of  Northern  Whigs  ten  thousand  or  more, 
Representing  when  this  nation  was  as  fair  as  any  realm — 
Till  little  Mat  Van  Buren  the  magician  took  the  helm. 

O  ching,  etc.,  etc. 

And  broadside  and  broadside  into  him  we  send 
Until  he  strikes  his  colors  to  the  hero  of  North  Bend, 


38  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

And  yields  up  command  to  the  people  again, 
And  then  success   to  commerce  and  fair  prices  for  our 
grain. 

O  ching,  etc.,  etc. 

The  Vans  of  Mount  Vernon  thought  the  Whigs  would 

give  o'er 

On  account  of  the  rain  on  the  roads,  but  O  never; 
For  we  yield  not  the  spirit  which  is  roused  all  around 
Till  the  great  hydra  monster  is  driven  from  our  land. 

O  ching,  etc.,  etc. 

The  Loco  Foco  party  at  Mt.  Vernon  down  did  look — 
When  they  failed   to   steal   the   brig,   and  showed  their 

cloven  foot, 

When  the  Whig  bugle  sound  and  in  triumph  we  set  sail, 
For  a  more  honest  party  at  Columbus  to  hail! 

O  ching,  etc.,  etc. 

He  has  taught  to  wean  attention  from  the  general  theme, 
That  it's  bad  policy  when  our  country's  not  serene; 
So  Medary  was  instructed  to  spread  the  reason  far, 
They  never  had  settled  the  Northwestern  boundary  war. 

O  ching,  etc.,  etc. 

The  spirit  of  our  nation  is  now  all  on  fire, 
But  they  can  pay  their  way  without  stealing  Quasi  Quire; 
We  are  coming  from  the  South  and  the  far  distant  Maine, 
For  to  rally  'neath  the  banner  of  our  Harrison  again. 

O  ching,  etc.,  etc. 

The  people  now  are  coming,  little  Matty  will  be  routed, 
For  their  patience  is  exhausted  and  all  Swartwouted, 
Sam  Medary  typed  a  lie  against  Mr.  Lloyd  up, 
But  their  testimony  failed,  and  used  Payne  and  Wilson  up. 

O  ching,  etc.,  etc. 

Andrew  Jackson  recommended  his  dear  little  Van 
For  to  follow  in  his  footsteps  and  try  to  be  a  man; 
But  his  administration  has  proved  to  his  scorn, 
That  he  is  a  barren  stalk  of  great  baden  corn. 

O  ching,  etc.,  etc. 

When  arriving,  shouts  came  from  the  whole  reform  nation. 

It  roll'd  o'er  our  land,  then  arose  up  to  heaven; 

But  from  a  distant  silent  house,  there  came  a  sound  of 

booming, 

And  we  soon  learnt  with  joy  'twas  the  tin  pan  a  groaning. 

O  ching,  etc.,  etc. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  39 

Now  we  join  happy  thousands  at  the  close  of  our  journey, 
At  our  proud  Capitol  all  is  free  as  milk  and  honey; 
Now  we  point  up  aloft,  where  our  nation's  banners  flying, 
And  this  shall  be  the  requiem  for  the  Vans  while  they're 
dying. 

Ching  a  ring  a  ching. 


VAN    BUREN'S    LAMENT. 
AIR,  "0,  No,  r II  Never  Mention  Her." 

Oh,  no,  I  never  mention'd  it, 

I  never  said  a  word; 
I  lent  Swartwout  a  lot  of  cash, 

Of  which  I've  never  heard. 
He  said  he  only  borrow'd  it, 

To  pay  another  debt, 
And  since  I've  never  mention'd  it, 

He  thinks  that  I  forget. 

And  Price,  and  others  like  himself, 

Have  borrow'd  money  too, 
And  since  I've  never  mention'd  it, 

They  think  it  is  not  due. 
I  fear  the  money  was  not  mine, 

And  I  must  pay  the  debt. 
For  though  I've  never  mention'd  it, 

The  people  wont  forget. 


HARRISON    SONG. 
TUNE,  "Gaily  the  Troubadour" 

Truly  did  Harrison  come  from  his  home, 
Whilst  he  was  yet  a  youth  not  twenty-one, 
He  joined  our  gallant  band  on  the  frontiers, 
Harrison,  Harrison — give  him  three  cheers. 

Hark,  all  ye  gallant  Whigs,  firm,  brave  and  true, 
After  he'd  joined  the  band  wh^t  did  he  do  ? 
He  led  to  victory,  free  from  all  fears — 
Harrison,  Harrison — give  him  three  cheers. 

Huzza  for  Harrison — success  to  him, 

He  makes  the  Vanocrats  look  rather  slim, 


40  J^ippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

He  is  the  people's  man,  away  with  our  fears — 
Harrison,  Harrison — give  him  three  cheers. 

Then  let  us  stick  to  him,  young,  old,  and  all, 
And,  like  old  Proctor's  men,  Matty  must  fall; 
Turn,  then,  ye  Vanocrats,  fear  not  their  sneers 
Harrison,  Harrison — give  him  three  cheers. 


OHIO    WHIG    CONVENTION,    1840. 
TUNE,  "The  Son  of  Alknomook." 

'Twas  on  Washington's,  birthday,  the  Whigs  of  the  State, 
In  Columbus  assembled — their  numbers  were  great; 
From  the  North,  from  the  South,  from, the  East  and  the 

West, 
By  ten  thousands  they  came,  at  their  country's  behest. 

They  were  freemen  assembled  their  rights  to  maintain 
And  to  rescue  their  land  from  corruption's  foul  stain, 
To  consult  on  the  means  their  lov'd  country  to  save, 
And  to  drive  from  high  places  base  traitors  and  knaves. 

There  was  old  Cuyahoga,  the  pride  of  the  North, 
By  her  sons,  which  the  country  in  scores  had  sent  forth, 
With  their  brig  newly  rigged,  and  a  fine  hearty  crew 
All  resolved  to  do  battle  for  Tippecanoe. 

There  was  Portage,  Medina,  Geauga,  Lorain, 
Ashtabula,  and  Trumbull,  and  western  Champaign, 
And  Muskingum,  and  Guernsey,  and  Green,  and  Monroe, 
And  Franklin,  and  Licking,  and  old  Scioto. 

There  was  Richland,  and  Warren,  and  Union,  and  Stark, 
There  was  Mercy  and  Franklin,  Montgomery  and  Clark, 
There  was  Erie,  and  Henry,  and  Paulding,  and  Wood, 
All    poured  forth  their  thousands  of  Whigs    stanch  and 
good. 

There   was   Morgan,  and   Clermont,  and   Highland,    and 

Brown, 

Swelled  the  ranks  of  the  Whigs  to  put  tyranny  down, 
While  Belmont,  and  Hamilton,  Preble,  and  Ross, 
With  their  thousands  on  thousands  made  Locos  look  cross. 

There  were  farmers,  mechanics,  and  hunters,  and  tars, 
Proudly  o'er  their  heads  waved  the  stripes  and  the  stars, 


Tippccanoc  Songs  of  1840.  41 

While  the  soul-stirring  music  poured  forth  by  the  bands, 
Cheered  their  hearts,  while  the    Tories   in  grief   wrung 
their  hands. 

Yes,  those  plunder-stained    hands,    then  in  sorrow  were 

wrung. 

While  the  Whigs  the  loud  chorus  of  liberty  sung; 
'Twas  the  death  knell  of  knavery,  hearty  and  loud, 
'Twas  the  song  of  which  freemen  shall  ever  be  proud. 

There  was  Washington's  life-guard,  a  relic  of  times, 
That  tried  brave  men's  souls  in  our  own  happy  climes, 
And  he  led  a  white  charger  along  through  the  street, 
On  his  back  was  the  saddle — great  Washington's  seat. 

And  next  came  the  patriot  of  Tippecanoe, 
The  hero  who  fought  for  his  country  when  new; 
These  banners  were  met  with  shouts  of  applause, 
From  the  houses  devoted  to  liberty's  cause. 

Assembled  at  length  and  in  liberty's  name, 
For  President — Harrison  loud  they  proclaim; 
For  Governor — Corwin,  a  friend  of  the  free, 
Huzza,  shout  huzza,  shout  huzza,  three  times  three. 

The  days  of  the  spoilsmen  are  numbered  and  told; 
In  March,  '41,  shall  the  hero  be  rolled 
In  triumph  to  Washington,  there  to  restore, 
His  country,  now  fallen,  to  glory  once  more. 


THE  SPOILSMEN. 

The  spoilsmen  came  down  like  the  wolf  on  the  fold, 
And  their  train  bands  were  rev'ling  in  ill-gotten  gold, 
And  Benton's  hoarse  howl  on  the  gale  did  resound 
Like  the  deep  deadly  yell  of  the  blood-scenting-hound. 

Like  leaves  of  the  forest  when  summer  is  green, 
In  the  year  '3Q  their  bought  banners  were  seen, 
Like  the  leaves  of  the  forest  when  autumn  hath  blown 
In  March  '41  they  lay  withered  and  strown. 

For  Freedom's  proud  bird    spread  his  wings  on  the   blast, 
And  the  breath  of  his  wrath  laid  them  low  as  they  passed, 
And  the  eyes  of  the  Vanites  grew  deadly  and  chill, 
And  Sub-Treasurers'  legs  forever  grew  still. 


42  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

• 

And  there  lay  sad  Amos  distorted  and  pale. 
With  a  curse  on  his  lip  and  his  grip  on  the  mail. 
And  there  lay  Calhoun  with  his  nostrils  all  wide, 
And  the  "galvanized  corpse"  lay  dark  by  his  side. 

And  there  lay  "poor  Pickin"  and  Duncan  hard  bv, 
With  the  Globe  in  his  hand  and  a  drop  in  his^eye, 
And  the  kitchen  was  silent,  the  Cabinet  flown, 
The  cravat  of  the  humbugger  hung  there  "alone." 

And  the  wail  of  the  scullions  is  loud  in  their  woe, 
The  "footstep"  is  vanished,  the  "follower"  laid  low, 
And  the  popular  might  hath  the  spoiler  expunged, 
The  might  of  the  freeman  hath  freemen  avenged. 


THE    LAST   CABINET   COUNCIL. 
AIR,  "There's  Nae  Luck  About  the  House." 

Sly  Matty's  face  was  overcast, 

His  hopes  began  to  lower, 

His  kitchen  cabinet  he  called, 

Besides  the  lawful  four; 

And  bade  them  with  a  scolding  tongue 

That  each  should  truly  say, 

If  any  chance  remained  for  him 

On  next  election  day. 

CHORUS. 

For  it's  Boyd  and  Harris,  Linn  and  Price, 
And  Swartwout  they  do  say. 
Have  toted  off  the  nation's  cash, 
As  lawful  Loco  prey. 

Then  up  steps  Amos,  grim  and  thin, 

With  sick  and  ghastly  look, 

You  never  would  have  thought  that  he 

Was  scullion  and  chief  cook; 

Now  Matty  dear,  says  he,  I'm  sure, 

The  game  is  up  with  us, 

Those  cursed  Whigs  will  beat  us  now, 

They  kick  up  such  a  fuss. 

CHORUS. 

About  the  outside  quires  and  cash 
You'd  think  this  nation's  broke, 
And  Blair,  and  I,  and  Calhoun  think, 
This  time  they  do  not  joke. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  43 

Says  Blair  to  M —  good  President 

I  think  it  is'unlucky, 

That  I  must  streak  it  back  again 

To  teach  school  in  Kentucky; 

But  go  I  must,  for  I  am  sure, 

Our  battles  all  are  fought, 

And  New  York's  favorite  son  is  beat 

By  sober  second  thought. 

CHORUS. 

Now  Matty  don't  get  sick,  I'm  sure 
We  may  as  well  clear  out, 
And  join  the  Loco  Foco  Price, 
And  honest  Sam  Swartwout. 

And  next,  says  Paulding,  I  do  wish 

To  novels  I  had  stuck, 

For  writing  them  would  ne'er  have  made 

Of  me  so  lame  a  duck;        # 

Dear  Matty  we  must  soon  go  back 

To  quiet  Kinderhook, 

And  in  your  garret  I  will  write 

Another  shilling  book. 

CHORUS. 

Oh,  dear!  the  times  are  very  hard 
When  wheat's  but  fifty  cents, 
But  I'm  the  man  that's  rich  enough 
If  I  collect  my  rents. 

Come,  Uncle  Levi,  tell  us  now 

What  think  you  of  Whig  votes  ? 

Oh,  dear!  I  fear  they  can't  be  bought 

With  my  sub-treasury  notes  ; 

I've  figured  out  my  long  reports 

Arrayed  in  solid  column, 

But  where's  your  cash,  the  Whigs  cry  out, 

With  faces  long  and  solemn. 


The  cash  is  gone  and  credit  too 
With  our  administration, 
And  we  have  ruined  every  man 
Throughout  the  Yankee  nation. 

Now  Poinsett  can  you  cheer  us  up 
With  glad  and  cheerful  sounds  ? 
Oh,  no!  I  can't,  those  cursed  Whigs 
Have  tree'd  me  with  bloodhounds; 


44  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

We've  got  to  quit  the  White  House,  now, 
As  fast  as  we  can  go; 
I'll  take  my  hat,  and  make  my  bow, 
For  I  am  D.  I.  O. 


The  spoils  are  gone — there's  nothing  left 
Of  paper,  blanks,  and  twine, 
And  every  man  is  fortunate 
Who  knows  where  he  can  dine. 

Perdition  catch  you  all,  savs  Mat, 
Come,  Forsythe,  you're  true  blue, 
And  are  so  versed  in  politics 
Can  tell  me  what  to  do. 
I  wish  I  could,  for  I  am  sure 
You'd  hear  it  very  soon; 
But  I  will  go  and  advise  with 
My  friend  J.  C.  Calhoun. 


For  he's  the  man  to  jump  Jim  Crow, 
And  prove  that  black  is  white, 
He  will  convince  you  its  noonday, 
When  dark  and  pitchy  night. 

Now  Harry  Clay  was  passing  bj, 

And  hearing  such  a  roar, 

With  hasty  strides  he  mounted  up 

And  opened  wide  the  door — 

Hallo!  says  he,  what  means  this  noise 

Within  this  garrison  ? 

You'd  better  all  make  tracks — here  comes 

The  patriot  Harrison. 

CHORUS. 

So  off  they  ran  with  nimble  legs, 
As  fast  as  they  could  lean; 
As  granny  he  took  up  the  broom 
And  swept  the  White  House  clean. 


WHIG  ALARUM. 

Whigs  away,  Whigs  away,  'tis  no  time  for  delay, 

For  the  foeman's  rude  footsteps  our  temples    degrading, 

To  the  contest  prepare,  and  by  strong  arm  declare, 
That  no  tyrant  survives  who  our  rights  are  invading. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  45 

Fling  the  broad  stripes  on  high,  they  shall  float  on  the  sky, 
As  the  beacons  on  the  towers  of  liberty  gleaming, 

'Tis  the  banner  of  might,  in  the  midst  of  the  fight, 

For  victory  shouts  where  its  bright  folds  are  streaming. 

And  our  eagle  is  nigh,  with  his  fierce  lightning  eye, 

And  his  broad  wings  in  the  midst  of  the  battle   are 

dashing; 
He  has  heard  from  afar,  the  loud  tumult  of  war, 

Soon  the   Vanites  shall  quail  where  his  wild  glance  is 
flashing. 

Long  our  breezes  shall  fan  the  ensign  of  a  land, 

Which  ne'er  shall  be  crushed  by  a  tyrant's  stern  heel; 

Then  warriors  awake  and  your  bright  sabers  take; 
Let  the  foes  of  our  freedom  their  keen  edges  feel. 

Whigs  away,  Whigs  away,  'tis  no  time  for  delay, 
For  a  tyrant's  in  the  temples  of  sweet  liberty; 

Strike  for  freedom  and  laws,  for  our  dear  country's  cause. 
From  the  wide  western  prairies  to  the  shores  of  the  sea. 


THE  VOICE  OF  COLUMBIA. 

Lo!  the  seal  of  power  is  breaking, 
Patriots,  who  have  slept,  are  waking, 

And  a  tyrant's  fall  declare; 
Freemen,  arouse!  a  voice  is  singing, 
In  mount  and  vale,  the  peal  is  ringing; 
See,  the  stars  and  stripes  are  flinging, 

Meteor-flashes  on  the  sky. 

Minstrelsy  the  land  is  filling, 

In  brave  hearts  its  tones  are  thrilling, 

'Tis  the  harp  of  Liberty; 
From  her  seraphic  temple  springing, 
Swift  on  lightning  pinions  winging, 
While  her  gallant  sons  are  bringing. 

Vengeance  on  her  enemy. 

Hosts  to  battle  now  are  dashing, 
In  the  sun  their  blades  are  flashing, 

Hear  ye  not  their  battle  cry? 
Banners  on  the  sky  are  gleaming, 
And  upon  the  breeze  are  streaming, 
Leading,  by  their  beacon  beaming, 

Men  resolved  to  do  or  die. 


46  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

Tyrant,  our  sacred  rights  invading, 
With  miscreant  slaves  our  soil  degrading, 

In  freedom's  halls  you  dwell  no  more; 
Tho'  now  against  her  laws  rebelling, 
Soon  you'll  hear  on  wild  winds  swelling, 
Mighty  shouts  thy  downfall  knelling, 

Far  along  Atlantic's  shore. 


REPORT. 
DIRGE,  "Burial  of  Sir  John  Moore" 

Not  a  sigh  was  heard  not  a  farewell  groan 

Though  he  looked  confoundedly  flurried; 
No  patriots  breast  was  heard  to  moan, 

As  from  the  White  House  he  was  hurried, 
He  streaked  it  out  darkly,  at  dead  of  night, 

The  way  with  his  grabbers  feeling, 
And  he  seemed,  by  the  glare  of  lantern  light, 

Like  a  rogue  just  caught  a  sheep  stealing. 

No  useless  carriage  encircled  his  breast, 

Nor  in  ruffles,  nor  jewels  we  found  him; 
Yet  he  looked  like  a  chap  that  had  feathered  his  nest 

With  the  people's  earnings  around  him; 
Nor  few,  nor  short,  the  maledictions  said. 

And  spoke  more  in  anger  than  sorrow, 
As  the  people  they  gritted  their  teeth  in  their  head, 

And  cursed  the  magician  all  hollow. 

Startled  and  wild  was  his  cat-like  tread, 

(As  Old  Tip's  name  was  rung  o'er  each  hill.  Oh!) 
Like  a  hyena  scared  from  his  feast  of  the  dead, 

As  the  red  morning  breaks  over  the  billow; 
Lightly  they'll  talk  of  the  sprite  that  is  gone, 

And  o'er  the  sub-treasury  upbraid  him; 
But  little  we'll  reck,  so  we'll  let  him  sneak  on 

To  the  grave  where  the  people  have  laid  him. 

But  half  our  grateful  task  was  done, 

When  the  clock  toll'd  the  hour  so  desiring; 
And  we  knew  by  the  boom  of  a  Harrison  gun 

That  the  Whigs  were  merrily  firing. 
Down  slowly  and  sadly  the  Locos  come 

From  the  east  room,  in  uppermost  story; 
In  Virginia  fence-line,  they  all  reel'd  home, 

And  left  Old  Tip  alone  in  his  glory. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  47 

LET    FAME    PUT    HER   TRUMP. 

Let  fame  put  her  trump  to  the  lip  of  the  morn, 

And  rouse  up  the  slumbering  day; 
On  the  wings  of  the  wind  be  the  blast  onward  borne, 

Till  it  dies  in  the  ether  away; 
But  on  the  broad  hills  let  it  lay, 

And  echo  the  green  valley  o'er, 
That  a  chieftain  exists,  who,  though  aged  and  gray, 

Shall  this  country's  lost  luster  restore. 

From  the  North  to  the  South,  from  the  East  to  the  West, 

From  the  center  all  round  to  the  sea, 
On  the  pinions  of  time,  that  are  never  at  rest, 

It  is  borne  to  the  ears  of  the  free : 
Then  tremble  the  tyrants  that  be, 

For  the  moments  of  reckoning  come, 
More  appalling  than  tempests  that  scourge  the  dark  sea, 

Or  the  war-notes  of  trumpet  and  drum. 

From  the  long  dreary  night  of  misrule  and  dismay, 

A  whole  people  awake  to  the  light, 
While  the  dark  clouds  of  error  are  breaking  away, 

And  the  morning  of  truth  dawning  bright: 
Again  in  her  splendor  and  might, 

Fair  Freedom  unveils  to  the  view, 
And  points  to  the  chief,  whose  integrity's  plight 

Shall  the  stars  of  her  glory  renew. 

Betrayed  by  false  statements,  the  sons  of  the  soil 

Long  in  error  and  darkness  did  grope, 
While  the  vampyres  bore  oft"  the  reward  of  their  toil, 

And  withered  each  promise  of  hope: 
But  a  chieftain  there  is,  who  shall  cope 

With  the  spoilers  with  Hercules'  arm, 
While  the  phalanx  of  freemen,  unscathed  and  unbroke 

The  abuses  of  power  shall  disarm. 

He  was  tried  in  the  battle,  and  ne'er  known  to  yield, 

Lang  syne,  in  the  days  of  our  pride; 
A  sage  in  the  Senate,  a  chief  in  the  field, 

On  whom  sages  and  warriors  relied: 
They  will  rally  again  to  his  side, 

As  they  did  when  the  war- arrows  flew; 
And  he'll  lead  them  to  conquest  and  glory  beside, 

As  he  led  them  at  Tippecanoe. 

At  the  sound  of  the  blast  cheering  onward  amain, 
Prosperity  lifts  her  pale  head, 


48  Tippecanoe.  Songs  of  1840. 

And  looks,  as  her  eye  brightens  up  once  again, 

Like  a  vestal  arose  from  the  dead: 
Toward  the  chieftain  her  arms  are  outspread. 

Who  her  beauty  and  strength  shall  restore, 
And  robe  her  anew  in  the  white  blue  and  red, 

That  so  gracefully  veiled  her  before. 

Then  pour  a  libation,  and  bear  it  on  high, 

And  let  Fame  give  the  word  of  command, 
While  the  eagle  of  victory  stoops  from  the  skv, 

And  hovers  above  the  green  land: 
Round  the  altar  of  Freedom  we  stand, 

With  the  swords  of  our  country  in  view, 
And  accoutred  for  battle,  pledge  heart  and  pledge  hand, 

For  the  hero  of  Tippecanoe. 


IT    OFTTIMES    HAS    BEEN    TOLD. 
TUNE,  "The   Constitution  and  Gurriere" 

It  ofttimes  has  been  told, 

That  British  sailors  bold, 
Could  flog  the  tars  of  France  so  neat  and  handy,  O; 

But  they  never  found  their  match, 

Till  the  Yankees  did  them  catch, 
Oh,  the  Yankee  boys  fighting  are  the  dandy,  O. 

The  British  now  so  bold, 

Hired  just  to  fight  for  gold, 
Commanded  by  proud  Proctor,  the  grandee,  O; 

With  Indians  by  the  score, 

A  thousand  too,  or  more, 
They  swore  they'd  flog  the  Yankees  now  so  handy,  O. 

Then  Proctor  loudly  cries, 

Make  this  great  field  your  prize, 
You  can  in  thirty  minutes  neat  and  handy,  O* 

Thirty  five's  enough  I'm  sure, 

And  if  you'll  do  it  in  a  score, 
I'll  treat  you  to  a  double  share  of  braVidy,  O. 

The  Indians  with  a  yell, 

As  if  they  came  from  h — 11, 
Slashed  round  their  tomahawks  so  neat  and  handy',  O; 

Now  says  Harrison  to  his  braves, 

Come  on  and  whip  these  slaves, 
If  we  take  these  savage  boasters  we're  the  dandy,  O, 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  49 

The  first  gun  that  was  fired 

Into  their  hearts  inquired, 
Which  made  the  lofty  Proctor  look  abandoned,  O; 

This  Briton  shook  his  head, 

And  to  his  officers  said, 
Lord,  I  didn't  think  old  Harrison  was  so  handy,  O. 

Our  second  told  as  well, 

It  made  the  Indians  yell, 
Which  doused  Tecumseh's  hopes  so  very  handy,  O. 

By  George,  they  cried,  we've  done, 

We'd  better  cut  and  run, 
While  the  Yankees  struck  up  Yankee  doodle  dandy,  O. 

The  Indians  now  unarmed, 

Because  they  were  alarmed, 
And  buried  all  their  tomahawks  so  handy,  O; 

But  Harrison  did  not  rest, 

And  on  the  battle  press'd, 
And  tightly  grasped  his  good  old  sword  so  handy,  O. 

Yet  the  brave  old  soldier  said, 

He  wished  not  Proctor  dead, 
But  meant  to  dress  him  in  a  petticoat  so  handy,  O; 

Then  send  him  to  the  squaws, 

The  reason  why,  because 
Among  men  he  wasn't  quite  the  dandy,  O. 

Now  great  success  to  him 

Who  does  the  work  so  trim, 
As  flog  two  great  warriors  so  handy,  O ; 

Our  President  he'll  be, 

Which  you  will  shortly  see, 
And,  fellow-citizens,  wont  that  be  the  dandy,  O! 


THE  PEOPLES'   SONG. 
TUNE,  " Gilder oy" 

We  long  to  see  the  season  come 
When  we  can  vote  for  Harrison, 
For  there  is  nothing  can  prevent 
His  being  the  next  President; 
For  he's  the  man  that  risk'd  his  life, 
Against  the  savage  scalping  knife; 
And  Proctor  thought  he'd  better  run 
Than  measure  swords  with  Harrison. 

4* 


ijo  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

When  some  were  in  their  cradles  rock'd 
Their  fathers  round  the  hero  flock'd, 
The  fight  was  hard,  but  still  they  won, 
Led  on  by  General  Harrison; 
But  now  with  double  force  they  come. 
The  war-worn  soldier,  with  his  son, 
They  strike  the  time  without  the  drum, 
Both  right  and  left,  for  Harrison. 

Supporting  General  Harrison, 
The  people  have  no  risk  to  run — 
For  he  can  first  adjust  their  laws, 
Then  with  his  sword  maintain  their  cause. 
Then  raise  the  banner  till  it  floats, 
While  men  are  handing  in  their  votes; 
And  may  their  ballots  tell  as  one, 
Success  to  General  Harrison. 

Then  let  this  song,  for  one,  be  sung, 
As  clear  as  Indian  rifles  rung, 
By  middle-aged,  old  and  young, 
Without  one  jar  or  faltering  tongue; 
And  let  the  spangled  banner  wave, 
High  on  the  breeze,  above  the  brave, 
While  they  proclaim  the  work  is  done, 
We'll  join  for  General  Harrison. 

The  eagle  with  bright  plumage  dressed, 
Directs  her  flight  towards  the  West, 
Where  oft  she'd  heard  the  battle  yell, 
To  drop  a  tear  where  Davies  fell; 
Now  round  the  field  her  way  she  wings, 
And  with  her  notes  the  welkin  rings, 
She  sings  Me  Arthur,  Cass  and  Croghan, 
Then  tops  her  song  with  Harrison. 


THE  FLAG  OF  TIPPECA^OE. 
AIR,  "A  Health  Let   Us  Drink  to  the  Hero  and  Sage." 

The  "Spoilsmen"  are  fretful  and  gloomy  as  night, 
Their  "  Denmark  is  rotten"  about, 
The  party's  perplexed,  and  in  horrible  plight,; 
For  Matty  they  know  must  go  out: 

Our  flag,  like  the  sign  to  the  Roman,  I  ween, 

Will  lead  us  to  glory — and  who 

Would'nt  stick  to  that  flag  while  a  star's  to  be  seen 

The  flag  of  Old  Tippecanoe. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  ft 

"The  scepter  and  power  from  Judah  must  go;" 
The  days  of  Van  Buren  are  told, 
The  people,  refusing  to  take,  as  you  know, 
Shin-plasters,  for  promised  gold: 

Then  on  to  the  rescue  my  hearties  we  move, 

Corruption  must  shrink  if  we  do, 

Let's  stick  to  Old  Buckeye,  the  statesman  we  love, 

The  Hero  of  Tippecanoe! 

Our  ship  CONSTITUTION,  though  stanch  in  her  hull, 

Isrnarr'd  by  the  Partisan  storm; 

But  we  safely  Will  moor  her  by  united  pull, 

In  the  haven  of  real  reform:  , 

But  the  ship  to  be  saved  a  new  Master  must  own, 

And  a  new  set  of  Tars  for  the  crew; 

From  the  Ancient  Domain  the  Lieutenant  must  come 

The  Captain  from  Tippecanoe! 

When  war's  deadly  summons  had  led  us  to  blows, 
Where  was  Kinderhook  Van  to  be  found? 
In  the  rear  of  all  dangers,  with  Bluelights  and  foes, 
He  hated  the  battle's  dread  sound. 

Where  was  HARRISON  then?  on  the  field  of  his  fame 

There,  prov'd  himself  gallant  and  true, 

The  roar  of  the  cannon  was  music  to  him 

The  Hero  of  Tippecanoe. 

When  peace  by  proud  victories  came  again  brief, 
The  Hero  returned  to  his  plow;  , 

But  the  people  are  coming  to  make  him  their  Chief, 
With  purpose  inflexible  now. 

Then  fill  up  your  wine  cups  and  pass  them  around, 

Let's  drink  to  the  brave  and  the  true, 

And  this  be  our  toast,  The  Brave  Hero  of  Thames, 

The  Hero  of  Tippecanoe! 


THE  HERO  OF  TIPPECANOE; 

[The  following  song  was  sung  at  the  convention  held  at  Columbus,  Feb- 
ruary 22,  23,  '40.] 

TUNE,  "Rosin  the  Bow." 

Ye  jolly  young  lads  of  Ohio, 

And  all  ye  sick  Vanocrats  too, 
Come  out  from  amongst  the  foul  party, 

And  vote  for  old  Tippecanoe,  etc. 

And  vote  for  old  Tippecanoe,  etc. 


52  Tippecanoe  Song's  of  1840. 

The  great  Twenty -Second  is  coming, 
And  the  Vanjacks  begin  to  look  blue, 

They  know  there's  ho  chance  for  poor  Matty, 
If  we'll  stick  to  old  Tippecanoe, 
If  we'll  stick,  etc. 

I  therefore  will  give  you  a  warning, 

Not  that  any  good  it  will  do, 
For  I'm  certain  you  all  are  a  going, 

To  vote  for  old  Tippecanoe, 
To  vote,  etc. 

Then  let  us  be  up  and  doing, 

And  cling  to  our  cause  brave  and  true, 

I'll  bet  you  a  fortune  we'll  beat  them, 
With  the  hero  of  Tippecanoe. 

With  the  hero,  etc. 

Good  men  from  the  Vanjacks  are  flying, 
Which  makes  them  look  kinder  eskew, 

For  they  see  they  are  joining  the  standard, 
With  the  hero  of  Tippecanoe. 

With  the  hero,  etc. 

They  say  that  he  lived  in  a  cabin, 
And  lived  on  old  hard  cider  too, 

Well,  what  if  he  did,  I'm  certain, 
He's  the  hero  of  Tippecanoe. 

He's  the  hero,  etc. 

Then  let  us  all  go  to  Columbus, 
And  form  a  procession  or  two, 

And  I  tell  you  the  Vanjacks  will  startle, 
At  the  sound  of  old  Tippecanoe. 

At  the  sound,  etc. 

A»  for  one  I'm  fully  determined, 
To  go,  let  it  rain,  hail  or  snow; 
And  do  what  we  can  in  the  battle, 
-     For  the  hero  of  Tippecanoe. 

For  the  hero,  etc. 

And  if  we  get  any  ways  thirsty, 

I'll  tell  you  what  we  can  do, 
We'll  bring  down  a  keg  of  hard  cider, 

And  drink  to  old  Tippecanoe. 

And  drink,  etc. 


Tippecanoc  Songs  of  1840.  53 

HURRAH  SONG. 

Old  Tip's  the  boy  to  swing  the  flail, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrahl 
And  make  the  Locos  all  turn  pale, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah! 
He'll  give  them  all  a  tarnal  switchin', 
When  he  begins  to  "  Clare  de  Kitchen." 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah! 

Plowboys!  though  he  leads  in  battle, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah! 
He's  a  team  in  raising  cattle, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah! 
And  though  old  Proctor  at  him  kicked, 
He  is  the  chap  that  never  was  licked, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah,  etc. 

Hi*  latch-string  hangs  outside  the  door, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah! 

As  it  has  always  done  before, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah ! 

We  vowed,  by  Whigs  he  should  be  sent 

To  Washington  as  President, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah,  etc. 

In  all  the  States  no  door  stands  wider, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah! 
To  ask  you  in  to  drink  hard  cider, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah! 
But  any  man  that's  fond  of  grabbin', 
Ne'er  can  enter  his  log  cabin, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah! 

For  such  as  Swartwout,  Price  and  Boyd, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah! 

His  honest  soul  will  e'er  avoid, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah! 

And  poverty  he  thinks  no  crime, 

But  welcomes  it  at  dinner  time, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah,  etc. 

So  here's  three  cheers  for  honest  Tip, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah! 
We've  got  the  Locos  on  the  hip, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah? 
We'll  row  them  all  far  up  Salt  River, 
There  let  them  stand  to  shake  and  shiver, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah,  etc. 


54  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

THE    HERO    PLOWMAN. 
TUNE,  "Tankee  Doodle." 

The  hero  plowman  of  North  Bend, 

According  to  my  notion, 
Who  did  our  cabins  long  defend, 
Is  worthy  of  promotion. 

Then  for  the  plowman  we'll  array, 

Our  gallant  Buckeye  forces — 
Van  Buren's  collar  men  K  K* 
They  soon  will  fly  their  courses. 

Van  cannot  bribe  us  with  his  Price, 
Nor  will  we  be  Swartwouted; 

We'll  stick  to  Tip  like  any  vise, 
Until  the  foe  is  routed. 

Then  for,  etc. 

Come  one  come  all,  the  spoilsmen  clan, 
Who  jump  at  Matty's  orders; 

We'll  clear  his  kitchen  to  a  man, 
And  boost  them  from  our  borders. 
Then  for,  etc. 

The  false  magician  long  has  play'd 

His  feats  of  hocus  pocus; 
Has  congregated  and  array 'd, 

His  rabid  Loco  Focos. 

But  for,  etc. 

Leg-treasVers  scent  his  old  Dutch  cheese, 

The  smell  whereof  so  loud  is; 
It  makes  them  jump  and  snuff  and  sneeze 
The  Loco  Foco  rowdies. 

Then  for,  etc. 

The  treas'ry-Kraut  is  wholly  spoil'd, 

It  never  was  half  salted, 
But  spoilsmen  gulp  it  down  unboil'd, 

But  just  a  little  scalded. 

Then  for,  etc. 

Our  Buckeye  hero,  true  and  tried, 
Is  rightly  nam'd  old  granny; 

To  deliver  (is  his  pride) 
The  house  of  little  Vanny. 

Then  for,  etc. 

*K  K  means  can't  come  it. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840,  55 

But  granny  never  works  by  halves, 

He's  eke  a  famous  doctor, 
He'll  ease  the  nation  of  her  knaves, 

As  he  did  Gen'ral  Proctor. 

Then  for,  etc. 

The  spoilsmen  will  be  forc'd  to  slope; 

To  take  unto  their  scrapers; 
Old  Tip  will  grant  them,  soon  I  hope, 

Authentic  walking  papers. 

So  for,  etc. 

And  then  the  famous  Kinderhook, 

Sir  Martin  will  reside  in; 
He'll  find  some  cranny  nook  or  crook. 

His  infamy  to  hide  in. 

Then  for,  etc. 

Now  here's  a  health  to  Harrison: 

His  fame  keeps  circling  wider; 
Ohio's  boast  Virginia's  son — 

We'll  toast  him  on  hard  cider. 

Then  for,  etc. 


THE  BATTLE   OF  THE   THAMES. 
TUNE,  "The  Battle  of  the  Nile." 

Arise!  arise!  sons  of  the  West  arise, 

And  join  in  the  shouts  of  the  patriotic  throng; 

Arise!  arise!  sons  of  the  West  arise, 

And  let  Freedom's  walls  re-echo  with  your  song. 

For  he  will  lead  us  on 

Who  did  lead  us  years  ago, 

When  he  trod  a  foreign  soil, 

Wreaking  vengeance  on  the  foe. 

CHORUS. 

And  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  as  every  tongue  proclaims, 
And  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  as  eveiy  tongue  proclaims, 
Shall  live  in  history,  in  poetry  and  song. 

Huzza!  huzza!  huzza!  huzza!  huzza,  boys, 

For  him  who  fought  for  us,  and  never  yet  was  known  to 
yield, 

Huzza!  huzza!  huzza!  huzza!  huzza,  boys, 

Our  Harrison  again  will  win  the  field. 


56  Tippccanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

Arise!  arise!  sons  of  the  West  arise, 

Your  brethren  of  the  East  are  arousing  in  their  might, 

Arise!  arise!  sons  of  the  West  arise, 

And  be  ready  now  to  aid  them  in  the  fight. 
For  he  will  be  our  chief, 
Who  when  danger  was  at  hand, 
To  our  frontier  brought  relief, 
With  his  gallant  western  band. 
And  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  etc. 

Arise!  arise!  sons  of  the  West  arise, 

Your  liberties  maintaining,  your  country  now  befriend, 

Arise!  arise!  sons  of  the  West  arise, 

And  gather  'round  the  farmer  of  North  Bend. 
For  he  will  bring  us  aid, 
Who  was  aide  to  gallant  Wayne, 
When  the  Indian's  yell  was  heard, 
From  every  hill  and  plain. 
And  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  etc. 


LOG  CABINS  AND  LOG  CABIN  BOYS. 

[Sung  at  the  Log  Cabin  "  raisin'  "  at  Annapolis,  on  Thursday,  2$th  ultimo.] 
TUNE,  "Hunters  of  Kentucky" 

Log  Cabins  now  are  all  the  go. 

My  friends,  suppose  we  rear  one, 
We're  clumsy  architects,  I  know, 
Yet  still  we  can  prepare  one. 
Yankee  Doodle  keep  it  up, 

Yankee  Doodle  dandy, 
Old  Tip's  the  chap  to  put  things  right, 
In  State  affairs  he's  handy. 

We  owe  it  to  each  Hoosier  friend; 

'Tis  due  to  old  Kentucky, 
Who  'neath  the  Banner  of  North  Bend, 
In  war  or  peace  is  lucky. 
Yankee  Doodle  keep  it  up, 

Yankee  Doodle  dandy; 
In  honor  of  the  West  we'll  have 
A  Cabin  neat  and  handy. 

When  Proctor  and  our  savage  foes, 

With  yells  the  West  astounded, 
Van  Buren  liv'd  in  sorf  repose, 

By  luxury  surrounded. 


Tippccanoe  Songs  of  1840.  57 

Yankee  Doodle  keep  it  up, 

Yankee  Doodle  dandy; 
'Twas  then  Old  Tip  that  savage  horde 

Just  beat  and  took  so  handy. 

Log  Cabin  Boys  are  all  the  go, 

The  fool  alone  derides  them, 

Their  hearts  with  manly  feelings  glow, 

And  honor  ever  guides  them. 

Yankee  Doodle  keep  it  up, 

And  'bout  the  work  be  handy, 
They've  order'd  Van  to  Kinderhook, 
And  that  you  know's  the  dandy. 

Now,  friends,  a  song  I've  given  you, 

Let  some  one  sing  another — 
A  courtesy  that's  always  due 
From  one  Whig  to  a  brother. 
Yankee  Doodle  keep  it  up, 

Let's  with  our  work  be  handy, 
Old  Tip  will  be  the  President, 
And  that  will  be  the  dandy. 


THE  "LOG  CABIN"  SONG. 

[Composed  and  sung  by  the  Clark  county  delegation  at  the  great  People's 
Convention  of  Ohio,  on  the  22d  of  February,  1840.]- 

TUNE,  "Highland  Laddie.'1'1 

Oh,  where,  tell  me  where,  was  your  Buckeye  Cabin  made? 
Oh,  where,  tell  me  where,  was  your  Buckeye  Cabin  made? 
'Twas  built  among  the  merry  boys  that  wield  the  plow 

and  spade, 
Where   the    Log  Cabins   stand,  in   the   bonnie  Buckeye 

shade! 

'Twas  built,  etc. 

Oh,  what,  tell  me  what,  is  to  be  your  Cabin's  fate? 
Oh,  what,  tell  me  what,  is  to  be  your  Cabin's  fate? 
We'll  wheel  it  to  the  Capital,  and  place  it  there  elate, 
For  a  token  or  sign  of  the  bonnie  Buckeye  State-! 

We'll  wheel,  etc. 

Oh,  why,  tell  me  why,  does  your  Buckeye  Cabin  go? 
Oh,  why,  tell  me  why,  does  your  Buckeye  Cabin  go? 
It  goes  against  the  spoilsmen,  for  well  its  builders  know 
It  was  Harrison  that  fought  for  the  cabins  long  ago. 

It  goes,  etc. 


58  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

Oh,  what,  tell  me  what,  then,  will  little  Martin  do? 
Oh,  what,  tell  me  what,  then,  will  little  Martin  do? 
He'll  "follow  in  the  footsteps"  of  Price  and  Swartwout  too, 
While  the  log  cabins  ring  again  with  old  Tippecanoe. 

He'll  follow,  etc. 

Oh,  who  fell  before  him  in  battle,  tell  me  who? 
Oh,  who  fell  before  him  in  battle,  tell  me  who? 
He  drove  the  savage  legions,  and  British  armies  too 
At  the  Rapids,  and  the  Thames,  and  old  Tippecanoe! 

He  drove,  etc. 

By  whom,  tell  me  whom,  will  the  battle  next  be  won? 
By  whom,  tell  me  whom,  will  the  battle  next  be  won? 
The  spoilsmen  and  leg  treasurers  will  soon  begin  to  run! 
And  the  'Log  Cabin  Candidate'  will  march  to  Washing- 
ton! 

The  spoilsmen,  etc. 


THE  HERO  STATESMAN. 
TUNE,  "The  CampbelVs  Are  Coming." 

He  comes  from  the  West,  in  the  strength  of  his  name, 

The  favored  of  song,  and  a  hero  in  fame; 

He's  the  People's  own  choice,  and  his  resting  shall  be 

At  the  side  of  the  brave,  in  the  hearts  of  the  free, 

No  more  in  the  shade  of  retirement  he's  laid, 

Where  the  warrior's  plume  rests  with  his  chivalrous  blade: 

For  his  country  demands  his  true  service  again, 

To  protect  with  his  sword,  and  defend  with  his  pen. 

He  comes  from  the  West  in  the  strength  of  his  name 

The  favored  of  song,  and  a  hero  in  fame; 

He's  the  people's  own  choice,  and  his  resting  shall  be 

At  the  side  of  the  brave,  in  the  hearts  of  the  free. 

Though  gray  be  his  locks,  there's  a  fare  in  his  eye, 

That  flashes  in  scorn  when  a  foeman  is  nigh; 

To  the  poor  and  oppressed  who  his  kindness  implore, 

He  never  in  scorn  shuts  his  hand  nor  his  door. 

Then  hail  to  the  hero  who  merits  our  thanks, 

To  the  statesman  who  lives  on  Ohio's  green  banks; 

For  the  banner  of  freedom  that  floats  to  the  breeze, 

Shall  ne'er  be  dishonored  on  land  nor  on  seas. 

He  comes  from  the  West,  etc. 

When  joined  with  the  wise  and  engaged  with  the  great 
To  act  for  his  country  in  councils  of  state, 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  59 

No  traitor  unscathed  shall  escape  from  his  hand — 
The  boldest  he'll  sweep  from  a  place  in  the  land. 
Though  dastards  revile,  and  though  cowards  defame, 
They  dim  not  the  glory  of  Harrison's  name; 
And  louder  and  broader  our  plaudits  shall  rise 
For  the  hero  so  bold,  for  the  statesman  so  wise. 

He  comes  from  the  West,  etc. 


NEW  COMIC  SONG. 
TUNE,  "Hey,  Come  Along,  Josey" 

Come  listen  to  me  and  I'll  sing  you  a  song, 

Which  I  promise  you  shall  not  be  long; 

And  I  know  you'll  say  it's  a  first-rate  thing 

And  dis  is  de  tune  dat  I  will  sing: 

Hey,  cum  along,  jim  along,  Josey, 
Hey,  cum  along,  jim  along,  Jo. 

I  spose  you  know  de  Whigs  next  fall 
Are  gwoing  to  stop  the  Loco  ball; 
Gin'rawl  Harr'sin  he  too  strong  for  Martin, 
And  at  de  lexshun  will  beat  him  sartin: 

Hey,  cum  along,  etc. 

De  spilers  say  dey  will  no  hab  him 
Kase  how  he  lib  in  a  log  cabin; 
But  de  peeple  say  dey  do  not  kere, 
He  shall  hab  de  White  House  'fore  a  year. 
Hey,  cum  along,  etc. 

De  Locos  say  he  drink  hard  cider, 
But  dey  only  spread  his  fame  de  wider 
And  dey  may  ober  dere  shampane 
Make  fun  of  him  but  it's  all  in  wane: 

Hey,  cum  along,  etc. 

Yes,  let  um  laf  and  call  him  granny, 
But  it's  well  for  you  my  little  Vanny, 
Dat  he  draw  de  Injuns  and  British  far 
While  you  were  talkin'  'gainst  de  war: 

Hey,  cum  along,  etc. 

And  as  de  enemy  den  flew, 
At  Meigs,  at  Thames,  at  Tipp'canoe, 
So  he  will  make  de  hirelings  run 
When  he  is  sent  to  Washington: 

Hey,  cum  along,  etc. 


60  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

De  fox  will  den  wid  a  sheepish  look 
Sneak  back  to  de  hole  in  Kinderhook; 
And  de  leg  treasurers  will  make  tracks 
As  if  de  debil  was  at  dere  backs: 

Hey,  cum  along,  etc. 

And  he  who  at  'Cumsey  pull  de  trigger 
Whose  wife  was  cousin  to  dis  niggur; 
Eben  dat  wont  save  him,  for  de  nashun 
Say  dey  not  for  amalgamation: 

Hey,  cum  along,  etc. 

"White  man,  white  man,  werry  unsartin," 
"How  you  off  for  soap,"  my  darlin'  Martin; 
Next  March  de  log  cabin  boys  will  shout, 
"Does  your  anxious  mammy  know  you're  out  ?' 
Hey,  cum  along,  etc. 

I  swow  I  pity  your  condition, 
For  you  were  for  de  bobbolishoun, 
And  voted  for  darkies  cum  ob  age 
To  hab  de  right  ob  free  sufferage: 

Hey,  cum  along,  etc. 

And  now,  gentle  folks,  I  bid  you  good  bye, 
Don't  let  de  Locos  fro  chalk  in  your  eye; 
And  when  to  de  city  de  Gin'rawl  you  bring, 
Dis  nigger  will  be  dere  all  ready  for  to  sing: 
Hey,  cum  along,  etc. 


TIPPECANOE  SONG. 
AIR,  "Bonnets  of  Blue." 

The  voice  of  the  nation  has  spoken, 
The  tyrants  all  shake  in  their  shoes — 

The  scepter  of  Martin  is  broken — 
He  shrinks  at  the  glorious  news. 

CHORUS. 

All  hail  to  the  glorious  West, 
Log  cabins  and  yeomen  to  you; 
The  land  of  the  brave  and  the  blest, 
And  home  of  old  Tippecanoe. 

The  political  valley  of  Death. 

Surround  his  vile  minions  of  power, 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  61 

Their  slanderous,  pestilent  breath, 
Is  hushed  like  the  storm  of  an  hour. 

All  hail,  etc. 

The  cooks  of  the  kitchen  aghast, 

Hear  their  knell  sound  far  from  the  West, 
And  fear  that  their  dishes,  at  last, 

Will  poison  the  "  greatest  and  best." 

Then  hail  to  the  glorious  West, 
Log  cabins  and  yeomen  to  you; 
The  land  of  the  brave  and  the  blest, 
And  the  home  of  old  Tippecanoe. 


CLEARING  THE    KITCHEN    AND    WHITE    HOUSE. 

[A  song  for  the  fourth  of  March,  1841.] 
TUNE,  "Young  Lochinvar" 

Old  Tippecanoe  has  come  out  of  the  West, 
Through  all  the  wide  border  his  fame  was  best, 
For  save  his  log  cabin,  he  station  had  none, 
He  came  with  his  friends,  with  true  hearts  alone. 
So  dauntless  in  war,  to  his  country  so  true, 
Was  ever  there  soul  like  Old  Tippecanoe  ? 

He  staid  not  for  break,  he  stopped  not  for  stone, 
He  swam  the  Ohio  where  ford  there  was  none, 
But  ere  he  alighted  at  Washington  gate 
The  spoilers  were  scampering  before  'twas  too  late, 
For,  laggard  in  heart,  to  his  country  untrue, 
Had  kept  this  fair  place  from  Old  Tippecanoe. 

So  boldly  he  entered  the  President's  hall, 

'Mong  patriots  and  brothers  and  ladies  and  all, 

That,  to  little  Van,  it  politely  occurred, 

Unto  the  new-comers  he  must  say  a  word. 

"Oh,  whence  are  you  here? — what  came  you  to  do? 

Must  you  take  this  White  House  for  Old  Tippecanoe?" 

"He  long  served  his  country,"  the  lovers  replied, 

"She  wooed  him  to  come,  when  her  suit  you  denied, 

But  now  is  he  here  with  friends  from  afar, 

To  fill  up  the  measure  of  glory  and  war, 

There  are  men  in  this  country  more  fitting  than  you, 

To  rule  this  fair  land  with  Old  Tippecanoe." 

They  sat  down  the  mug  when  Old  Tip  took  it  up, 


62  Tippeeanoe  Songs  of 

AndfUiuaffed  the  hard  cider,  then  proffered  the  cup,' 
Van  looked  down  to  blush,  and  then  looked  up  to  sigh 
With  a  frown,  on  his  lip  and  a  squint  in  his  eye; 
Then,  bowing  full  low,  says  he,  "  Good-bye  to  you, 
I  surrender  this  house  to  Old  Tippeeanoe." 

So  good  a  form  and  so  honest  a  face, 
That  never  this  hall  such  a  farmer  did  grace; 
While  Kendall  did  fret  and  Levi  did  fuss, 
•And  Benton  stood  dangling  his  yellow  boy's  purse, 
And  the  ladies  they  whispered,  "  'twere  'tis  true, 
The  country  were  governed  by  Tippeeanoe." 

One  touch  to  Blair's  hand  and  one  word  in  his  ear, 
As  Van  reached  the  door,  and  his  carriage  was  near,  . 
"We  are  gone,  we  are  gone,  by  hook  or  by  crook, 
I  must  wend  my  way  back  to  my  own  Kinderhook; * 
My  light  English  coach,  though  often  it  flew, 
Couldn't  match  the  hard  gray  of  Old  Tippeeanoe." 

There  was  mounting  and  tramping  of  Cabinet  clan, 
And  the  kitchen  concern,  some  rode  and  some  ran; 
There  was  racing  and  chasing  o'er  Capital  lea, 
But  the  little  Magician  no  more  could  th^y  see! 
So  dauntless  in  war,  to  his  country  so  true, 
Who  could  clear  the  kitchen  but  Tippeeanoe? 


HARD  CIDER. 

[Composed  by  Dr.  J.    Kilbourne,   and  sung  at  the   Log  Cabin   Raisin', 
Columbus.] 

TUNE.  "  Old  Rosin  the  B<nu." 

Come  ye  who,  whatever  betide  her, 
To  freedom  have  sworn  to  be  true, 
Prime  up  with  a  cup  of  hard  cider, 
And  drink  to  old  Tippeeanoe,  etc. 

On  top  I've  a  cask  of  as  good,  sir, 
As  man  from  the  tap  ever  drew; 
No  poison  to  cut  up  your  blood,  sir, 
But  liquor  as  pure  as  the  dew,  etc. 

No  foreign  potation  we  puff,  sir, 
In  free-land  the  aple-tree  grew; 
Its  juice  is  exactly  the  stuff,  sir, 
To  quaff  to  brave  Tippeeanoe,  etc. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  63 

Ye  log-cabin  monarchs,  who  reign  o'er 
The  West,  in  your  hunting- shirts  blue; 
A  brimmer  you  surely  can  drain  to 
Your  neighbor  of  Tippecanoe,  etc. 

Ye  yeomen,  so  hardy  and  noble, 
Who'll  sup  on  a  mess  of  parch'd  corn, 
And  then  make  but  light  of  the  trouble 
To  fight  the  wild  Indian  till  morn,  etc. 

One  cup  to  the  men  who  fell  round  you, 
The  gallant,  the  brave  and  the  true; 
Another,  to  him  who  inspir'd  you, 
To  conquer  at  Tippecanoe,  etc. 

At  Thames,  too,  he  spurn'd  ev'ry  danger 
And  planted  the  flag  of  the  free, 
The  star-lighted  flag  of  the  ranger, 
Where  subjects  had  bended  the  knee,  etc. 

When  war,  with  his  battles  was  over, 
With  peace,  he  retir'd  to  his  farm, 
Where  the  culture  of  wheat,  corn  and  clover, 
For  the  hero,  had  life-giving  charm,  etc. 

And  when  with  his  toils  growing  weary, 
He'll  turn  to  his  comrades  and  share 
A  cup  of  old  cider,  so  cheery, 
Dispelling  both  languor  and  care,  etc. 

Let  Van  sport  his  coach  and  outriders, 
In  liveries  flaunting  and  gay, 
And  sneer  at  log  cabins  and  cider, 
But,  woe,  for  the  reckoning  day!  etc. 

"Parch'd  corn"  men  can't  stand  it  much  longer; 
Enough,  is  as  much  as  we'll  bear: 
With  Tip  at  our  head,  in  October, 
We'll  tumble  him  out  of  the  Chair. 

Then  ho! — for  March  4th,  forty-one,  boys, 
We'll  shout,  till  the  heaven's  arch  blue 
Shall  echo,  hard  cider  and  fun,  boys, 
Drink,  drink  to  old  Tippecanoe. 

We'll  drink  to  old  Tippecanoe, 
We'll  drink  to  brave  Tippecanoe, 
Shall  echo — Hard  cider  and  fun,  boys, 
Drink — drink,  to  Old  Tippecanoe, 


64  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

THE  HERO  OF  OHIO. 

[  Written  for  the  Log  Cabin  lads  and  ladies,  by  a  Log  Cabin  poet.] 
TUNE,  "The  Hunter's  of  Kentucky? 

Come  listen,  lads  and  ladies,  now, 

To  my  immortal  story; 
And,  while  you  wreathe  around  his  brow 

The  garland  of  his  glory, 
The  troubadour  will  sound  a  name 

That  none  will  dare  deny  O, 
Was  first  upon  the  field  of  fame, 

The  hero  of  Ohio. 

Oh!  Ohio, 

The  hero  of  Ohio. 

Fair  Freedom's  Father,  Washington, 

Gave  Harrison  a  station, 
And  said:  "My  boy,  your  father  won 

A  name  in  this  great  nation; 
Go,  battle  for  the  fair  and  free, 

And  on  thy  God  rely,  O; 
And  future  fame  shall  welcome  thee, 

The  hero  of  Ohio, 

Oh!  Ohio,  etc. 

Beloved  by  all  his  soldiers  brave, 

Nor  terrified  by  trifles; 
For  glory  or  a  hero's  grave, 

He  met  the  Indian  rifles; 
Into  the  fight  he  fearless  flew, 

Resolv'd  the  foe  should  fly,  O; 
And  Congress  crown'd  at  Tippecanoe, 

The  Hero  of  Ohio, 

Oh!  Ohio,  etc. 

'Mid  British  bayonets  and  flame, 

And  savage  thrusts  and  thumps,  he 
Beside  the  foremost  phalanx  came, 

The  terror  of  Tecumseh; 
And  Proctor's  life  but  seldom  names, 

Without  a  curse  or  cry,  O, 
The  day  he  dared,  upon  the  Thames, 

The  hero  of  Ohio, 

Oh!  Ohio,  etc. 

His  country  he  has  nobly  served, 

Both  in  the  field  and  forum; 
From  truth  or  trust  he  never  swerv'd 

Nor  from  a  just  decorum. 


7^ippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  65 

Like  Cincinnatus,  to  the  plow 

He  keeps  a  steady  eye,  O; 
And  every  one  will  hail  him  now, 

The  Farmer  of  Ohio. 

Oh!  Ohio,  etc. 

Bring  laurels,  lovely  ladies,  now, 

For  he  will  guide  the  nation; 
Bring  garlands  for  his  glorious  brow, 

When  he  shall  hold  his  station, 
And  let  us  hear  the  wild  hurrah, 

From  all  the  Western  sky,  O; 
Hail,  boys,  with  many  a  loud  huzza, 

The  Farmer  of  Ohio, 

Oh!  Ohio,  etc. 


A  TIP-TOP  SONG  ABOUT  TIPPECANOE. 

'Tis  the  tip  of  the  fashion  for  brave  hearts  and  true 
To  join  in  the  shout  for  brave  Tippecanoe; 
The  soldier,  the  farmer,  the  statesman,  the  friend, 
Who  fought  at  the  Thames,  and  who  lives  at  North 

Bend; 

Who  gathered  his  laurels  where  bravely  they  grew, 
'Mid  the  slaughter  and  carnage  of  Tippecanoe, 

Tippecanoe,  Tippecanoe, 
An  honest  old  soldier  is  Tippecanoe. 

No  parasite  he  at  the  footstool  of  power, 
To  flatter  and  fawn  for  the  rule  of  an  hour, 
All  honor  and  manliness  basely  to  smother 
And  avow  it  his  glory  to  follow  another; 
Oh,  no,  for  our  hero  is  honest  and  true, 
And  the  tip-top  of  honor  is  Tippecanoe, 

Tippecanoe,  Tippecanoe, 
The  tip-top  of  honor  is  Tippecanoe. 

Though  the  frosts  of  old  age  may  have  whitened  his 

brow, 

Yet  the  light  of  his  deeds  round  his  temples  will  glow 
Like  the  sun  on  a  mountain,  whose  head  in  the  sky 
Receives  the  first  snow  on  its  summit  so  high, 
But  will  show  forth  in  majesty,  beauty  and  light, 
When  the  valleys  below  are  all  shrouded  in  night — 
Tippecanoe,  Tippecanoe — 
And  thus  stands  the  soldier,  bold  Tippecanoe. 

5* 


66  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

Then  join  in  the  shout  that  has  so  loud  gone  forth, 
From  the  East  and  the  West,  from  the  South  and  the 

North, 

From  the  prairies  and  lakes  to  the  briny  blue  sea, 
The  shout  of  the  mighty,  the  bold  and  the  free — 
From  the  cold  Granite  State  to  warm  generous  Lou- 
isiana, 
The  shout  of  Tippecanoe, 

Tippecanoe,  Tippecanoe, 
The  tip  of  all  tips  is  brave  Tippecanoe. 


THE  BEST  THING  WE  CAN  DO. 
TUNE,  "Malbrouk" 

The  times  are  bad  and  want  curing, 

They  are  getting  past  all  enduring; 

Let  us  turn  out  Martin  Van  Buren, 

And  put  in  old  Tippecanoe; 

The  best  thing  we  can  do, 

Is  to  put  in  old  Tippecanoe: 
It's  a  business  we  all  can  take  part  in, 
So  let  us  give  notice  to  Martin, 
That  he  must  get  ready  for  starting, 

For  we'll  put  in  old  Tippecanoe. 

A  change  of  the  Administration 
Will  be  for  the  good  of  the  nation, 
For  it  is  now  in  a  bad  situation, 

So  we'll  put  in  old  Tippecanoe. 
The  best  thing  we  can  do, 
Is  to  put  in  old  Tippecanoe. 
And  send  the  whole  posse  a  packing, 
Van  Buren  and  all  of  his  backing; 
For  we've  tried  them  and  found  them  all  lacking, 
And  we'll  put  in  old  Tippecanoe. 

We've  had  of  their  humbugs  a  plenty, 
For  now  all  our  pockets  are  empty; 
We've  a  dollar  now,  where  we  had  twenty, 
So  we'll  put  in  old  Tippecanoe. 

The  best  thing  that  we  can  do, 

Is  to  put  in  old  Tippecanoe; 
For  their  roguery  can't  be  defended, 
And  it's  time  that  their  reign  should  be  ended, 
We  shall  never  see  times  mended, 

'Till  we  put  in  old  Tippecanoe. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  67 

Uncle  Sam  han't  a  cent  in  his  purse  now, 
And  matters  are  still  growing  worse  now; 
There's  only  one  thing  left  for  us  now, 
It's  to  put  in  old  Tippecanoe. 

The  best  thing  that  we  can  do, 

Is  to  put  in  old  Tippecanoe. 
For  we  are  all  of  us  going  to  ruin, 
As  long  as  we  keep  such  a  crew  in, 
So  let  us  be  up  and  a  doing, 

And  put  in  old  Tippecanoe. 


A  JACKSON   MAN'S    SONG. 

Come  listen  my  trusty  old  cronies, 
I'll  sing  you  a  short  verse  or  two, 

And  I  know  you  would  not  be  offended, 
Should  I  sing  of  Old  Tippecanoe. 

His  enemies  call  him  a  coward, 
And  sneer  at  his  poverty  too, 

But  a  true-hearted  Jackson  man,  never 
Will  slander  the  brave  and  the  true. 

But  a  true-hearted  Democrat,  ever 
Will  honor  the  brave  and  the  true, 

And  leave  it  to  British  and  Tories 
To  slander  old  Tippecanoe. 

And  who,  pray,  is  Martin  Van  Buren, 
What  wonders  did  he  ever  do? 

Was  he  in  the  battle  of  Orleans, 
Meigs,  Thames  or  Old  Tippecanoe? 

Oh,  no!  he  had  no  taste  for  fighting, 
Such  rough  work  he  never  could  do; 

He  shirked  it  off  on  the  brave  Jackson, 
And  the  hero  of  Tippecanoe. 

This  larkey  we  once  have  elected, 
Not  that  any  good  he  would  do, 

But  because  he  had  been  recommended 
By  Jackson  the  brave  and  the  true. 

And  since  for  one  term  we're  in  favor, 
We  think  that  this  honor  should  do; 

So  good-bye  to  you,  Mr.  Van  Buren — 
Here  goes  for  Old  Tippecanoe. 


68  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

BUCKEYE  BOYS. 
TUNE,  "Swiss  Boy" 

Come,  arouse  ye,  arouse  je,  my  brave  Buckeye  boys, 

Take  the  axe  and  to  labor,  away; 
The  sun  is  up  with  ruddy  beam, 
The  Buckeye  blooms  beside  the  stream: 

Come,  arouse  ye,  etc. 

Love  ye  not,  love  ye  not,  O,  my  brave  Buckeye  boys, 

To  the  rally  with  Tippecanoe; 
For  the  hero,  patriot,  brave  and  free, 
.Waits  to  assert  your  liberty. 

Love  ye  not,  etc. 

To  the  polls,  to  the  polls,  then  my  brave   Buckeye 

boys, 

To  the  rescue,  then  haste  ye  away. 
The  cup  we  fill — the  hard  cider  pass, 
In  friendship  round,  until  the  last; 
With  a  shout,  with  a  shout,  go  the  brave  Buckeye 

boys, 
With  old  Tip  to  the  White  House  away. 


SONG  FOR  THE  BOYS. 
TUNE,  "7  Want  To  Be  a  Nun." 

Now  is  it  not  a  pity  such  a  pretty  lad  as  I, 
Should  be  a  Loco  Foco  to  pine  away  and  die? 

But  I  won't  be  for  Van, 

No,  I  can't  go  for  Van, 
For  I  so  love  my  country  that  I  cannot  go  for  Van. 

I'm  sure  I  cannot  see  what  is  there  in  the  man, 
That  my  father  often  tells  me  I  must  be  for  Van, 

But  I  can't  go  for  Van, 

No,  I  won't  go  for  Van, 
I  dislike  the  Loco  Focos,  and  I  cannot  go  for  Van. 

With  the  Locos  I  can't  stay,  it  will  never  do  for  me, 
So  I'll  go  among  the  Whigs  just  to  see  what  I  can  see; 

Now  I  will  be  a  Whig, 

Now  I  shall  be  a  Whig, 
They  cheer  so  much  for  Harrison,  I  must  be  a  Whig. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  69 

I  see  among  the  Whigs  the  bone  and  sinew  too, 
They  all  are  going  to  vote  for  Old  Tippecanoe; 

So  I  now  go  for  Tip, 

Yes  I  must  go  for  Tip, 
The  things  are  in  my  heart  and  I  will  go  for  Tip. 

They  said  the  Loco  Foco  boys  would  make  fun  of  me, 
But  they've  all  turned  to  Harrison  and  none  can  I  see; 

Yes  they  all  go  for  Tip, 

And  now  I'll  go  for  Tip, 
For  he's  the  Boys'  Candidate,  and  we  all  go  for  Tip. 

My  mother  says  she  doesn't  care  if  I  am  only  true, 
If  I  do  leave  the  Vans,  for  Old  Tippecanoe; 

For  I  like  a  canoe, 

And  like  a  canoe, 
And  we'll  sail  it  safe  to  Washington,  you'll  see  what 

we  will  do. 

So  father  don't  be  angry,  but  let  your  sonny  be, 
For  the  Vanites  would  not  like  such  a  Loco  as  me; 

For  I  don't  go  for  Van, 

No  I  shan't  go  for  Van, 
I  shall  go  for  Henry  Harrison,  so  help  it  if  you  can. 


OLD   FORT   MEIGS. 
AIR,  "Ok!  Lonely  is  the  Forest  Shade." 

Oh!  lonely  is  our  old  green  fort, 

Where  oft  in  days  of  old, 
Our  gallant  soldiers  bravely  fought, 

'Gainst  savage  allies  bold". 
But  with  the  change  of  years  have  past 

That  unrelenting  foe, 
Since  we  fought  here  with  Harrison, 

A  long  time  ago. 

It,  seems  but  yesterday  I  heard, 

From  yonder  thicket  nigh, 
Th'  unerring  rifle's  sharp  report, 

The  Indians  startling  cry. 
Yon  brooklet  winding  at  our  feet, 

With  crimson  gore  did  flow, 
When  we  fought  here  with  Harrison, 

A  long  time  ago. 


70  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

The  river  rolls  between  its  banks, 

As  when  of  old  we  came; 
Each  grassy  path,  each  shady  nook, 

Seems  to  me  still  the  same. 
But  we  are  scattered  now,  whose  faith 

Pledg'd  here  through  weal  or  woe, 
With  Harrison  our  soil  to  guard, 

A  long  time  ago. 

But  many  a  soldier's  lip  is  mute, 

And  clouded  many  a  brow, 
And  hearts  that  beat  for  honor  then, 

Have  ceased  their  throbbing  now. 
We  ne'er  shall  meet  again  in  life, 

As  then  we  met,  I  trow, 
When  we  fought  here  with  Harrison, 

A  long  time  ago. 


PATRIOTIC    SONG. 
AIR,  "Te  Mariners  of  Rngland" 

Ye  brave  tars  of  Columbia, 
Her  glory  and  her  pride, 
Who  bear  the  sacred  flag  of  stars 

Triumphant  o'er  the  tide, 
A  cheer  for  him,  while  you  fought 

Our  bloody  naval  fights, 
Took  his  stand  on  the  land, 

As  defender  of  her  rights. 
On  many  a  field  the  firm,  the  strong 

Defender  of  her  rights. 

Old  soldiers  of  Columbia, 
Who  lingering  yet,  may  tell 
The  horrors  of  a  border  war, 

And  how  your  brothers  fell? 
Come,  rally  round  your  leader  now, 

For  justice  now  implores, 
And  proclaim  to  their  shame, 

That  his  enemies  are  yours.     . 
And  'twill  be  echoed  loud  and  long, 

His  enemies  are  yours. 

Ye  farmers  of  Columbia, 
Who  till  this  Western  soil, 
Your  broad  and  goodly  heritage, 

Was  gained  through  blood  and  toil. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  71 

Will  ye  be  backward  to  defend, 
The  name  we  have  espoused? 
No!  At  length,  in  their  strength, 

Like  a  lion  when  aroused, 
They'll  come.     Awake  the  farmer's  wrath 

A  lion  is  aroused. 

Ye  freemen  of  Columbia, 
Who  still  in  faith  esteem 
The  charter  of  your  fathers'  blood, 

Would  ye  that  faith  redeem? 
In  Macedonian  phalanx  form, 

In  one  unbroken  band. 
And  they'll  beat  a  retreat, 

The  despoilers  of  the  land — 
Sub-treasurers,  Levellers,  and  all 

The  spoilers  of  the  land. 

The  true  son  of  Columbia! 
We  bring  him  now  before 
The  people,  with  his  services 

Of  forty  years  or  more; 
Unstain'd — untouch'd — to  his  reward, 

To  save  the  country's  fall. 
Let  us  rise,  for  the  prize 

Is  the  dearest  right  of  all — 
A  free  and  healthy  government, 

The  dearest  right  of  all. 


TIPPECANOE    AND  JACKETS    OF   BLUE. 
TUNE,  «Te  Sons  of  Columbia." 

The  good  ship  of  State  is  driven  ashore, 

The  thunder  howls  round  us,  and  dark  tempests  low'r; 

The  sea  is  fast  rising — and  breaks  in  the  bay, 

And  the  hearts  of  the  boldest  are  filled  with  dismay, 

She  will  founder  unless  with  true  patriot  zeal, 

We  get  rid  of  the  lubber  who  stands  at  the  wheel! 

And  take  a  netv  pilot,  whose  heart  is  true  blue — 

And  such  we  shall  find  in  old  Tippecanoe. 

Old  "Tip"  is  a  hero,  brave,  honest  and  true, 
Who  deserves  the  esteem  of  the  jackets  of  Blue. 
His  bosom  so  free  from  intrigue,  guile  or  art, 
Is  the  shrine  of  that  treasure,  a  patriot's  heart. 
Besides,  if  we  turn  over  his  log  we  shall  find 
A  foe  to  oppression — a  friend  to  mankind. 


72  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

What  say  ye  then  sailors — ye  jackets  of  blue, 
Shall  we  choose  as  our  pilot,  Old  Tippecanoe? 

He  has  fought  for  our  rights,  and  in  peace  he  has 

shown 

That  in  State  navigation  he's  second  to  none, 
His  soul  with  true  "live  oak  grit"  is  imbued, 
He  is  worth  to  stand  where  a  Washington  stood. 
Then  give  him  the  tiller — when  he  steps  on  deck 
His  firmness  and  wisdom  will  save  us  from  wreck. 
Then  summon  him,  tars!  shout  jackets  of  blue. 
"  Oh,  haste  to  our  rescue,  Old  Tippecanoe!  " 

Had  he  lived  in  a  country  where  merit  is  known, 
And  rewarded  by  pensions  and  praise,  or  a  throne, 
Wealth,  power  and  fame  would  have  been  his  just 

meed, 

And  an  humble  "log  hut"  would  have  ne'er  shel- 
tered his  head. 

But  his  nature  is  noble,  his  worth  stands  confessed, 
The  son  of  Virginia,  the  pride  of  the  West. 
Come  on,  then,  my  hearties,  ye  jackets  of  blue, 
And  salute  with  nine  huzzas,  Old  Tippecanoe. 


ON  !   TO    VICTORY  !  ! 
TUNE,  "Scots  We  Wlia." 

Whigs!  whose  sires  for  freedom  bled, 
Whigs!  whom  patriots  oft  have  led, 
Whigs!  by  the  "  treasury  spoils"  unfed, 
On,  to  victory ! 

"  Now's  the  day,  and  now's  the  hour," 
See  approach  the  tyrant's  power! 
Shall  we  to  the  tyrants  cower? 
Shall  we  turn  and  flee? 

Hear  the  foe's  insulting  cry, 
Hear  him  boast  of  triumph  nigh; 
Whigs!  that  boasting  do  defy, 
We  shall  still  be  free. 

What  care  we  though  others  yield, 
Here's  our  chosen  battle  field; 
Grasp  the  sword  and  brace  the  shield, 
On,  to  victory! 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  73 

Rally,  Whigs!  in  freedom's  cause, 
Fight  for  liberty  and  laws! 
Falter  not,  nor  turn,  nor  pause, 
Till  each  State  is  free. 

Gallant  Harrison  leads  us  on, 
America's  accepted  son; 
Think  of  former  triumphs  won — 
On,  to  victory! 


GOLD  SPOONS  vs.  HARD  CIDER. 

In  a  cabin  made  of  logs, 

By  the  river  side, 
There  the  Honest  Farmer  lives, 

Free  from  sloth  and  pride, 
To  the  gorgeous  palace  turn, 

And  his  rival  see, 
In  his  robes  of  regal  state 

Tirisell'd  finery. 

At  the  early  morning  light, 

Starting  with  the  sun — 
See  the  farmer  hold  the  plow 

'Till  the  day  is  done. 
In  his  silken  bed  of  down 

Martin  still  must  be; 
Menial  servants  waiting  'round, 

Dress'd  in  livery, 

See  the  farmer  to  his  meal 

Joyfully  repair; 
Crackers,  cheese,  and  cider  too, 

A  hard  but  homely  fare. 
Martin  to  his  breakfast  comes 

At  the  hour  of  noon; 
Sipping  from  a  china  cup, 

With  a  golden  spoon. 

See  the  farmer  pace  his  fields — 

Mark  his  lightsome  foot; 
Leaning  now  upon  his  staff 

To  catch  a  songster's  note. 
Martin's  steeds  impatient  wait 

At  the  palace  door; 
Outriders  behind  the  coach 

And  lackies  on  before. 


74  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

OH,  MATTY    VAN,   MY   JO,  MAT. 
TUNE,  "John  Anderson,"  etc. 

O,  Matty  Van,  my  Jo,  Mat!  I  wonder  what  you  mean, 
By  such  a  naughty  act  as  that  which  lately  has  been  seen? 
What  want  you  with  an  army,  Mat?  Ah,  why  do  you  do 

so? 
'Twill  march  you  back  to  Kinderhook!  Oh,  Matty  Van, 

my  Jo. 

Oh,  Van  Buren,  my  Jo,  Van,  you've  climb'd  the  hill  o' 

State, 
And  monie   a   cunnin'  trick,  man,  was  fathered  in  your 

pate; 

But  now  your  tottering  down,  Van;  how  rapidly  you  go, 
You'll  soon  be  sprawling  at  the  fit;  oh,  Matty  Van,  my 

Jo- 

Oh,  Matty  Van,  my  Jo,  Mat,  when  first  we  were  acquaint, 
'Tis  true  you  were  not  slow,  Mat,  with  sinner  or  with 

saint; 
But  now  you  have  grown  ould,  Mat,  you  never  seem  to 

know 
How  fast  you're  goin'  "bock  agen,"  Oh,  Matty  Van,  my  Jo. 

Oh,  Van  Buren,  my  Jo,  Van,  when  Jackson  ruled  the  hour, 
And  took  you  up  behind  him,  Van,  and  left  you  with  his 

power, 

You  promised  us  to  follow  in   his  footsteps,  as  you  know, 
And  pit  your  fit  in  hero's  tracks,  Oh,  Van  Buren,  my  Jo. 

Oh,  Matty  Van,  my  Jo,  Mat,  his  faith  you  did  abuse, 
For  it's  not  in  your  nature,  Mat,  to  wear  a  hero's  shoes; 
So  step  you  just  aside,  Mat,  Old  Tip  is  on  your  toe, 
Old  Tip,  a  hero  ready  made;  Oh,  Matty  Van,  my  Jo. 


YOUNG  MEN'S  NATIONAL  CONVENTION. 

Lo!  as  the  gathering  throng  appear, 
How  huge  the  volume  opened  here 

Of  human  life! 

Where'er  the  various  banners  lead, 
Around  them  every  heart  we  read 

With  hope  is  rife. 

All  these  of  freemen's  rights  are  proud, 
And  to  redeem  these  rights  this  crowd 

Is  borne  along. 


Tippecanoe  Song's  of  1840.  75 

Oh,  what  shall  stay  them  in  their  might, 
When  they  do  battle  for  the  right, 
Confiding,  strong! 

Gay  music  floats  upon  the  air, 

And  scarf  and  sash  are  flaunting  there, 

And  banners  high: 
Fair  hands  the  snowy  kerchief  raise, 
Bright  eyes  from  hall  and  window  gaze, 

And  balcony. 

No  idle  pomp  they  came  to  fill, 
No  sycophantic  throng  to  swell 

Of  pageantry; 

Scepter  and  crown  to  none  they  yield, 
For  e'en  the  humbled  in  the  field 

Was  majesty. 

The  Monumental  city  led 

Its  honored  guests,  and  next  the  head 

Followed  the  State. 
Where,  let  the  storm  of  ill  that  blows 
Prostrate  all  else,  yet  virtue  grows 

Beneath  its  weight;* 
Now  Bunker  Hill,  with  fife  and  drum, 
Moves  on;  yes,  "  Birnam  wood  has  come 

To  Dunsinane." 

Ill-used,  ill-gotten  power  take  heed! 
For  thus  the  augury  we  read, 

Or  read  in  vain. 

Two  victor  States  take  up  the  word, 
And  then  New  York's  deep  voice  is  heard 

In  thund'ring  peal: 
Mute  in  the  ranks,  but  undismayed, 
New  Jersey  sternly  there  displayed 

Her  own  broad  seal. 

Room!  for  the  Keystone  State  draws  near 
Room!  for  unconquered  Delaware, 

The  Bayard's  home. 
Warm-hearted  Maryland,  we  greet 
Thee  next — and  mayst  thou  ever  meet 

Thine  own  welcome! 

,    Disfranchised,  but  not  o'erborne, 
Nor  wholly  from  the  Union  torn, 

Triumvirate. 
Though  in  no  vote,  thou  can'st  rejoice, 

'Crescit  sub  pondere  virtas,"  was  the  New  Hampshire  motto. 


76  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

Yet,  in  the  contest  let  thy  voice 

Still  animate. 

Birth-place  of  hero  and  of  sage, 
Which  from  the  nation's  earliest  age 

Has  borne  command, 
In  thee,  unless  bright  omens  fail, 
Another  President  shall  hail 

His  native  land  ! 

Here  Georgia  and  the  Carolinas 

Send  forth  from  out  their  sterling  mines, 

A  gallant  band. 

And  mountaineers,  a  valiant  train, 
Follow  their  neighbors  of  the  plain 

With  ready  hand. 
Undaunted  Tennessee  draws  near 
With  sable  badges  of  the  bier 

And  mournful  tread; 
For  Cincinnatus  now  her  voice, 
The  second  Roman  of  her  choice — 

The  first  is  dead. 

A  standard  bears  a  single  name! 
No  eulogy  can  swell  the  fame 

Of  "Henry  Clay"—* 
That  name  exerts  a  magic  part, 
And  over  many  a  noble  heart 

Holds  silent  sway. 

No  thought  of  self  comes  o'er  his  mind, 
His  only  effort  is  to  bind 

The  broken  laws. 

And  when  at  stake  his  country's  weal, 
He  forwards  with  a  gen'rous  zeal, 

His  rivals  cause. 

Still  onward  sweeps  the  vast  array, 
And  onward  holds  its  lengthened  way, 

The  hero's  State. 
His  banner  waving  at  their  head, 
They  follow  on  with  lightsome  tread 

And  hearts  elate. 

All,  all  are  here— the  West  and  South, 
The  hardy  East,  and  rugged  North, 

In  numbers  strong, 
Nor  will  they  lay  in  rest  the  spear 
Until  upon  their  lips  we  hear 

The  victor's  song. 

"Tanto  nomine  nullum  par  eulogium." 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  77 

LONG  LIVE  THE  KING. 

Long  live  Van-Kinderhook! 
Magician,  wizard,  witch,  or  spook! 

Long  live  King  Martin! 
May  he  triumphantly 
Reign  o'er  such  slaves  as  we, 
The  Tory's  joy  to  be — 

Long  live  the  King! 

On!  Kendall,  Blair,  arise! 
Scatter  his  enemies, 

Long  live  King  Martin! 
Confound  Whig  politics, 
Frustrate  their  trait'rous  tricks, 
On  him  our  hopes  we  fix, 

Long  live  the  King! 


UNION   COUNTY   CABIN   SONG. 
TUNE,  "Pennsylvania  Quick  Step." 

Our  fathers  in  the  days  of  yore 

Were  resting  in  their  wildwood  home 
When  the  trumpet's  clang  and  the  cannon's  roar 

Came  booming  from  the  briny  foam. 
And  many  a  stately  bark  and  high, 

And  many  a  gallant  legion  came; 
And  every  soldier's  battle-cry 

Was  "Charge  for  glorious  England's  name." 

But  soon  the  seal  of  Freedom's  trust, 

Her  starry  flag  began  to  shine; 
And  many  a  Britom  bit  the  dust 

At  Bunker  Hill  and  Brandy  wine; 
And  quickly  passed  the  strife  of  death, 

And  soon  was  victory's  garland  won, 
And  Freedom  bound  the  glorious  wreath 

Upon  the  brow  of  Washington. 

Again  they  rested  in  their  fame 

Till  many  a  new  State  round  them  rose; 
Again  the  host  of  England  came, 

And  the  stormy  sound  of  battle  rose. 
Again  the  wreath  of  victory 

On  many  a  battle-field  was  won, 
And  Freedom  bound  it  gloriously 

Upon  the  brow  of  Harrison. 


78  J^ippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

And  now  this  green  and  glorious  land 

Is  with  distress  and  ruin  fraught, 
And  desolation,  by  the  hand 

Of  its  despotic  ruler  wrought. 
And  Freedom,  bj  her  falling  fame, 

And  by  her  scorned  and  broken  laws, 
Adjures  her  patriot  sons  again 

To  rally  in  her  sacred  cause. 

They  come,  they  come,  they  will  not  stay, 

Their  glorious  march  is  just  begun; 
Around  their  flag  the  sunbeams  play, 

And  their  leader's  name  is  Harrison. 
He  calls  his  comrades  true  and  tried, 

He  calls  them  from  their  wilwood  home; 
He  calls,  and  instant  to  his  side 

The  inmates  of  the  cabins  come. 

And  like  the  lawless  king  of  old 

Who  feasted  in  his  gorgeous  halls, 
The  oppressor's  righteous  doom  is  scrolled 

And  'graven  on  the  palace  walls. 
His  hour  is  come;  his  trembling  throng 

Of  paid  and  pensioned  minions  flee; 
And  many  a  wild  wood  cabin  song 

Shall  his  resounding  requiem  be.    . 


GEN.  WILLIAM   HENRY  HARRISON. 

'Tis  not  for  martial  glory, 

For  battles  bravely  won, 
Fit  theme  for  song  and  story, 

We  laud  his  name  alone; 
But  for  the  noble  and  the  pure, 

In  every  station  tried, 
And  ever  constant  to  endure 

A  guardian  and  a  guide. 

True,  that  we  feel  as  proudly 

Our  soldier's  honest  fame, 
True — we  dare  speak  as  loudly, 

All  honor  to  the  name. 
But  yet  a  closer  tie  must  bind, 

When  peace  proclaims  her  reign, 
The  will  to  aid  and  bless  mankind — 

And  this  is  his  gain. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  79 

What  though  with  malice  daring, 

Detraction's  darts  are  cast; 
His  calm,  sublime  forbearing, 

Shall  vindicate  the  past, 
Those  who'd  thus  disgrace  their  /and, 

Are  found  in  ev'ry  age, 
Not  e'en  our  Washington,  could  stand 

Untouched  by  party  rage. 

His  country's  voice  hath  spoken 

Her  gratitude  and  trust; 
And  his  deeds  have  been  a  token 

That  the  confidence  was  just. 
And  when  that  voice  again  is  heard, 

May  its  shouts  of  triumph  be, 
That  the  people's  friend  hath  been  preferred, 

And  \$>  first  among  the  free. 


WHEN   BRITISH   BANDS. 
TUNE,  "  Who'll  Be  King  but  Charley." 

When  British  bands  invade  our  land 

And  savage  hosts  so  dreary, 

Young  Harrison,  he  was  the  man 

To  draw  his  sword  so  early. 

Come  hither,  come  hither,  around  him  gather, 
Come  Whig  and  Democrat  all  together, 
Unite  your  bands  and  firmly  stand 
For  him  who  fought  bravely. 

With  brave  Kentucky's  gallant  sons, 
With  Owen  and  brave  Davies; 
He  led  the  van  'gainst  savage  bands 
And  routed  them  so  clearly. 
Come  hither,  etc. 

And  when  proud  Britain's  cannon  roar'd 
He  never  beat  a  parley, 
His  sword  and  shield  made  Proctor  yield, 
And  whipped  him  out  so  fairly, 
Come  hither,  etc. 

There's  Martin  Van  with  all  his  clan 
Of  demagogues  and  knavery, 
Old  Tip  can  scan  their  secret  plan 
And  ferret  them  out  so  clearly. 
Come  hither,  etc. 


8o  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

From  sordid  gold  to  him  untold 

He  freed  his  hand  so  clearly, 

His  door-latch  string  he  ne'er  pulled  in 

The  poor  he  fed  most  freely. 

Come  hither,  come  hither,  around  him  gather. 
Come  Whig  and  Democrat  altogether, 
Old  Tip's  the  man  who  will  defend 
The  rights  we  bought  so  dearly. 


GRAND    NATIONAL    WHIG   SONG. 

"  In  the  strength  of  your  might  from  each  mountain  and 
valley, " 

Sons  of  Freedom,  arise!  the  time  is  at  hand — 
Around  liberty's  standard,  we'll  rally,  we'll  rally; 

The  star-spangled  banner  floats  over  the  land. 

Then  let  the  proud  eagle  spread  his  wings  wide  asunder, 
And  burst  from  the  trammels  which  strive  to  enchain 

"  If  we  rise  in  our  strength,  if  we  speak  but  in  thunder" 
The  bit  of  "strip'd  bunting"  will  flourish  again. 

For  our  rights  and  our  laws,  we'll  stand  firm  and  united; 

The  blood  of  our  father's  shall  ne'er  be  forgot — 
The  faith  and  the  honor  they  sacredly  plighted, 

Shall  never  be  tarnished  by  Anarchy's  blot; 
Around  liberty's  standard,  we'll  rally,  we'll  rally — 

Old  Tippecanoe,  boys,  the  watch-word  shall  be; 
Its  echo  will  thunder  from  each  mountain  and  valley 

Of  the  home  of  the  brave— the  land  of  the  free. 


OLD  TIP  AND  THE  LOG-CABIN  BOYS. 
TUNE,  "Low  Down  in  Old  Virginy,  Long  Time  Ago" 

When  the  frontier  was  in  danger, 

Long  time  ago, 
Young  Harrison,  to  fear  a  stranger, 

Long  time  ago, 
Left  the  scenes  of  ease  and  splendor, 

Long  time  ago, 
To  the  log  cabins  aid  to  render, 

Long  time  ago. 

With  his  hunting  shirt  and  rifle, 
In  his  pocket  but  a  trifle, 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  ISJ+O.  81 

With  Old  Wayne  he  marched  to  the  forest 
And  shared  his  wallet  with  the  poorest. 

At  the  Rapids  they  fought  the  savage  band, 
And  whipped  them  tomahawk  in  hand, 
Mad  Anthony  praised  the  gallant  boy, 
And  the  cabins  rung  with  a  shout  of  joy. 

And  when  again  the  war-whoop  rang 
And  the  cabin  boys  to  their  rifles  sprang, 
They  called  again  to  lead  them  on 
Their  gallant  leader  Harrison. 

They  met  the  foe  at  Tippecanoe, 

And  again  he  made  the  savage  rue. 

Again  with  joy  the  cabins  rung, 

And  his  name  with  grateful  praise  they  sung. 

Then  Britain  dared  our  flag  to  assail, 
And  again  the  Indian  took  the  trail, 
Again  the  cabins  were  in  mourning 
And  every  eye  to  him  was  turning. 

He  drew  once  more  his  faithful  sword 
And  gave  the  cabin  boys  the  word, 
At  Thames  they  laid  Tecumseh  low 
And  captured  Proctor's  army  too. 

Then  Britain  saw  and  felt  'twas  vain, 
Her  gallant  soldiers'  blood  to  drain; 
Her  treasures  were  in  vain  expended, 
Whilst  Old  Tip  the  cabins  defended. 

Peace  again  its  blessings  spread 
Beneath  the  humble  cabins  shed, 
Danger  no  more  its  hopes  alarm, 
With  gratitude  all  hearts  were  warm. 

Old  Tip  shook  hands  with  the  boys  once  more 
And  told  them  open  stood  his  door, 
That  welcome  they  should  always  be, 
And  the  latch-string  always  outside  see. 

Long  years  rolled  round  and  the  cabins  flour- 
ished, 

Their  liberties  they  dearly  cherished, 
No  more  alarmed  by  savage  foes 
The  forest  blossomed  like  the  rose. 


82  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

At  length  there  rose  up  in  the  land 
A  numerous  and  thriving  band, 
They  stole  the  fruits  of  honest  toil, 
And  claimed  them  as  their  lawful  spoil. 

The  office-holders  stole  the  treasure, 
And  then  absconded  at  their  leisure, 
The  honest  cabin  boys  they  jeered  at, 
And  their  cabins  and  hard  cider  sneered  at. 

The  cabins  then  became  oppress'd, 
Hard  times  the  boys  opprest. 
They  sought  relief  as  they  had  done 
From  Government,  but  they  found  none. 

Van  Buren  led  the  spoilers  on 

Against  the  cabins  old  Tip  had  won, 

He  rolled  by  in  his  English  coach, 

And  told  the  boys  "they  asked. too  much." 

Then  from  every  hill,  and  every  valley, 
The  cabin  boys  began  to  rally, 
They  raised  one  everlasting  shout, 
And  swore  the  spoilsmen  should  turn  out. 

They  called  again  their  brave  old  chief, 
Who  had  always  sprung  to  their  relief; 
With  him  in  command  they  feared  no  dangers, 
For  he  and  defeat  were  total  strangers. 

They  knew  he  had  whipped  the  Indian  foe, 
And  he  had  licked  the  British  too, 
He  could'nt  be  scared  by  the  Treasury  frogs, 
And  he'd  whip  Van  Buren  and  his  dogs. 

Old  Tip's  in  the  field,  and  the  boys  around  him, 
The  office-holders  try  to  confound  him, 
But  the  shout  of  the  boys  does  thunder  resemble, 
And  Martin  and  his  hirelings  tremble. 

On  the  fourth  of  March  little  Van  will  run, 
And  the  cabin  boys  will  laugh  at  the  fun, 
They'll  place  old  Tip  at  the  head  of  the  nation, 
And  have  a  thundering  jollification. 

Three  cheers  for  the  old  log  cabin's  friend! 

The  cabin  boys  on  him  depend, 

In  English  coaches  he's  no  rider, 

But  he  could  fight  and  drink  hard  cider. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  83 

HARK!    THEY    COME! 

[Sung  at  the  National  Convention  of  Young  Men  in  Baltimore.] 

Hark!  hark!  from  the  west  of  the  mountains, 

A  voice  from  the  log  cabin  crew, 
Who  drink  at  the  hard  cider  fountain, 
And  fought  under  Tippecanoe — 
And  fought,  etc. 

Who  cultivate  orchards  and  cornfields, 
Defended  by  Tippecanoe. 

Heretofore,  all  the  money  we  needed, 
From  pork,  corn  and  flour  we  drew, 
All  raised  from  the  soil  we  defended, 
When  under  brave  Tippecanoe — 
When  under,  etc. 

From  soil  we've  subdu'd  by  our  labor, 
Since  led  by  Old  Tippecanoe. 

From  this  soil  we've  fed  the  lov'd  Buckeye, 

And  Hoosier,  and  Sucker  babes  too; 
Rejoicing  'twas  parceled  to  suit  us, 
By  schemes  of  Old  Tippecanoe — 
By  schemes,  etc. 

Parcel'd  out  to  suit  log  cabin  farmers; 
By  the  efforts  of  Tippecanoe. 
But  now  at  sub-treasury  prices, 

Our  taxes  we'll  never  get  through 
Till  we  call  our  friend  to  assist  us, 
That  led  us  at  Tippecanoe — 
That  led  us,  etc. 

With  whom  we  beat  British  and  Indians, 
At  Thames,  Meigs,  and  Tippecanoe. 

He's  good  in  the  field  and  the  council, 

The  plow  he  wields  skilfully  too, 
As  well  as  to  portion  to  farmers, 
And  conquer  at  Tippecanoe — 
And  conquer,  etc. 
In  whom  may  we  be  so  confiding, 
As  our  friend,  Old  Tippecanoe. 

From  Eastward,  and   Northward,  and   South- 
ward, 

Come  join  us  in  what  we  will  do; 
We'll  pull  at  the  string  of  the  cabin, 
That's  knotted,  by  Tippecanoe — 
That's  knotted,  etc. 
Old  soldiers  will  always  be  welcom'd 
By  warm-hearted  Tippecanoe. 


84  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

Lo!  Eastward,  and   Northward,  and  Southward, 

In  thunder  they  echo — we,  too, 
Will  call  on  the  hard  cider  farmer, 

That  conquer'd  at  Tippecanoe — 

That  conquer'd,  etc. 
We'll  greet  the  old  log-cabin  farmer, 
And  vote  for  brave  Tippecanoe. 
See!  onward!  en  masse,  they're  moving 

In  earthquake  voice  uttering  halloo! 
For  the  White  House  exchange  the  log  cabin, 
Thou  hero  of  Tippecanoe — 
Thou  hero,  etc. 

For  thee  the  White  House  we've  determined 
O  hasten,  Old  Tippecanoe. 

Hark!  hark!  how  the  American  ladies. 

In  cabins  and  palaces  too, 
Are  joining  in  song  with  their  lovers, 
Huzza  for  old  Tippecanoe — 
Huzza  for,  etc. 

They  sing  in  sweet  strains  to  their  lovers, 
Go  vote  for  brave  Tippecanoe. 

From  city,  and  forest,  and  mountain, 
And  likewise  Western  prairies  too, 
Each  man  will  respond  to  his  mistress, 
And  vote  for  old  Tippecanoe — 
And  vote,  etc. 

Then  send  forth  a  tone  like  an  earthquake, 
Huzza  for  Old  Tippecanoe  ! 


SONG. 

TUNE,  "Life  Let  Us  Cherish?' 

For  life  let  us  cherish 
The  fame  of  honored  Harrison, 
And  never  perish 
The  laurels  he  won. 

The  spoils  engrossing  ravenous  band 
Have  desolated  all  the  land, 
They  glean  their  spoils  from  all  its  soils, 
And  honest  labor  foils. 

So  let  us  cherish 
The  fame  of  honored  Harrison, 
And  never  perish 
The  laurels  he  won. 


Tippecanoc  Songs  of  1840.  85 

Though  clouds  obscure  the  atmosphere, 
And  ruin  threatens  everywhere, 

Yet  down  the  storm  rides  swift  reform, 
And  honest  hearts  grow  warm. 
So  let  us  cherish,  etc. 

New  hopes  inspire  our  hearts  with  glee, 
Our  offspring  ever  shall  be  free, 

For  dread  alarm,  like  magic's  charm, 
Benumbs  the  spoiler's  arm. 

So  let  us  cherish,  etc. 

To  rescue,  now  comes  Harrison, 
His  strength's  a  mighty  garrison, 
His  growing  weight  in  every  State, 
Predicts  Van  Buren's  fate. 

So  let  us  cherish,  etc. 


WHEN  THIS  OLD  HAT  WAS  NEW. 

When  this  old  hat  was  new,  the  people  used  to  say, 
The  best  among  the  Democrats  were  Harrison  and  Clay; 
The  Locos  now  assume  the  name,  a  title  most  untrue, 
And  most  unlike  their  party  name  when  my  old  hat  was 
new. 

When  my  old  hat  was  new.  Van  Buren  was  a  Fed, 
An  enemy  to  every  man  who  labored  for  his  bread; 
And  if  the  people  of  New  York  have  kept  their  records 

true, 
He  voted  'gainst  the    poor  man's  rights,  when  my  old  hat 

was  new. 

When  my  old  hat  was  new,  Buchanan  was  the  man 

Best  fitted  in  the  Keystone  State  to  lead  the   Federal  clan, 

He  swore  "if  Democratic  blood  should  make  his  veins  look 

blue, 
He'd  cure  them  by  phlebotomy,"  when  my  old  hat  was 

new. 

When  my  old  hat  was  new  ('twas  eighteen  hundred  eleven), 
Charles    Ingersoll   did   then   declare  by  all  his  hopes  of 

Heaven, 

"  Had  he  been  able  to  reflect,  he'd  been  a  Tory  true, 
And  ne'er  have  thought  it  a  reproach,"  when  my  old  hat 

was  new. 


86  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

When  my  old  hat  was  new,  of  Richard  Rush  'twas  said, 
To  figure  well  among  the  Feds  he  wore  a  black  cockade; 
Deny  this  Locos,  if  you  please,  for  every  word  is  true, 
I   knew  full  well   old   Dicky  Rush,  when  my  old  hat  was 
new. 

When  my  old  hat  was  new,  the  Senator  from  Maine, 
Destroyed  by  fire  an  effigy,  to  immortalize  his  name. 
The  effigy  was  Madison's,  if  common  fame  be  true, 
So  Reuel  Williams  was  a  Fed,  when  my  old  hat  was  new. 

When  my  old  hat  was  new,  'twas  in  the  Granite  State, 
That  Henry  Hubbard  asked  each  town  to  send  a  delegate 
To  meet  in  council  at  the  time  when  Federalism  blue 
Mac^e  Hartford  look  like  Indigo,  when  my  old  hat  was  new. 

When  my  old  hat  was  new,  Sam  Cushman  did  declare 
"That  should  a  soldier  cross  the  lines  he  hoped  he'd  perish 

there, 

And  leave  his  bones  in  Canada  for  enemies  to  view," 
So  much  for  his  Democracy,  when  my  old  hat  was  new. 

When  my  old  hat  was  new,  old  Governor  Provost 

The  States  invaded  at  the  head  of  numerous  British  hosts, 

Then  mark,  ye  Locos,  what  did  Martin  Chittenden  then 

do? 
Forbid  Green   Mountain   boys  to  fight,  when  my  old  hat 

was  new. 

When  this  old  hat  was  new,  Woodbury  and  Van  Ness, 
E.  Allen  Brown,  and  Stephen  Haight,  were  of  the  Federal 

mess, 

A.  H.  Everett,  Martin  Field,  and  Sam  C.  Allen,  too, 
Now  patent  Democrats,  were  Feds,  when  my  old  hat  was 


When  my  old  hat  was  new,  these  worthies  did  oppose 
The  cause,  and  friends  of  liberty,  and   stood   among  their 

foes, 

Not  so  with  "Granny"  Harrison,  for  at  Tippecanoe, 
He  bravely  fought  the  savage  foe,  when  my  old  hat  was 


When  my  old  hat  was  new,  the  friends  of  liberty 

Knew  well  the  merits  of  Old  Tip,  while  fighting  at  Mau- 

mee; 

Come,  now,  huzza  for  Harrison,  just  as  we  used  to  do, 
When  first  we   heard   of   Proctor's   fall,  when  my  old  hat 

was  new. 


7fypecanoe  Song's  of  1840.  87 

LIBERTY   CABIN  RAISING. 

[Sung  at  the  Log  Cabin  Raising,  Annapolis.] 
TUNE,  "  Rosin  the  Botv" 

Come  on,  ye  firm  Whigs  of  old  Crawford, 

And  all  ye  true  Democrats  too; 
Come  up,  for  old  Liberty's  raising 

A  cabin  for  Tippecanoe. 

There  you'll  find  many  raisers  from  Whetstone 

And  a  few  from  Sandusky,  too, 
For  the  people's  determined  on  raising 

A  cabin  for  Tippecanoe. 

Bucyrus  will  furnish  her  twenties, 

And  Chatfield  her  dozen  or  two, 
And  Cranberry  '11  help  at  the  raising, 

A  cabin  for  Tippecanoe. 

Holmes  claims  a  share  in  the  building 

Which  she  has  a  good  right  to  do; 
And  she'll  send  up  her  hands  to  the  raising 

A  cabin  for  Tippecanoe. 

And  when  we  have  finish'd  the  building 

We'll  call  for  one  speech  or  two, 
From  those  who  have  help'd  at  the  raising 

A  cabin  for  Tippecanoe. 


A   NEW    SONG. 

AIR,  "Star  Spangled  Banner.'' 
[Sung  at  the  annual  election  for  Charter  Officers  in  the  city  of  Pittsburgh.] 

Oh!  who  does  not  see,  in  this  heart-cheering  ray, 
That  pierces  the  cloud  of  malign  domination, 

A  sign,  that  foretells  with  precision,  the  day 

When  Columbia  shall  rise  fro'm  her  low  degradation, 

When  the  spoil-hunting  race  shall  be  foiled  in  the  chase, 

The  Kinderhook  quack  hide  his  head  in  disgrace, 
And  the  starry  Whig  banner  triumphantly  wave 
"  O'er  the  land  of  the  free  and  the  home  of  the  brave." 

O'er  the  city  of  Pitt,  'mid  the  eagle's  own  hills, 

Where  many  a  patriot  bosom  is  burning, 
What  is  that  which  gives  Tories  such  horrible  chills, 

And  to  which  all  Whig-eyes  are  in  "fine  frenzy"  turn- 
ing? 


88  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

Say,  what  is  that  sight  which  fills  Van  with  affright, 
And  makes  all  his  vassals  the  nether  lip  bite? 

'Tis  the  Harrison  banner!  and  soon  'twill  be  waved 
O'er  a  whole  State  redeem'd,  o'er  a  great  nation  saved. 

All  hail  the  proud  Keystone — she  fired  the  first  gun 

For  the  old  "  Declaration  "  blood  seal'd  by  the  martyr; 

And  now  she  is  first  to  declare  for  the  son 

Of  the  sire,  whose  own  hand  sign'd  that  dear  cherish'd 
charter. 

Her  first  gun  has  roar'd  for  the  hero,  whose  sword 

Sprang  quick  from  the  scabbard  and  ne'er  was  restored 
Till  victory  smiled — for  though  brave  men  oft  yield, 
He  never  surrender'd,  he  ne'er  lost  a  field. 

Let  the  Swartwouts  and  Prices,  who,  year  after  year, 
Have  fed  on  "  the  spoils  "  and  wax'd  rich  on  our  treas- 
ure, 

At  Harrison's  "  poverty  "  throw  out  the  sneer, 
And  heap  on  the  vet'ran  abuse  witnout  measure: 

The  wretch  that  defames,  does  but  strengthen  the  claims 

Of  the  hero  of  Tippecanoe  and  the  Thames, 

And  freshen  the  laurels,  which  none  sought  to  bruise, 
'Till  'twas  found  that  their  greenness  gave   Martin  the 
blues. 


GRAND    NATIONAL    WHIG   SONG. 

[Written  for  Henry  Russell,  by  Henry  John  Sharpe. — Dedicated  to   the 
Whigs  of  the  whole  Republic.] 

•'  In  the  strength  of  your  might,  from  each  mountain   and 

valley," 

Sons  of  freedom,  arise!  the  time  is  at  hand — 
Around  liberty's  standard,  we'll  rally,  we'll  rally, 
The  star-spangled  banner  floats  over  the  land; 
Then  let  the  proud  eagle  spread  his  wings  wide  asunder, 
And  burst  from  the  trammels  which  strive  to  enchain — 
u  If  we  rise  in  our  strengh,  if  we  speak  but  in  thunder," 
The  "bit  of  strip'd  bunting"  will  flourish  again. 

For  our  rights  and  our  laws  we'll  stand  firm  and  united, 
The  blood  of  our  father's  shall  ne'er  be  forgot — 
The  faith  and  the  honor  which  they  sacredly  plighted, 
Shall  never  be  tarnished  by  anarchy's  blot; 
Around  liberty's  standard  let  ev'ry  Whig  rally. 
"  Old  Tippecanoe"  boys,  the  watchword  shall  be! 
Its  echo  will  thunder  from  each  mountain  and  valley 
Of  the"home  of  the  brave!  the  land  of  the  free!" 


Tippccanoe  Songs  of  1840.  89 

OLD   TIPPECANOE. 
AIR,  '•'When  Britain's  Oppression,  Her  I^aivs"  etc. 

Come,  rouse  up!  ye  bold  hearted  Whigs  of  Kentucky, 
And  show  the  nation  what  deeds  you  can  do: 

The  high-road  to  victory  lies  open  before  ye, 
While  led  to  the  charge  by  old  Tippecanoe. 

When  Indians  were  scalping  our  friends  and  our  brothers, 

To  Ohio's  frontier  he  gallantly  flew; 
And  thousands  of  innocent  infants  and  mothers, 

Were  saved  by  the  valor  of  Tippecanoe. 

When  savage  Tecumseh  was  rallying  his  forces, 

In  innocents  blood  his  hands  to  imbrue; 
Our  hero  despis'd  all  his  bloody  associates, 

And  won  the  proud  name  of  "Old  Tippecanoe." 

And  when  this  Tecumseh  and  his  brother,  Proctor, 
To  capture  Fort  Meigs — their  utmost  did  do; 

Our  gallant  old  hero  again  play'd  the  doctor, 
And  gave  them  a  dose  like  at  Tippecanoe. 

And  then  on  the  Thames,  on  the  fifth  of  October, 
Where  musket  balls  whizz'd  as  they  flew; 

He  blasted  their  prospects,  and  rent  them  asunder, 
Just  like  he  had  done  on  the  Tippecanoe. 

Let  Greece  praise  the  deeds  of  her  great  Alexander, 
And  Rome  boast  of  Caesar  and  Scipio  too; 

Just  like  Cincinnatus,  that  noble  commander, 
Is  our  old  hero  of  Tippecanoe. 

For  when  the  foes  of  his  country  no  longer  could  harm 
her, 

To  the  shades  of  retirement  he  quickly  withdrew; 
And  now  at  North  Bend  see  the  HONEST  OLD  FARMER, 

Who  won  the  green  laurel  at  Tippecanoe. 

And  when  to  the  national  council  elected, 

The  good  of  his  country  still  see  him  pursue; 

And  every  poor  man  by  him  thus  protected, 
Should  ever  remember  "Old  Tippecanoe." 

Let  knaves  call  him  "coward,"  and  fools  call  him  "granny" 
To  answer  their  purpose — this  never  will  do; 

When  rallied  around  him,  we'll  route  little  Vann\, 
And  give  him  a  Thames— or  a  full  Waterloo. 


90  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

The  Republican  banner  of  freedom  is  flying, 
The  eagle  of  liberty  soars  in  your  view; 

Then  rally  my  hearties — all  slanders  defying, 
And  thunder  huzza!  for  "Old  Tippecanoe;" 

Among  the  supporters  of  brave  General  Jackson, 
There  are  many  Republicans,  honest  and  true; 

To  such  we  say  "come  out  from  among  them," 
And  "  go  it  for  Tyler  and  Tippecanoe." 


HARRISON  AND  LIBERTY. 

TUNE,  "Jefferson  and  Liberty." 

From  Mississippi's  utmost  shore, 

To  cold  New  Hampshire's  piney  hills; 

From  broad  Atlantic's  sullen  roar, 
To  where  the  western  ocean  swells, 

How  loud  the  notes  of  joy  arise 
From  every  bosom  warm  and  free! 

How  strains  triumphant  fill  the  skies. 

Turn  to  the  scroll,  where  patriot  sires 

Your  Independence  did  declare, 
Whose  words  still  glow  like  living  fires — 

His  father's  name  is  written  there. 
That  father  taught  that  son  to  swear 

His  country  ne'er  enslaved  should  be; 
Then  lend  your  voices  to  the  air 

For  Harrison  and  Liberty. 

O'er  savage  foes,  who  scourged  our  land, 

When  Wayne  so  wild  and  madly  burst, 
Among  his  brave  and  gallant  band 

The  youthful  Harrison  was  first. 
And  when  on  Wabash's  leafy  banks, 

Tecumseh's  warriors  gathered  free; 
How  swift  they  fled  before  the  ranks 

Of  Harrison  and  Liberty! 

When  Meigs'  Heights,  his  army  held, 

And  haughty  Britons  circled  round, 
His  conquering  legion's  cleared  the  field, 

While  notes  of  triumph  pealed  around; 
And  though  on  Thames'  tide  again 

His  progress  Proctor  sought  to  stay. 
Dismayed  he  fled;  and  left  the  plain 

To  Harrison  and  Liberty! 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  91 

Now  honored  be  his  hoary  age 

Who  glory  for  his  country  won: 
Shout  for  the  hero,  patriot,  sage, 

For  William  Henry  Harrison: 
Of  all  our  chiefs  he  oftenest  fought, 

But  never  lost  a  victory, 
And  peace  was  gain'd  and  plenty  brought 

By  Harrison  and  Liberty! 


A    HYMN. 
TUNE,  "New  Durham." 

Hark!  through  the  land  a  doleful  sound! 

Our  ears  attend  the  cry; 
Ye  living  Whigs  come  view  the  ground 

Where  your  oppressors  lie. 

Great  Van,  with  thousand  twenty-five, 

Rides  in  his  English  coach, 
While  all  the  menials  in  his  hive 

Still  urge  him  to  encroach. 

Their  numbers  hungry  legions  are, 

A  hundred  thousand  told, 
Whose  daily  cries  assail  our  ear, 

"  Oh!  give  us,  give  us  gold." 

And  yet  amidst  this  golden  shower, 

All  trades  do  prostrate  fall; 
The  gold  and  silver,  paper  power, 

Van  keeps  and  uses  all. 

Our  cotton  sells  for  half  its  cost; 

Our  wheat  lies  up  in  store; 
Our  tools  are  all  laid  by  to  rust, 

We  cannot  use  them  more. 

The  great  ones,  too,  who  rule  our  State, 

(Obedient  to  Van's  frown), 
Have  hurried  on  the  pressing  weight, 

And  crush'd  us  fairly  down! 

And  is  there  for  these  blighting  ills, 

No  healing  balm  or  cure  ? 
No  remedy  but  quackery's  pills  ? 

No  physic  which  is  pure  ? 


92  J^ippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

There  is.     Send  men  to  legislate 

Who  are  not  demagogues, 
Who  work,  and  think,  not  those  who  prate, 

Or  howl,  or  croak  like  frogs. 

Tom  Corwin  place  in  the  first  chair, 

To  guard  and  to  advise; 
And  banish  all  who  have  a  share, 

In  the  foul  frauds  and  lies. 

Lo!  see,  near  yon  log-cabin  pile, 

Just  weary  from  his  plow, 
(While  his  good  dame,  with  placid  smile, 

Sits  milking  of  her  cow) : 

There  sits  the  man,  upright  and  pure 

Who  will  the  laws  rescue; 
Will  all  our  rights  guard,  and  secure 

The  Hero  of  Tippecanoe. 

Give  him  your  votes,  ye  freemen  all, 
And  stop  Van  Buren's  games; 

And  run,  ye  spoilsmen,  one  and  all, 
Like  Proctor  at  the  Thames. 

Then,  when  the  busy  hum,  once  more, 
Shall  make  the  welkin  sound, 

When  Harrison  and  Tyler  soar, 
We'll  pass  hard  cider  round. 


LOG   CABIN    DEDICATION. 

Our  cabin  now  we  dedicate, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah! 
To  Harrison,  the  good  and  great, 

Hurrah,    hurrah,  hurrah! 
We've  rolled  the  logs  up  straight  and  true 
And  columns  made  of  buckeye,  too, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah. 

For  cabins  erst  our  hero  fought, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah. 
And  to  their  firesides  safely  brought. 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah 
Did  freely  every  danger  brave 
Our  own  beloved  West,  to  save, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  93 

He  beat  our  foes  upon  the  Thames, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah. 
Then  settled  on  his  farm  again, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah. 
There  by  his  plow  content  he  lives, 
And  to  the  needy  freely  gives, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah. 

But  hark!  the  cabins  sound  alarm, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah. 
They  groan  beneath  the  oppressor's  arm, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah, 
They  call  on  Harrison  the  brave, 
From  tyrant  power  their  rights  to  save, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah, 
Cabin  boys,  then  onward  stand, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah, 
Rescue  your  misgoverned  land, 

Hurrah,  hurrah,  hurrah. 
Come  to  the  work,  press  bravely  on, 
And  "shoulder  arms"  for  Harrison, 

Hurrah,  hurrah. 


THE  WHIG  BALL. 

[  Annapolis  Tippecanoe  Club,  Aug.  18,  1840.] 

Hail  to  the  ball  which  in  grandeur  advances, 

Long  life  to  the  yeomen  who  urge  it  along; 
The  abuse  of  our  hero  his  worth  but  enhances; 

Then  welcome  his  triumphs  with  shout  and  with  song. 
The  Whig  ball  is  moving! 
The  Whig  ball  is  moving! 

See  that  light  in  the  South  and  the  West  that's  dispelling, 

The  dark  cloud  that  hangs  o'er  our  once  favored  land, 
Let  us  hail  it  with  joy,  while  our  ball  we're  propelling, 
And  firm  in  our  purpose  as  honest  Whigs  stand. 
The  Whig  ball  is  moving! 
The  Whig  ball  is  moving! 

Then  let  ev'ry  true  Whig  with  shoulder  to  shoulder, 
Give  speed  to  the  ball  and  that  light  wider  spread, 
'Tis  a  duty  we  owe  to  our  father's  who  molder 
'Neaththe  sod  where  thev  fought — the  sod 
Where  they  bled. 

The  Whig  ball  is  moving! 
The  Whig  ball  is  moving! 


94  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

They  were  feeble  in  number,  were  weak  in  resources, 

Yet  they  won  and  they  left  us  the  boon,  liberty. 
Let  us  vow  to  maintain  it,  in  spite  of  Van's  forces, 

And  teach  panders  and  place-men  that  Whigs  will  be 
free! 

The  Whig  ball  is  moving! 
The  Whig  ball  is  moving! 

Yes,  Whigs  will  be  free,  and  the  liberty  dear, 

Which  their  fathers  bequeathed  them  they'll  jealously 

tend. 

And  the  charm  in  the  wand  of  the  Kinderhook  seer, 
They'll  dissolve  by  their  shouts  for  the  sage  of  North 
Bend. 

The  Whig  ball  is  moving! 
The  Whig  ball  is  moving! 


A  SONG. 
TUNE,  "  The  Bonnets  of  Blue" 

Here's  a  health  to  Tippecanoe! 

Here's  a  shout  for  Tippecanoe! 
And  he  that  won't  drink  to  the  pride  of  North  Bend, 

Is  neither  a  wise  one  nor  true; 
It's  good  for  the  people  to  rule; 

It's  base  to  be  fed  by  the  few; 
It's  good  to  stand  for  the  popular  choice; 

Then  shout  for  Old  Tippecanoe! 

Hurrah  for  old  Tippecanoe! 

•Hurrah  for  old  Tippecanoe! 
It's  good  to  cheer  him  who  has  often  cheer'd  us; 

Then  shout  for  old  Tippecanoe! 
Here's  a  health  to  Tippecanoe! 

Here's  a  shout  for  Tippecanoe! 
Here's  a  health  to  the  Chief  who  was  never  yet  beat; 

Three  rounds  for  the  honest  and  true! 

Here's  luck  to  the  hand  that  will  toil  ! 

Here's  luck  to  the  seed  that  is  sown  ! 
Who's  a  poor  man  himself  is  a  friend  of  the  poor, 

And  values  their  rights  as  his  own. 
Then  shout  for  old  Tippecanoe  ! 

Hurrah  for  old  Tippecanoe  ! 
It's  time  to  turn  out  all  the  profligate  herd, 

And  put  in  Old  Tippecanoe! 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  95 

THE  GATHERING  SONG. 

They're  rousing,  they're  rousing  in  valley  and  glen, 
The  noble  in  soul,  and  the  fearless  in  heart; 

At  freedom's  stern  call,  to  the  combat  again 
They  rush  with  a  zeal  she  alone  can  impart. 

From  wild  Madawaska's  dark  forest  of  pine, 

To  the  far  fertile  glades  where  the  calm  Wabash  flows, 

True  sons  of  their  fathers!  The  people  combine 
To  shake  off  the  chains  of  their  tyrants  and  foes. 

They're  gath'ring,  they're  gath'ring,  on  hill  side  and  plain, 
They  warm  every  vale  and  o'ershadow  each  river, 

Each  hamlet  and  dale  is  made  vocal  again, 

With  the  soul-thrilling  cry  of  "  Our  Country  Forever  !" 

The  flag  of  the  free  to  the  breeze  is  unfurl'd, 
Around  it  they  rally  to  guard  its  fair  fame; 

And  well  may  the  foes  of  corruption  be  bold, 

In  the  glory  and  strength  of  their  Harrison's  name. 

Where  the  noble  Ohio  in  wild  beauty  sweeps; 

Where  the  swift  Susquehanna  bears  onward  its  waves, 
And  e'en  where  the  Hudson  in  calm  grandeur  sleeps, 

There  are  thousands  of  freemen  who  scorn  to  be  slaves. 

Arouse  then,  true  hearts!  to  the  battle  once  more! 

And  the  spoilers  shall  quail  at  your  gallant  array! 
Despair  fades  behind  us — Hope's  morn  dawns  before! 

It  will  brighten  full  soon  to  a  shadowless  day. 


A    LOG   CABIN    LYRIC. 

Sons  of  freedom,  awake!  your  wild  slogan  is  pealing, 

And  hark  to  the  voice  of  prophetic  revealing. 

If  ye  sleep  on  in  peace — if  ye  rouse  not  the  nation, 

And  fight  as  of  yore  for  your  country's  salvation; 

Then  the  lightnings  of  freedom  forever  are  clouded, 

And  her  war-shiver'd  fanes  shall  in  darkness  be  shrouded. 

Lo!  the  Genius  of  Union    from  her  airy  flight  stooping; 
Flings  the  mists  of  the  clouds  from  her  swift  pinion  swoop- 
ing ; 

And  the  roll  of  her  war  cry  our  foes  is  appalling, 
As  her  oft  shielded  sons  to  her  rescue  she's  calling. 
Rouse!    lovers  of  law — of  your  rights — and  of  nation, 
E'er  ye  mourn  in  the  dust  of  your  own  desolation. 


96  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

Look!  see  ye  not  on  your  mountains  now  gleaming, 

The  watch-fires  of  liberty  brightly  there  beaming? 

Stay  not  to  hail  the  first  beams  of  to-morrow, 

Ye  may  read  by  its  light  naught  but  trouble  and  sorrow, 

For  the  fire-cross  has  sped  over  valley  and  plain, 

And  the  clans  of  Columbia  are  summoned  again. 

And   the   king   bird    glares  fierce  through   the  dim,  misty 

morning, 

As  the  flash  of  his  keen  arrowy  glance  is  discovering, 
Where  creeps  those   vile  vipers  who  his  eyrie  entwining. 
Dared  to  blot  with  their  slime  a  fair  star-gem  there  shining. 
And  his  crest  glows  more  bright,  as  he  proudly  deriding, 
The  hiss  of  these  reptiles  on  the  tempest  is  riding. 

See!  the  stars  in  our  flag  shed  no  longer  a  ray, 

For  they  mourn  their  bright  sister  torn  ruthless  away, 

In  honor  no  more  shall  they  float  o'er  the  main, 

'Till  New  Jersey's  lost  Pleiade  shall  be  hailed  there  again. 

Oh!  why  did  they  snatch  her  fair  gem  from  its  station, 

And  alone  leave  the  stripe  of  her  own  degradation? 

Then  freemen,  awake, 

And  your  fetters  now  break! 
Down,  down  with  the  tyrant,  and  dare  to  be  free. 


NEW    HARRISON    SONG. 
AIR,  "A  Life  on  the  Ocean    Wave." 

Awake  to  the  stirring  sound! 

Hark,  hark,  to  the  loud  alarms! 
A  shout  on  the  breeze  is  heard — 

'Tis  the  people  up  in  arms! 
Then  rouse  to  the  rescue,  rouse! 

In  a  body,  all  as  one — 
Let  your  watchword  be,  "  Our  Rights! 

And  your  war-cry  "  Harrison!  " 

Awake,  etc. 

In  vain  did  our  father's  toil 

And  fight  for  the  rights  of  man, 
If  tyrants  may  scorn  us  now, 

And  to  take  our  freedom  plan, 
We'll  let  them  know  we'll  fight 

For  the  cause  our  sires  have  won, 
And  our  shout  shall  go  forth  aloud, 

"The  people  and  Harrison!" 
Awake,  etc. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  97 

Let  us  teach  those  men  in  power 

What  they  seem  not  now  to  know, 
That  they  cannot  stay  an  hour, 

When  the  people  utter,  "Go!" 
Then  up  and  with  the  shout  again, 

Press  the  cry  of  victory  on — 
"  The  rights  which  our  fathers  gave, 

The  people  and  Harrison!" 

Awake,  etc. 


LINES  TO  NEW  JERSEY. 

BALTIMORE,  July  28,  1840. 
GENERAL  GREEN  : 

DEAR  SIR:  I  am  a  Jerseyman.  I  have  been  absent  from  my  native  State 
now  for  about  two  years,  but  had  it  been  twenty  instead  of  two,  I  could 
not  feel  otherwise  than  anxious  for  her  welfare.  In  looking  over  one  of  the 
morning  papers  of  to-day,  I  saw  an  account  of  the  reception  of  the  rejected 
members  of  Congress  at  New  Brunswick,  some  day  last  week.  The  writer, 
speaking  of  the  banners  displayed  upon  that  occasion,  says,  "  There  was 
one  of  remarkable  beauty  and  exquisite  workmanship,  worked  by  the  ladies 
of  New  Jersey,  and  presented  by  them  to  the  Tippecanoe  club  of  New 
Brunswick."  We  had  not  time  to  inspect  the  banner,  nor  to  copy  the  inscrip- 
tions, but  as  it  spread  its  folds  to  the  breeze,  we  could  discover  that  the 
battle  of  Princeton,  and  an  obliterated  star,  formed  a  part  of  the  emblems. 
I  cannot  describe  to  you  the  feelings  that  rose  in  my  breast  at  the  time,  nor 
do  I  wish  to  trouble  you  with  a  recital  of  all  that  I  felt ;  suffice  it  to  say  that 
I  determined  to  make  an  effort  in  the  cause  of  the  soil  on  which  I  first  drew 
my  breath,  and  the  following  lines  were  the  result : 

And  is  it  so?  has  that  bright  star  then  faded? 

Is  Trenton,  Monmouth,  Princeton,  all  forgot? 
The  mangled  victim  of  the  field  invaded; 

And  must  it  be  that  they  have  bled  for  naught? 

The  gore  that  dyed  thy  shores — groans  of  the  dying, 
The  widow's  tears — the  orphan's  helpless  wail, 

The  anguished  mother  for  her  children  crying — 

Thy  wrongs  were  then  revenged,  though  now  ye  fail. 

Where  now  the  spirit  that  thy  son's  once  boasted? 

Where  now  the  sons  of  those  who  for  thee  bled? 
Has  all  the  valor  of  their  sires  departed? 

And  is  thy  glory  buried  with  the  dead? 

Oh  shame  upon  the  recreant  who  would  waver, 
Or  dare  to  falter  in  so  just  a  cause; 


98  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

The  State  disowns  the  sons  who  will  not  save  her, 
From  foes  alike  to  freedom  and  its  laws. 

E'en  now  the  gallant  sons  of  sister  States, 
Are  gazing  on  thee,  anxious  for  thy  good, 

'Gainst  common  enemies  they'll  join  their  fates, 
But  would  not  help  thee  now,  e'en  if  they  could. 

No!    when  thy  sons  have  dastard  like,  allowed 
Their  chosen  servants,  by  their  laws  elected, 

Bearing  thy  seal  (of  which  they  once  were  proud), 
To  be  'gainst  right  and  reason  disrespected; 

When  this  they've  done — when  freedom's  fire  has  faded — 
When  cowards  tread  the  soil  where  heroes  trod — 

When  that  is  lost  which  now  is  but  invaded — 

And  they  have  recreant  proved  to  man  and  God — 

Who  then  would  aid  thee?   or  thy  sons  in  need? 

Who'd  heal  thy  wrongs?   or  strive  to  hide  thy  shame? 
None!   none!  would  own  thee  after  such  a  deed; 

And  foul  reproach  would  fasten  on  thy  name. 

But  no!   it  cannot  be — land  of  my  birth! 

And  thou — my  brothers — say,  shall  this  foul  stain, 
This  incubus  that  bows  thee  to  the  earth, 

Say?   shall  this  damning  blot  of  shame  remain! 

No!  by  thy  blood-bought  freedom  I  adjure  thee, 
By  honor,  fame,  by  hope  of  Heaven  s  rest; 

By  those  who  bled  and  died  but  to  secure  thee, 
The  sacred  rights  that  from  thee  now  they'd  wrest; 

Arouse  thee!   to  the  strife!  that  banner  waving, 

Point  to  the  space  where  once  thy  star  shone  bright, 

Blanch  not!   but  to  the  breach!  all  danger  braving, 
Show  to  the  world  ye  dare  maintain  your  right. 


THE  BOSTON  TIPPECANOE  CLUB  SONG. 
AIR,  "O!  'Tis  My  Delight." 

Did  you  ever  see  the  paintings 

Just  front  of  Concert  Hall? 
There's  something  there  of  every  kind 

For  Locos,  Whigs  and  all — 
There's  Harrison,  the  farmer  brave, 

Who  beat  his  country's  foe; 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  99 

O!  we'll  win  beneath  his  banner 

Who  conquered  long  ago. 
O!  we'll  win  beneath  his  banner 

Who  conquered  long  ago. 

There's  all  the  story  Johnson  tells 

About  the  brave  old  chief, 
Who  ever  at  his  country's  call 

Came  first  to  her  relief — 
Who  never  left  the  battle-field, 

But  he  might  victory  know. 
O !  we'll  win  beneath  his  banner 

Who  conquered  long  ago. 

O !  we'll  win,  etc. 

Who  says  that  Gen'ral  Harrison 

Was  ever  found  behind, 
"When  rifle  balls  were  whizzing  past,"* 

And  death  rode  on  4he  wind? 
He  always  bravely  led  the  van, 

To  deal  the  victor's  blow; 
O !  we'll  win  beneath  his  banner 

Who  conquered  long  ago. 

O!  we'll  win,  etc. 

But  soon  another  victory 

The  gallant  chief  will  gain, 
Though  'tis  not  o'er  the  savage  foe, 

Or  on  the  battle  plain — 
For  dread  misrule,  with  fearful  band, 

He  soon  will  overthrow; 
O !  we'll  win  beneath  his  banner 

Who  conquered  long  ago. 

O !  we'll  win,  etc. 


THE  IRISHMAN'S  SONG. 

AIR,  " Sprig  a?  Shillelak  and  Shamrock  so  Green." 

Success  to  the  man  at  that  place  called  North  Bend, 
Bad  luck  to  the  spalpeen  who  would  not  defend 
The  fame  and  the  name  of  Old  Tippecanoe. 
His  heart  for  his  country  has  ever  beat  true, 
Her  interest  and  honor  were  ever  his  view, 
Whether  fighting  her  battles  or  guarding  her  pelt, 

*  S«e  Col.  R.  M.  Johnson's  speech. 


ioo  Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

Sure  its  little  he  cared  for  his  own  noble  self — 
And  such  is  the  hero  of  Tippecanoe. 

Sure  you've  heard  of  that  little  fond  called  St.  Clair, 
And  that  nate  little  river  that  empties  in  there; 
To  the  banks  of  that  river  marched  Tippecanoe, 
Och!  there  he  found  Proctor  with  all  his  big  troops, 
With  bastes  of  wild  Indians,  with  screaming  and  whoops; 
For  the  scalps  of  our  boys,   Och!  they  sharpened  their 

knives, 

In  hopes  to  make  widows  of  all  their  swate  wives, 
And  take  off  the  scalp  of  Old  Tippecanoe. 

But  you  should  have  been  there,  at  that  nate  little  place, 

To  have  seen  the  red  coats  turn  the  "right-about  face!  " 

From  the  brave  Yankee  boys,  under  Tippecanoe, 

And  very  soon  after  they  got  on  the  trail, 

(A  devil  a  bit  could  you  see  but  the  tail!) 

Those  red  looking  blackguards,  without  any  clothes, 

Show'd  a  set  of  clean  heels,  as  you  may  suppose, 

And  got  but  few  scalps  from  Old  Tippecanoe. 

Success  to  the  hero!  Och!  sure  would  we  sing, 
Who  trimm'd  the  red  coats  of  that  foolish  old  king 
Who  sent  Proctor  to  fight  that  same  Tippecanoe. 
Long  life,  too,  to  Johnson,  who  fought  on  that  day, 
And  killed  that  big  savage  called  Tecumseh; 
May  each  true  hearted  boy,  in  this  land  of  the  free, 
Whether  Yankee  or  Irish,  just  sing  out  with  me, 
Hurrah!  for  the  Hero  of  Tippecanoe. 


SONG. 

[Written  for  the  Celebration  of  the  sth  of  May,   1840,  at  St.  Louis.] 
AIR,  "Rosin  the  Bo-w" 

Come  all  ye  young  men  of  Missouri, 
And  all  ye  gray  headed  ones  too, 

Turn  out  on  this  bright  day  of  glory, 
And  shout  for  Old  Tippecanoe, 

And  shout  for  Old  Tippecanoe,  etc. 

When  red  foes  our  country  invaded, 
He  boldly  stepped  forward  for  you, 

And  though  red  coats  were  boldly  paraded, 
They  ran  from  Old  Tippecanoe, 

They  ran  from  Old  Tippecanoe,  etc. 


Tippecanoe  Songs  of  1840.  101 

And  if  ever  again  they  attack  us, 

Which  just  now  there's  a  chance  they  may  do, 
Let's  have  the  right  spirit  to  back  us, 

The  spirit  of  Tippecanoe, 

The  spirit  of  Tippecanoe,  etc. 

Van  Buren  may  do  to  spend  money, 

Price  or  Swartwout  would  just  as  well  do, 

For  like  drones  they  eat  up  all  the  honey, 
But  there's  work  in  Old  Tippecanoe, 

But  there's  work,  etc. 

Dark  clouds  are  now  gathering  o'er  us, 
There's  nought  but  disaster  in  view, 

But  they'll  fly  at  the  loud  echoed  chorus, 
Of — hurrah  for  Old  Tippecanoe! 

Of— hurrah,  etc. 

Then  let  all  with  new  vigor  inspired, 
Stand  firm  to  their  posts  and  be  true, 

And  the  vessels  by  gold  mint  drops  hired 
Can  ne'er  keep  out  Old  Tippecanoe, 

Can  ne'er  keep  out,  etc. 

Come  along  to  this  log-cabin  raising, 

The  ladies  will  all  be  there  too, 
And  bright  eyes  will  sparkle  in  praising 

Our  choice  of  Old  Tippecanoe, 

Our  choice,  etc. 

Van  Buren  may  quaff  his  Madeira, 

Hock,  Sherry,  and  Burgundy  too, 
But  hard  cider  to  us  is  far  dearer, 

It  reminds  us  of  Tippecanoe, 

It  reminds  us,  etc. 

And  his  health  shall  be  pledged  in  full  glasses, 
Toasts  will  spring  from  each  heart  that  is  true, 

Like  nectar  'twill  seem  as  it  passes, 
'Tis  the  drink  of  Old  Tippecanoe, 

'Tis  the  drink,  etc. 

When  you  come  to  this  log-cabin  raising, 

Bring  along  honest  Democrats  too; 
Tom  Benton  can't  keep  them  from  praising 

The  deeds  of  Old  Tippecanoe, 

The  deeds,  etc. 


IO2  7^ippecanoe  Songs  of  1840. 

For  those  deeds  are  remembered  in  story, 
Yet  still  there  is  much  he  will  do, 

And  our  country  will  add  to  her  glory, 
By  electing  Old  Tippecanoe, 

By  electing,  etc. 

And  when  at  our  helm  he  is  seated, 
Sunshine  will  again  be  in  view, 

And  Columbia  with  honor  be  greeted, 
Commanded  by  Tippecanoe, 

Commanded,  etc. 


BY  THE    SAME   AUTHOR. 


HISTORY  OF  KNOX   COUNTY,  OHIO, 


ANNALS    OF    KENYON. 


LIFE    OF    SAM    HOUSTON. 


HENRY    CLAY    AND    HIS    FRIENDS, 


RHUS. 


THE    WHIG    PARTY, 


ITS  LEADERS  AND  PRINCIPLES. 


NEMESIS  OF  THE   REBELLION, 


THE  UNIONISTS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 


PLEASE  DO  NOT  REMOVE 
CARDS  OR  SLIPS  FROM  THIS  POCKET 

: 

UNIVERSITY  OF  TORONTO  LIBRARY 


E 

390 
N88 
1888 


Norton,  A.  B.  (Anthony  Banning) 

The  Tippecanoe  campaign  of 
1840